集体的智慧与奇思妙想
Michael J. Mauboussin 美盛资本管理公司首席投资策略师,巴尔的摩
Michael J. Mauboussin Chief Investment Strategist Legg Mason Capital Management Baltimore
关于金融市场是否有效,这场争论已经激烈进行了几十年。
The debate over whether financial markets are efficient has raged for decades.
市场有效性的支持者指出,战胜市场很难,以此佐证自己的观点;反对者则指出,错误定价频繁出现,以此支撑自己的主张。破解这个两难困境的关键,或许就藏在群体决策的动态变化之中。
Proponents of market efficiency point to the difficulty of outperforming markets to support their view, whereas opponents note the frequency of mispricings to support theirs. The resolution to the dilemma may lie in the dynamics of group decision making.
我的雄心壮志是统一两个看似不可调和的对立阵营。第一个阵营由相信市场有效的人组成,其中包含许多学者和投资行业的杰出人物,其实际建议源于投资者之间互动所产生的看似矛盾的特质,而这些特质无法通过观察投资者个体本身来预见。我喜欢从三个层面思考这个问题,每个层面都有各自的分析单位。
t is my ambitious goal to unify two seemingly and characteristics that emerge from the interaction I irreconcilable camps. The first camp consists of of investors that cannot be anticipated by looking at people who believe markets are efficient. This group the underlying investors themselves. I like to think includes many academics and investment industry about this issue on three levels, each with its own luminaries. The practical recommendation from this unit of analysis.
一派主张买入指数基金就行了,这确实对大多数人是非常好的建议。我们必须首先考虑心理学——分析层面是个体,分析单位也是个个体。接下来,我们必须理解社会心理学——分析层面是群体,分析单位是个体。通过审视这些层面,我们试图理解个体如何在其中运作。第二派包括行为金融学领域的人,他们认为人的行为并非最优,从而造成了所谓的市场异象。我试图将这两派调和起来,提出市场是一个复杂自适应系统。这个观点之所以有说服力,原因有很多:首先,它让我们得以放宽……
camp is simply to buy an index fund, which is, We must first consider psychology, in which indeed, very good advice for most people. The sec- the level is the individual and the unit of analysis ond camp includes people in the behavioral finance is the individual. Next, we must understand social group, who argue that people behave suboptimally, psychology, in which the level of analysis is the creating so-called market anomalies. I am going to group and the unit of analysis is the individual. By try to reconcile these two camps by proposing that looking at these levels, we are attempting to gain the market is a complex adaptive system. This is a an understanding of how individuals operate as compelling First, it view forus allows a number to relaxofthe reasons:
假设一个群体中的部分成员。
assumption of parts of a group.
最后一个层面是社会学,研究群体理性——无论是对所有投资者、甚至只是一小群套利者——以及群体的行为方式。在这里,分析单位是群体。顺便提一句,请注意,这些全都
The final level is sociology, which studies groups rationality either for all investors or even a sub- and how groups behave. Here, the unit of analysis is set of arbitrageurs. the group. Notice, by the way, that these are all
• 第二,它阐明了市场在哪些条件下倾向于有效,在哪些条件下又无效——这两者是截然不同的规律,我们必须谨慎区分。我的看法是,许多市场无效现象在很大程度上是社会性的。
• Second, it sets out conditions under which mar- distinct disciplines, and we should be very careful kets tend to be efficient and conditions under about maintaining these distinctions. My view is that which markets are inefficient. many market inefficiencies are largely sociological.
• 最后,它能适配经验现实,尤其是肥尾的价格分布(译者注:指极端事件发生概率高于正态分布预期的现实情况)。
• Finally, it accommodates empirical realities, particularly fat-tailed price distributions.
