布什膨胀的优越感
标题:布什膨胀的优越感
年份:2003 年
类型:专栏
等级:A1
来源网址:https://www.georgesoros.com/2003/03/14/bushs-inflated-sense-of-supremacy/
美英军队即将入侵伊拉克,世界其他地区绝大多数国家都表示反对。然而,萨达姆·侯赛因普遍被视为一个必须解除武装的暴君,联合国安理会也一致要求他公开并销毁其大规模杀伤性武器。问题出在哪里?
With U.S. and British troops poised to invade Iraq, the rest of the world is overwhelmingly opposed. Yet Saddam Hussein is generally seen as a tyrant who must be disarmed and the United Nations Security Council has unanimously demanded that he disclose and destroy his weapons of mass destruction. What has gone wrong?
伊拉克是布什主义首次被付诸实践的案例,并引发了强烈的过敏反应。这一主义建立在两大支柱之上:第一,美国将竭尽全力维持不容置疑的军事霸权;第二,它自行赋予先发制人的行动权。这两大支柱支撑起两个主权等级:美国主权凌驾于国际条约之上;而其他所有国家的主权则必须服从布什主义。这让人想起乔治·奥威尔的《动物农场》:所有动物一律平等,但有些动物比别的动物更加平等。
Iraq is the first instance in which the Bush doctrine is being applied and it is provoking an allergic reaction. The doctrine is built on two pillars: first, the US will do everything in its power to maintain unquestioned military supremacy; second, it arrogates the right to pre-emptive action. These pillars support two classes of sovereignty: American sovereignty, which takes precedence over international treaties; and the sovereignty of all other states, which is subject to the Bush doctrine. This is reminiscent of George Orwell’s Animal Farm: all animals are equal but some are more equal than others.
布什主义的根基是这样一种信念——国际关系就是权力关系;合法性与正当性不过是装饰品。这种信念并非全无道理,但它把现实的一个侧面——军事力量——夸大了,而排斥了其他方面。
The Bush doctrine is grounded in the belief that international relations are relations of power; legality and legitimacy are decorations. This belief is not entirely false but it exaggerates one aspect of reality—military power—at the exclusion of others.
我发现布什政府追求美国霸权的过程,与股市的繁荣-萧条周期或泡沫如出一辙。泡沫不会凭空产生,它们建立在坚实的现实基础之上,但这种现实被错误观念扭曲了。在这个案例中,美国的支配地位是现实,而对霸权的追求则是错误观念。现实会强化错误观念,但最终现实与对其错误解读之间的鸿沟将变得不可持续。在自我强化的阶段,这种错误观念可能会被检验并进一步固化。这扩大了鸿沟,最终导致逆转。逆转来得越晚,后果就越具破坏性。
I see a parallel between the Bush administration’s pursuit of American supremacy and a boom-bust process or bubble in the stock market. Bubbles do not grow out of thin air. They have a solid basis in reality but reality is distorted by misconception. In this case, the dominant position of the US is the reality, the pursuit of supremacy the misconception. Reality can reinforce the misconception but eventually the gap between reality and its false interpretation becomes unsustainable. During the self-reinforcing phase, the misconception may be tested and reinforced. This widens the gap leading to an eventual reversal. The later it comes, the more devastating the consequences.
这一系列事件看似势不可挡,但繁荣-萧条的过程可以在任何阶段被中断,而且很少有市场能达到近期股市泡沫那样的极端程度。越早中断这个过程越好。这就是我对布什政府追求美国霸权做法的看法。
This course of events seems inexorable but a boom-bust process can be aborted at any stage and few of them reach the extremes of the recent stock market bubble. The sooner the process is aborted, the better. This is how I view the Bush administration’s pursuit of American supremacy.
乔治·W·布什总统上任时,带着一套基于市场原教旨主义和军事力量的连贯战略。但在 2001 年 9 月 11 日之前,他既没有明确的政治授权,也没有一个定义清晰的敌人。恐怖袭击改变了一切。恐怖主义是理想的敌人。它看不见摸不着,因此永远不会消失。一个构成真实且公认威胁的敌人能有效地让一个国家团结起来。当主流意识形态建立在毫不掩饰地追求自身利益之上时,这一点尤其有用。布什政府有意制造恐惧,因为这有助于让国家团结在总统身后。我们早已远离了富兰克林·D·罗斯福的格言:我们唯一要害怕的,就是害怕本身。
President George W. Bush came into office with a coherent strategy based on market fundamentalism and military power. But before September 11, 2001 he lacked a clear mandate or a well-defined enemy. The terrorist attack changed all that. Terrorism is the ideal enemy. It is invisible and therefore never disappears. An enemy that poses a genuine and recognized threat can effectively hold a nation together. That is particularly useful when the prevailing ideology is based on the unabashed pursuit of self-interest. Mr. Bush’s administration deliberately fosters fear because it helps to keep the nation lined up behind the president. We have come a long way from Franklin D. Roosevelt’s dictum that we have nothing to fear but fear itself.
