戈尔巴乔夫改革方案失败

1990 · 专栏 · 原文约 658 词
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米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫的新经济改革方案注定失败。在关键时刻,他退缩了;原因并不完全清楚。眼下,一个彻底改造经济、并深远革新苏联社会的历史性机遇已经错失。但这一机会有可能再次来临,因为接下来必然会出现更严重的政治和经济混乱。而这可能迫使戈尔巴乔夫接受他现在拒绝的东西——除非一场军事政变把他赶下台。

Mikhail Gorbachev’s new economic reform program is destined to fail. At the crucial moment, he flinched; it is not wholly clear why. For the moment, a historic opportunity to reform the economy, with far-reaching renovation of Soviet society, has been lost. But that opportunity may come again, for it is certain that even worse political and economic chaos will follow. And that may force Mr. Gorbachev to accept what he now rejects—unless a military coup removes him from the scene.

尽管戈尔巴乔夫的计划包含了斯坦尼斯拉夫·沙塔林教授提出的激进自由市场改革方案的许多内容,但它回避了关键问题。沙塔林方案本应摧毁旧的权力中心,代之以一个能赢得民众效忠的新权力中心。实现这一目标的手段是将经济权力移交给各共和国,同时将这些权力授予一个新设立的中央机构:跨区域经济委员会。

Although Mr. Gorbachev’s program incorporates many features of the radical free-market reform plan advanced by Prof. Stanislav S. Shatalin, it dodges the key point. The plan would have destroyed the old power center and replaced it with a new one that could have gained popular allegiance. This was to be accomplished by transferring economic powers to the republics and concurrently delegating those powers to a newly created central organ: the inter- regional economic committee.

戈尔巴乔夫仍然依赖那个信誉扫地的现有权力结构,这个结构建立在共产党和中央决策的基础上。由于它执着于权力和特权,它无法管理变革,也永远无法重新赢得公众的信任。

Mr. Gorbachev still relies on the discredited existing power structure, based on the Communist Party and central decision-making. Because of its commitment to power and privilege, it cannot manage change and can never regain public confidence.

10 月 1 日,戈尔巴乔夫获得了紧急经济权力。如果 15 个共和国也将类似权力授予它们的代表,跨区域委员会就能在新的基础上建立一个经济联盟。这是一个绝妙的想法。该委员会通过与令人憎恨的官僚机构作斗争,能够赢得民众支持。它将大幅削减政府预算,并率先推动私有化。

On Oct 1, Mr. Gorbachev was given emergency economic powers. If the 15 republics voted similar powers to their representatives, the inter-regional committee would be able to create an economic federation on a new basis. This was a brilliant idea. The committee would have gathered popular support by battling the hated bureaucracy. It would have severely curtailed the Government budget and spearheaded privatization.

一个全国性的独立中央银行——参照我们的联邦储备体系建立——本应设立起来。中央和各共和国政府都不允许通过直接向该银行借款来弥补财政赤字。随着稳健的财政和货币政策的建立,卢布本应变成可兑换货币:这是迈向市场经济的关键第一步。

An independent central bank for the whole country, patterned after our Federal Reserve system, would have been set up. Neither the central nor republics’ governments would have been allowed to finance their deficits by borrowing directly from it. With the establishment of firm fiscal and monetary policies, the ruble would have been turned into convertible currency: the essential first step toward a market economy.

沙塔林方案远非完美:它有可能引发失控的通胀和失业。但方案的起草者认为,在取消消费补贴并要求民众做出牺牲之前,中央当局必须先向私人出售土地、车辆、建筑和企业等国有资产。戈尔巴乔夫似乎理解他们的逻辑,并在议会辩论中站在了方案一边。但在最后一刻,官僚机构占了上风。当时沙塔林正在美国访问,无法亲自陈述他的观点。

The Shatalin plan was far from perfect: it risked runaway inflation and unemployment. But the authors argued that before removing consumer subsidies and asking the populace to make sacrifices, the central authorities must sell off such state assets as lands, vehicles, buildings and businesses to private citizens. Mr. Gorbachev seemed to understand their logic, and sided with the plan in parliamentary debate. At the last minute, the bureaucracy prevailed. Mr. Shatalin, traveling in the U.S. could not make his case in person.

官僚机构辩称,作为委员会中唯一没有共和国支持的成员,戈尔巴乔夫在赢得民众支持方面将过于依赖他的对手、俄罗斯总统鲍里斯·叶利钦。这种说法是错误的,因为作为委员会负责人,戈尔巴乔夫本应成为民众支持的新焦点。但建立新权力中心的想法让那些将要丢掉饭碗的人无法容忍,他们很可能在军队和克格勃的帮助下,说服了戈尔巴乔夫委托旧派人士来执行方案。

The bureaucracy argued that Mr. Gorbachev, as the sole committee member without the backing of any republic, would have become too dependent on his rival Boris Yeltsin, the Russian Republic’s president, for popular support. That argument was false because Mr. Gorbachev as head of the committee, would have become a new focus for popular backing. But the idea of a new power center was intolerable to those who would lose their jobs, and with the probable help of the army and K.G.B., they persuaded Mr. Gorbachev to entrust the old guard with execution of the plan.

这意味着方案的核心——跨区域委员会——将无法落实,因为各共和国不会把必要的权力授予那些信誉扫地的旧人。中央与共和国之间的裂痕将继续存在,政府推出的措施也缺乏公众支持。这个国家希望走向市场经济,在戈尔巴乔夫方案失败之后,它可能仍会获得一次机会。只有待市场选择被充分尝试并以失败告终后,民意才会转向相反的方向。到那时,这个忍无可忍的国家可能已经准备接受铁腕独裁。

This means the centerpiece of the plan, the inter-regional committee, will not be implemented, because the republics will not delegate the necessary powers to the old discredited hands. The rift between the center and republics will continue and the measures introduced by the Government will lack public support The nation wants to move toward a market economy and may yet be given a chance after the Gorbachev plan fizzles. Only after the market option has been fully played out and has failed will public opinion swing in the opposite direction. At that point the fed-up nation people may be ready for a hardline dictatorship.

西方有义务向戈尔巴乔夫提供紧急援助,但必须认识到他的经济妥协方案不会奏效。西方只能等待政治局势的演变。与此同时,它应当提供一切可能的技术援助和培训,为某一天可能再次实施的新版沙塔林方案做好准备。

The West is obliged to give Mr. Gorbachev emergency aid but must recognize that his economic compromise won’t work. It can only wait for the political situation to evolve. In the meantime, it ought to provide all possible technical assistance and training to prepare for the day when a new version of the Shatalin plan may yet be implemented.