我将首先讨论市场效率的经典均值-方差和无套利机会解释。让我从一个关于市场效率的常识性观察开始:主动管理型基金很难跑赢市场——自从有人追踪主动管理者的业绩以来,这一直是事实。这未必意味着市场在任何技术意义上都是有效率的,但它确实表明市场在实际操作中是有效率的。也就是说,不存在简单、系统性的方法可以跑赢市场。
相反,我们确实会看到周期性的、有时是戏剧性的市场过度行为。效率市场假说的支持者很难辩称,1990 年代末的互联网时代是一个市场在资产价格无偏估计资产价值的意义上具有效率的时期。
有些人想知道,我们是否可以通过把个体参与者的行为加总起来理解市场。换句话说,市场是不是牛顿式的(或还原论的),即整体必须等于各部分之和?我相信这个问题的答案是响亮的不。市场具有作为复杂适应系统的特性。最后,我将用我称之为“集体的任性”的概念来总结,这个概念解释了为什么市场会周期性地走向极端。
I will first discuss the classic mean–variance and no-arbitrage-opportunity explanations for market Let me start with a common sense observation about efficiency. Then, I will explain the concept of markets market efficiency: It is clearly hard for active manag-as a complex adaptive system. Finally, I will wrap up ers to outperform the market, which has been true for with what I call the “whims of the collective,” which as long as anyone has tracked the results of active explains why markets periodically go to excess. managers. This may not mean that markets are effi-Some wonder whether we can understand the cient in any sort of technical sense, but it does suggest market by adding up the actions of the individual that they are practically efficient. That is, there are no agents. In other words, are markets Newtonian (or simple, systematic ways to outperform the market. reductionist) in the sense that the whole must equal In contrast, we obviously do see periodic, and the sum of the parts? The answer to that question, I sometimes dramatic, excesses. Efficient market pro-believe, is a resounding no. Markets have properties ponents would be hard pressed to argue that the dot-com era of the late 1990s was a time when the This presentation comes from the Efficient Market and Behavioral markets were efficient in the sense that asset prices Finance conference held in Boston on 5–6 June 2007. represented an unbiased estimate of asset values.
最后,有学术证据表明,某些投资者确实能够长期跑赢市场。我在一定程度上低估了其重要性。图 1 面板 A 显示了 1978 年 1 月至 2007 年 3 月期间标普 500 指数实际的每日变化。面板 A 中的实线是价格变化的实际分布。虚线表示基于标准差拟合的正态分布。我个人相信这些人存在,但我完全不认为他们的技能可以转移。从根本上说,有三种方式可以解释市场有效性。第一种方法假设存在理性的市场参与者。
Finally, there is academic evidence that some time that this is not the case but have, to some investors do outperform the market over time. I degree, understated its significance. Panel A of Fig-personally believe these people exist, but I am not ure 1 shows actual daily changes in the S&P 500 at all persuaded that their skill sets are transferable. Index from January 1978 to March 2007. The solid There are essentially three ways to explain line in Panel A is the actual distribution of price market efficiency. The first approach stipulates the changes. The dotted line represents a fitted normal existence of rational market participants who distribution based on the standard deviation of the
理解他们的风险偏好以及回报的分布情况。
understand their risk preferences and the distribu- returnsreturns.
从常态看。
actual Looked atnormal.
资产定价的实际情况欺骗性很强,但为了强调这一点,第二种方法依赖于套利者消除套利机会的能力。这是在正确方向上迈出的重要一步,因为现在我可以放松所有投资者都必须是理性的假设。相反,要实现市场效率,我只需要一部分人——套利者——理性即可。套利者会发现价格差异,并通过买入低估资产、卖出高估资产来纠正这些差异。关于实际分布的非正态程度,在面板 B 中,我们绘制了正态分布与实际结果之间的差异。从这个角度来看,有三个观察结果值得注意。首先,发生微小变动日的数量远超预期。其次,发生中等幅度变动日的数量低于正态分布所预示的。第三,或许也是最重要的一点,发生肥尾日的数量远多于应有水平。如图所示,这里出现了 5、6 和 7 个标准差的事件。
are deceptively in this manner, the actual But to emphasize tion of asset prices and who rationally trade off risk and reward. The second approach relies on the the extent to which the actual distribution is non-ability of arbitrageurs to eliminate arbitrage oppor- normal, in Panel B, we plotted the difference tunities. This is an important step in the right direc- between the normal distribution and the actual tion because now I can relax the assumption that outcomes. With this view, three observations all investors must be rational. Instead, all I really become noteworthy. First, many more small-need to achieve market efficiency is for a subset of change days occurred than expected. Second, fewer the population—arbitrageurs—to be rational. medium-sized-change days occurred than normality suggests. Third, and perhaps most importantly, Arbitrageurs will identify price discrepancies and there were many more fat-tailed days than there move to correct them by buying the undervalued should have been. As can be seen, there are 5, 6, and assets and selling the expensive assets. The third 7 sigma events represented here.