但反恐战争绝不能成为美国外交政策的指导原则。如果地球上最强大的国家只专注于自我保护,世界将会变成什么样?
But the war on terrorism cannot be accepted as the guiding principle of US foreign policy. What will happen to the world if the most powerful country on earth is solely preoccupied with self-preservation?
布什政府的政策已经造成了严重的、未预料到的负面后果。大西洋联盟陷入混乱,欧盟内部出现分裂。美国就像一个充满恐惧的巨人,到处炫耀武力。阿富汗虽已解放,但除喀布尔外,法律和秩序尚未建立。巴以冲突持续恶化。在伊拉克之外,朝鲜的威胁更为危险,日益迫近。
The Bush policies have already caused severe unintended adverse consequences. The Atlantic Alliance is in a shambles and the European Union divided. The US is a fearful giant throwing its weight around. Afghanistan has been liberated but law and order have not been established beyond Kabul. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict festers. Beyond Iraq, an even more dangerous threat looms in North Korea.
全球经济正陷入衰退,股市步入熊市,美元持续走弱。在美国,财政状况从盈余急转直下变为赤字。很难找到另一个时期,政治经济形势恶化得如此之快。
The global economy is in recession, stocks are in a bear market and the dollar is in decline. In the US, there has been a dramatic shift from budget surplus to deficit. It is difficult to find a time when political and economic conditions have deteriorated as rapidly.
游戏尚未结束。在伊拉克速战速决且伤亡有限,可能会引发局面的大逆转。油价可能下跌;股市可能欢呼;消费者可能克服焦虑、恢复消费;企业则可能因此加大资本支出。美国将结束对沙特石油的依赖,以巴冲突也可能变得更容易处理,与朝鲜的谈判也能在不丢面子的情况下启动。这正是布什先生所指望的局面。
The game is not yet over. A rapid victory in Iraq with little loss of life could cause a dramatic reversal. The price of oil could fall; the stock market could celebrate; consumers could overcome their anxieties and resume spending; and business could respond by stepping up capital expenditure. America would end its dependency on Saudi Arabian oil, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict could become more tractable and negotiations with North Korea could be started without a loss of face. This is what Mr. Bush is counting on.
在伊拉克取得军事胜利倒是容易的部分。真正应该让我们三思的是紧随其后的事。在一个繁荣与萧条交替的过程中,通过早期的考验往往会强化催生这种过程的错误观念。这一幕在这里也可能上演。
Military victory in Iraq would be the easy part. It is what follows that should give us pause. In a boom-bust process, passing an early test tends to reinforce the misconception that has given rise to it. That could happen here.
现在阻止繁荣-萧条进程失控还为时不晚。联合国安理会可以给武器核查留出更多时间。如果伊拉克不配合,可以减少该地区的军事存在——如果伊拉克拒绝再增兵。可以在夏末发动入侵。联合国将赢得一场胜利。这正是法国所提议的,而英国仍有可能让它实现。但希望渺茫;布什先生实际上已经宣战了。
It is not too late to prevent the boom-bust process from getting out of hand. The Security Council could allow more time for weapons inspections. Military presence in the region could be reduced—and bolstered if Iraq balks. An invasion could be mounted at summer’s end. The UN would score a victory. That is what the French propose and the British could still make it happen. But the chances are slim; Mr. Bush has practically declared war.
我们希望,如果真的发生战争,那将是速战速决、伤亡最少的。除掉侯赛因先生是件好事,但布什先生的做法必须受到谴责。如果人类要取得任何进步,美国必须扮演更具建设性的角色。
Let us hope that if there is war, it will be swift and claim few lives. Removing Mr. Hussein is a good thing, yet the way Mr. Bush is going about it must be condemned. America must play a more constructive role if humanity is to make any progress.