这种方法依赖于“群体的智慧”。毕竟,它实际上是众多个体的集合——这些个体可能理性,也可能不理性——正是通过他们,我们才能得出正确的价格。群体智慧的方法并不排除套利的概念,但也不要求必须存在套利。为了说明尾部事件的重要性有多巨大,我做了一项“淘汰式”研究。图 1 中大约有 7,300 个观察数据点。此期间市场的回报率约为 9.5%(不包括股息)。在实际分布中,
approach relies on the wisdom of crowds. After all, To give a sense of just how important the fat-it is really the aggregation of individuals who may tailed events are, I did a “knockout” study. There or may not be rational that allows us to get to the are roughly 7,300 observations in Figure 1. The right price. The wisdom-of-crowds approach does return in the market during this period was about not exclude the notion of arbitrage, but it does not 9.5 percent (excluding dividends). In the actual dis-require it either.
接下来的问题是,这些方法背后的假设是否合理且经得起实证检验。在我看来,均值-方差方法所依赖的假设两者都不满足。相反,无套利机会的假设至少获得了部分支持。最后,我认为群体智慧法既是一个合理的假设,也具有实证有效性。
tribution, if I knock out the 50 worst days (less than The next question is whether the assumptions 7/10ths of 1 percent of the sample), the return goes supporting each of these approaches are reason-from 9.5 percent to 18.2 percent. These few bad days able and empirically valid. In my opinion, the can have an enormous impact. In contrast, if I knock assumptions underlying the mean–variance out the 50 best days, the return is 1 percent. Just to approach are neither. In contrast, there seems to be give some standard of reference, by simulating a at least mixed support for the no-arbitrage oppor-normal distribution based on these data, if I knock tunity assumption. Finally, I would suggest that out the 50 worst days from my simulation, the the wisdom-of-crowds approach is both a reason-return is 15.2 percent—up from 9.5 percent but able assumption and empirically valid.
远不及 18.2% 这一变化来得引人注目。
much less dramatic than the change to 18.2 percent.
或者,如果去掉涨幅最大的 50 个交易日,均值-方差/市场有效性检验的回报率是 3.5%。我想强调的关键点是假设。传统模型中厚尾事件对市场运作方式的影响有多大,在多大程度上符合长期实证回报?不可避免的结论是,现实情况——不幸的是——并不像人们希望的那样贴近均值-方差框架中固有的正态性假设。考虑一下资本资产定价模型(CAPM),这是一个优雅的理论,但它所代表的正态性假设,对于市场实际运作方式来说,是一种误导性的模型。
Alternatively, if I knock out the 50 best days, return Tests of Mean–Variance/Market Efficiency is 3.5 percent. The point that I want to emphasize is Assumptions. Just how closely does the traditional that fat-tailed events have a material impact on model of how markets work conform to empirical returns over time. The inescapable conclusion is that reality? The answer is, unfortunately, not as close as the assumption of normality inherent in the mean– we would like. Consider the capital asset pricing variance framework represents a misleading model model (CAPM), which is an elegant theory that has of how markets actually work.
过去 30 年里一直被 MBA 学生所学习。
been taught to MBA students for the past 30 years.
但在 1990 年代初期的一篇论文中,尤金·法玛和肯尼斯·弗伦奇支持了(1992)的观点。
But in a paper from the early 1990s, Eugene Fama and The Role of “Sharks.” Most financial econo-Kenneth French support the (1992)
中心预测结论是“SLB 模型[夏普-林特纳-布莱克模型]的‘检验并未真正相信所有市场参与者都是理性的假设。但与此同时,他们也不认为需要如此方能实现市场效率。很大程度上,他们同意我们只需要少数这样的参与者是聪明的,这显然更有可能也更为合理。这里的核心思想是,套利行为会消除它试图利用的机会。本质上,如果两项资产之间的相对定价明显不当,资金雄厚的套利者会买入一项、卖出另一项,从而’”(第 449 页)。最近,法玛和弗伦奇(2004 年)补充说,“[SLB] 模型的实证记录很差——差到足以否定其在应用中的使用方式”(第 25 页)。
重要的是,有效市场假说背后的一个简化假设是,股票价格变化呈正态分布。学者和从业者早已知道
central concluded prediction thatSLB of the “tests do not [Sharpe– mists do not really believe the assumption that all market agents are rational. But at the same time, Lintner–Black] model, that average stock returns are they do not think that needs to be the case to achieve positively related to market β” (p. 449). More recently, market efficiency. For the most part, they agree that Fama and French (2004) added that “the empirical we need only a handful of these agents to be smart, record of the [SLB] model is poor—poor enough to which is obviously much more possible and plausi-invalidate the way it is used in applications” (p. 25). ble. The core idea here is that the act of arbitrage Importantly, one of the simplifying assump- eliminates the very opportunities it seeks to exploit. tions underlying the efficient market hypothesis is Essentially, if two assets are obviously inappropri-that stock price changes are normally distributed. ately priced relative to each other, a well-heeled Academics and practitioners have known for a long arbitrageur will buy one and sell the other, thus
图 1. 频率分布,1978 年 1 月 – 2007 年 3 月
Figure 1. Frequency Distribution, January 1978–March 2007
A. 标普 500 指数日回报率频率分布 频率 300
A. Frequency Distribution of S&P 500 Daily Returns Frequency 300
250
250
200 Actual
200 Actual
| 150 | |||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 100 | |||||||||||
| 拟合值 | |||||||||||
| 50 | |||||||||||
| 0 | |||||||||||
| −10 | −8 | −6 | −4 | −2 | 0 | 2 | 4 | 6 | 8 | 10 | |
| 标准差 |
150 100 Fitted 50 0 −10 −8 −6 −4 −2 0 2 4 6 8 10 Standard Deviation
B. 频率差异:正常日回报率 vs 实际日回报率
B. Frequency Difference: Normal vs. Actual Daily Returns
频率差异 100 80 60 40 20 0 −20 −40 −60 −10 −8 −6 −4 −2 0 2 4 6 8 10 标准差
Difference in Frequency 100 80 60 40 20 0 −20 −40 −60 −10 −8 −6 −4 −2 0 2 4 6 8 10 Standard Deviation
Source: FactSet.
Source: FactSet.
消除了套利机会。值得一提的是,均值–方差框架与消除套利机会是两种根本不同的市场效率方法。斯蒂芬·罗斯在欧洲抵押贷款金融局的演讲中很好地表达了这一观点:新古典金融学是关于鲨鱼的理论,而非关于理性经济人的理论。然而,在流动性强的证券市场中,盈利机会会导致供需之间的无限差异。资金充足的套利者发现这些机会后蜂拥而入,他们的行动抹平了异常的价格差异。理性金融学一直在努力摆脱投资者心理波动的影响。(罗斯,2001 年)理性模型依赖于一般均衡概念,是一种绝对定价模型,它能让市场实现配置效率。相比之下,套利是一种相对定价模型,它不追问价格从何而来,只寻求利用相对价格差异。绝对定价模型与相对定价模型之间的区别,是需要牢记的非常重要的区别。
eliminating the arbitrage opportunity. In an address It is also worth noting the mean–variance to the European Mortgage Finance Agency, Stephen framework and the elimination of arbitrage oppor-Ross expressed this concept well: tunities are fundamentally different approaches to Neoclassical finance is a theory of sharks and market efficiency. The rational model relies on not a theory of rational homo economicus. In notions of general equilibrium and is an absolute-liquid securities markets, though, profit oppor- pricing model. It will allow one to achieve alloca-tunities bring about infinite discrepancies tive efficiency in markets. In contrast, arbitrage is a between demand and supply. Well financed relative-pricing model. It does not ask where prices arbitrageurs spot these opportunities [and] pile on, and by their actions they close aberrant price come from. It only seeks to exploit relative price differentials. Rational finance . . . has worked differentials. The notion that one is absolute and the very hard to rid the field of its sensitivity to the other is relative is a very important distinction to psychological vagaries of investors. (Ross 2001) keep in mind.
行为金融学正确指出了图 2 中存在的套利限制,比如无法做空、缺乏合适的替代品,以及复杂自适应系统的共同特征——全球系统(市场)本身的事实。
Behavioral finance has been correct to point out Figure 2. Common Features of Complex that there are limits to arbitrage, such as the inability Adaptive Systems to short, lack of appropriate substitutes, the fact that Global System (market)
套利并非永远无风险,而且有执行成本。我们同样知道,套利者并非总在我们需要的时候出现。近年来最典型的例子就是 1990 年代末长期资本管理公司(LTCM)的遭遇。关于 LTCM 事件,经济社会学家唐纳德·麦肯齐(Donald MacKenzie)在其著作《引擎而非相机》(An Engine, Not a Camera)中给出了极为深刻的剖析之一(如果你对这些话题感兴趣,我强烈推荐这本书)。他在该书收录的一篇论文中这样写道:
arbitrage is not always riskless, and implementation costs. We also know that arbitrageurs are not always there when we need them. One of the best examples in recent memory is what happened to Long-Term y ti Capital Management (LTCM) in the late 1990s. One iv t of the more thoughtful accounts of the LTCM events id d Emergence through Interaction comes from economic sociologist Donald MacKen- A o zie in his book An Engine Not a Camera (which I N would highly recommend if you are interested in these topics). Here is what he writes in a paper included in the book:
随着“价差”扩大(非活跃发行与活跃发行债券之间),套利机会因此变得更具吸引力,但套利者并未进入市场以缩小价差并恢复“常态”。相反,潜在的套利者继续逃离,导致价差进一步扩大,加剧了那些留在市场中的参与者(如长期资本管理公司 LTCM)的困境。(MacKenzie 2004, p. 30)
众智
让我举几个例子来说明众智。在我于哥伦比亚商学院教授的一门课上,我会传一罐软糖豆,猜中实际数量的学生能获得 20 美元奖金。最近一次课上,罐子里有 1,116 颗软糖豆,集体共识是 1,151 颗——误差仅约 3%。但值得注意的是,73 名学生中只有 2 人比这个集体判断更准确。
均值-方差模型与套利模型代表了现实的合理近似,但也仅仅是部分近似。这两种模型都建立在不可靠的假设上,并且在关键时刻或以关键方式失效。我希望发展出一种对
As “spreads” widened [between off-the-run Investors with Heterogeneous and on-the-run bonds], and thus arbitrage Perspectives and Heuristics opportunities grew more attractive, arbitrageurs did not move into the market, narrow-ing spreads and restoring “normality.” The Wisdom of Crowds Instead, potential arbitrageurs continued to Let me give some examples of the wisdom of flee, widening the spreads and intensifying the crowds. In the class I teach at Columbia Business problems of those who remained, such as School, I pass around a jar of jellybeans, and there is LTCM. (MacKenzie 2004, p. 30) a $20 reward for the student who comes closest to Mean–variance and arbitrage represent reason- guessing the actual number of jellybeans. In the able approximations of reality, but only partly. most recent class, the jellybean jar had 1,116 beans Both of these models rest on implausible assump- and the consensus was 1,151—off by only about 3 tions, and both models fail at critical junctures or in percent. But significantly, only 2 of the 73 students critical ways. I would like to develop an under- did better than the consensus.
对市场的一种理解,能够弥补这些缺陷,并引入市场作为复杂适应系统的概念。下面是另一个我在课堂上使用的例子。大约在奥斯卡颁奖典礼前三周,我会给学生发一张表格。表格正面是六个主要类别,比如最佳女主角、最佳男主角等。背面则是六个较为冷门的类别,比如最佳摄影、最佳配乐——这些很少有人关注的项目。在我最近一次课堂中,群体共识正确预测了 12 个奖项中的 11 个,尽管最好的学生只猜对了 12 个中的 9 个。但更有意思的是,普通学生平均只猜对了 12 个中的 5 个。所以,群体共识远优于平均水平,更重要的是,它甚至优于最优秀的单个个体。值得指出的是,金融市场至少在两个方面与这些例子截然不同。在市场里,不存在正确答案。没有人会在纽约证券交易所停下手头的交易说:“顺便说一下,IBM 确实值每股 120 美元;非常感谢你今天来参与。”同时也没有时间范围。永续性这一维度至关重要。尽管如此,我希望这些例子能让人们感受到,群体的智慧如何能在与市场相关的场景中发挥作用。
复杂适应系统
“复杂”仅仅意味着存在大量的互动。“适应”意味着参与者在变化和演化。“系统”意味着整体大于部分之和。
图 2 展示了一幅可能运作机理的示意图。投资者彼此互动。这种互动的结果,产生了一种突发现象,它具有与底层投资者截然不同的属性和特征。复杂适应系统在自然界和社会中无处不在。例子包括蚁群、神经元活动产生的意识,以及波士顿这座城市。
我想强调的一点是,这些系统中不存在可加性。也就是说,这个系统并非个体参与者的简单加总。相反,宏观系统具有与底层参与者截然不同的属性和特征。
standing of markets that addresses these shortcom- Here is another example I do with my class. ings and introduce the concept of markets as a About three weeks before the Academy Awards, I complex adaptive system. hand the students a form. On the front of the form are six major categories, such as best actress, best Complex Adaptive System actor, and so on. On the back are six much more “Complex” simply means there is a lot of interac- remote categories, such as best cinematography, best music—things that few people pay much attention. “Adaptive” means that the agents change and tion to. Again, in my most recent class, the consen-evolve. “System” means that the whole is greater sus correctly named 11 out of 12 winners, although than the sum of the parts. the best student named only 9 out of 12. More Figure 2 shows a picture of how this might work. interesting, though, the average student guessed Investors interact with one another. As a result of only 5 out of 12 winners. So, the consensus was this interaction, an emergent phenomenon develops vastly better than the average, but more impor-that has properties and characteristics distinct from tantly, it was better than even the best individual. the underlying investors. Complex adaptive sys- It is worth noting that financial markets are very tems are ubiquitous in nature and society. Examples different in at least two ways from these examples. In include ant colonies, consciousness through neuron markets, there is no right answer. No one stops trad-activity, and the City of Boston. ing at the NYSE and says, “By the way, IBM is truly One point I would like to stress is that there is worth $120 a share; thank you very much for showing no additivity in these systems. That is, the system is up today.” There is also no time horizon. The perpe-not the simple sum of the individual participants. tuity dimension is very important. That said, I hope Rather, the macro system has properties and char- these examples give some sense of how the wisdom acteristics distinct from the underlying participants. of crowds can work in market-related settings.
正如你不能通过采访蚂蚁来理解蚁群如何运作,你同样无法通过观察市场中的个体来理解市场如何运作。需要注意的是,一个复杂的适应性系统允许套利者的存在,但与此同时,它并不要求必须有套利者。
Just as you cannot understand how an ant colony An interesting new book that addresses the works by interviewing ants, you cannot understand “why” of the wisdom of crowds is Scott Page’s The the workings of markets by observing individuals Difference (2007). One of Page’s core ideas is the within a market. Note that a complex adaptive sys- “diversity prediction theorem,” which says the Col-tem allows for arbitrageurs, but at the same time, it lective error = Individual error (the ability of the indi-does not require them. vidual) – Prediction diversity (cognitive diversity).
多样预测定理对前面的例子有着重要的启示。(1)集体比集体中的普通人更聪明,这不是有时如此,而是永远如此。这意味着,作为投资者,第三个条件是存在激励——正确有奖,错误有罚。在我们的社会中,金钱激励最为常见,但激励也可以是其他形式,比如声誉方面的。
The diversity prediction theorem has some The third condition is the presence of important implications that can be applied to the incentives—rewards for being right and penalties previous examples. (1) The collective is smarter than for being wrong. In our society, monetary incen-the average person within the collective. Not some- tives are the most common. But incentives can also times, but always. This means that as an investor, be other things, such as reputational.
你必须认识到,如果你在市场价买入或卖出,除非你高于平均水平,否则市场将比你更聪明。在我看来,解决市场有效论争议的关键在于认识到,当以下条件中有一项或多项被违反时,无效性就会占上风:这些条件部分取决于(1)个体能力,部分取决于(2)多样性。因此,多样性在集体准确性中发挥着非常重要的作用。(3)集体通常比其中最优秀的个体还要出色。最可能被违反的条件是多样性,当我们开始以协调一致的方式行动时,这种情况就会发生。
you have to recognize that if you are buying or selling Understanding Diversity Breakdowns. In at the market price, unless you are above average, the my opinion, the key to resolving the market effi-market will be smarter error is determined than in part byyou are.and ability (2) Collective in part by ciency debate relies on recognizing that inefficiency prevails when one or more of these conditions are diversity. Diversity, therefore, plays a very impor- violated. Moreover, the most likely condition to be tant role in collective accuracy. (3) The collective is violated is diversity, which occurs when we start to usually better than even the best of the individuals. act in a coordinated fashion.
要理解群体智慧(wisdom of crowds)发挥作用的条件,这一点很重要。当这些条件之一遭到破坏时,市场有效性就会出现崩溃。
所需的第一个条件,是“戏剧性”的多样性崩溃,通常伴随着突然的价格波动。这类崩溃最著名的例子是南海泡沫(South Sea bubble)、郁金香狂热(tulip mania),以及最近的互联网泡沫。
It is important to consider the conditions the There are two broad types of diversity break-wisdom of crowds requires in order to work. When downs. The first is what I call “dramatic”’ diversity one of these conditions is violated, that is where we breakdowns, usually accompanied by abrupt price will find breakdowns in market efficiency. movements. The most famous examples of this type of breakdown are the South Sea bubble, tulip Conditions Needed. The first condition is mania, and most recently, the internet bubble.
被代理人的多样性。许多公司都推行了积极的多元化举措,这些举措聚焦于社会身份层面的多样性——种族、族裔、年龄等等。当这种反馈机制对某只股票或某类资产产生极度乐观或悲观的情绪时,结构性崩溃就容易发生。
diversity of the underlying agents. Many firms have These breakdowns tend to occur when positive diversity initiatives that focus on social identity diversity—race, ethnicity, age, and so on. These feedback produces mistic sentiment extremely about a stockoptimistic or an assetor pessi-class.
可以被视为这种状况的代理指标,但它们并不能直接反映这一状况。在市场环境中,我们寻求认知多样性。从根本上说,估值明显过高,由此产生的一系列预期与基本面脱节。
could be considered proxies for this condition, but Ultimately, the fundamental view is clearly over-they do not reflect it directly. In a market context, we stretched, and it creates a set of expectations that are looking for cognitive diversity. The dimensions are out of sync with the fundamentals.
真正重要的因素包括对时间问题的视角、经验法则和解读方式。第二类多样性崩溃——套利——则更为微妙。当短期价格反映的噪音多于信号时,这种崩溃就会发生。
第二个条件是存在一种聚合机制。
that really matter are things like perspectives on a The second type of diversity breakdown, time problem, rules of thumb, and interpretation. arbitrage, is much more subtle. It occurs when short-The second condition is an aggregation mecha- term prices reflect more noise than signal.
为说明多样性如何彻底瓦解,可以看看图 3 涉及《华尔街日报》关于马萨诸塞州科德角一位理发师的两篇文章所反映的情况。金融市场是我们最熟悉的、将信息聚合起来的机制。
nism that brings information together. The financial To illustrate a dramatic diversity breakdown, markets are the aggregation mechanism we are consider Figure 3 as it relates to two Wall Street Journal most familiar with. articles about a barber in Cape Cod, Massachusetts.
表 3:纳斯达克表现,1995–2005 年 纳斯达克 6000 点
Figure 3. NASDAQ Performance, 1995–2005 NASDAQ 6,000
5,000 13 March 2000
5,000 13 March 2000
4,000
4,000
3,000
3,000
2,000
2,000
1,000 8 July 2002
1,000 8 July 2002
0 1995 2005
0 1995 2005
2000 年 3 月 13 日,《华尔街日报》刊登了一篇文章《股票闲聊让许多科德角当地人致富》,内容讲述一位理发师因为将许多客户推荐到当时表现极为出色的纳斯达克股票,从而成为当地名人。他在股市中赚了几十万美元。他理发时电视上总是播放 CNBC 频道,而他正期待着提前退休。以下是文章中的一段引述:“……我认为什么都不会动摇我对这个市场的信心……即使下跌 30%,我们也会立刻反弹回来。”不幸的是,这种极端的自信恰恰出现在纳斯达克见顶之际,只会导致糟糕的结局。当纳斯达克接近最终低点时,《华尔街日报》再次回到同一家理发店。2002 年 7 月 8 日,一篇题为《科德角理发店,低迷股市剪断热潮》的报道讲述了这位理发师的近况。不用说,他和他的客户一样沮丧。他需要继续理发很久,因为他无法退休了。
On 13 March 2000, the Wall Street Journal published countless times, you would expect to see 50:50 as a the article “Stock Chit-Chat Enriches Many Cape signal. But if you flipped it only 10 times on three Cod Locals” about how the barber had become a occasions, you would see vastly different results. I local celebrity because he had put many of his believe that at times, the market extrapolates the clients into NASDAQ stocks that had done spectac- noise as if it were the real signal, which creates a time ularly well. He had made hundreds of thousands of arbitrage opportunity. Consider the following sim-dollars in the market. CNBC was on television ple illustration, shown in Figure 4. Panel A shows whenever ing an early he was cutting hair, retirement. Here’sandahe was anticipat-quote from the the plot of 20 trials of a coin toss, and the percentage of heads is only about 35 percent. Panel B is the same article, “. . . I don’t think anything could shake my trial extended to 100 tosses, and it settled not too far confidence in this market . . . even if we go down 30 from 50:50. In a market context, if investors are being percent, we’ll just come right back.” Unfortunately, this extreme confidence came right as the NASDAQ short-term oriented and see the first 20 tosses, they was peaking and could only lead to a bad outcome. may conclude that it is a tails-biased coin and price When the NASDAQ was near its ultimate low, the the asset accordingly. But if investors understand Wall Street Journal went back to the same barber- what the true signal is, then it would represent a shop. On 8 July 2002, the story “Cape Cod Barber Shop, Slumping Stocks Clip Buzz” told about how Figure 4. Illustrating Noise vs. Signal the barber was doing. Needless to say, he was despondent, as were his clients. He would have to A. 20 Trials cut hair for a lot longer because he could not retire Heads (%)
早了。CNBC 的节目已经关掉了。他用一句话总结了自己态度的彻底转变:“他们嘴里永远只有买、买、买,一路从每股 100 美元买到破产。” 当别人问他是否还参与市场时,他说自己已经完全放弃了市场,现在改去赌场做投资了。
类似的例子,虽然没那么戏剧化,也能在 2007 年 3/4 月号的《金融分析师杂志》中找到。该期杂志刊登了一篇关于杂志封面预测价值的文章(Arnold, Earl, and North 2007)。作者回顾了《商业周刊》《福布斯》和《财富》过去 20 年的封面故事,将封面按最乐观(正面导向)到最悲观(负面导向)进行了分类。他们发现,如果回顾第一类封面(乐观封面)发布之日前两年的市场表现,结果——
early. CNBC had been turned off, and he summed 100 up the complete change in his attitude by saying, 90 “All they ever say is buy, buy, buy, all the way down 80 from $100 a share to bankruptcy.” When they then asked if he was in the market anymore, he said he 70 had given up on the market altogether and was now 60 going to the casino for his investments. 50 A similar, albeit less dramatic, example of the 40 same phenomenon can be found in the March/ 30 April 2007 issue of the Financial Analysts Journal, 20 which featured an article on the predictive value of magazine covers (Arnold, Earl, and North 2007). 10 The authors reviewed cover stories in BusinessWeek, 0 Forbes, and Fortune from the last 20 years and cate- 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 gorized the covers from the most bullish (optimistic Number of Trials spin) to the most bearish (pessimistic spin). They found that if they looked back two years prior to the B. 100 Trials date of covers in the first category (the bullish out- Heads (%)
来看),被看好的公司股票相对于同类股票跑赢了 42 个百分点。相比之下,被归为看跌类别的文章发布之前的若干年里,这些股票相对于同类股票跑输了 35 个百分点。所以,在那些特征性杂志文章出炉之前,市场上存在巨大的超额表现和巨大的低劣表现。但在接下来的两年里,看跌文章中的公司股票的回报率是看涨文章中公司股票的 3 倍。现在我们把注意力转向另一种多样性分析,时间套利是金融市场中的一个重要概念。
look), stocks had outperformed their peers by 42 100 percentage points (pps). In contrast, years prior to 90 covers in the bearish category showed that stocks 80 had underperformed their peers by 35 pps. So, there 70 was massive overperformance and massive under- 60 performance leading up to the featured magazine 50 articles. But over the next two years, the stocks of the companies in the bearish articles outperformed 40 those in the bullish articles by a 3-to-1 margin. 30 Turning our attention to the other type of 20 diversity breakdown, time arbitrage is an impor- 10 tant concept in the context of financial markets.
理解时间套利的前提,是认识到任何概率系统都包含一个随机成分(噪声)和一个信号。最容易说明这一点的例子就是抛硬币。如果你抛一枚公平的硬币,可以看到随着试验次数增加,结果会逐渐趋向于 50% 的正面概率。来源:Mauboussin(2005)。
Understanding time arbitrage requires recognizing 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 that any probabilistic system has a random compo-nent (noise) and a signal. One of the easiest illustra- Number of Trials tions of this is a coin toss. If you flip a fair coin Source: Mauboussin (2005).
时间套利机会,他们应利用这一优势来尝试跑赢市场?资产。尽管这听起来相当简单,但以下是一些思考:
time arbitrage opportunity and they should buy the advantage of it to try to outperform the market? asset. Although this sounds simple enough, be Following are some thoughts:
必须认识到,要让时间套利奏效,有两个重要条件需要同时满足。第一,你必须识别出该业务的真实长期回报信号;第二,这个信号必须自己显现出来。只要这两个条件成立,时间套利就是潜能巨大的多样性崩溃来源。寻找多样性崩溃的标志或特征,比如极度看涨或极度看跌。同时,关注一些简单指标,看股票是在便宜还是昂贵的一侧交易。如果某只股票或资产类别的交易价格大幅偏离历史区间,那可能就是一个值得关注的信号。
aware that two significant things have to happen for • Look for flags or signatures of diversity break-it to work. First, you must recognize the true long- downs, such as extreme bullishness or extreme term return signal for the business, and second, the bearishness. Also, look for simple indicators signal must reveal itself. Provided these two things that stocks are trading on the cheap or expen-happen, time arbitrage represents an important sive side. If a stock or an asset class is trading way out of its historical range, that might be an source of potential diversity breakdown. interesting indicator.
既然我们已经走过了这段旅程,我想说——
Now that we have taken this journey, I come
• 进一步分析这些多样性瓦解——回到我最初的目标,即调和有效市场与行为金融学——的方法,是考虑股票或金融资产所反映的预期。要认识到,基本面(即资产的价值,也就是未来现金流的现值)与预期(即价格)之间存在重要区别。在你的脑海中尽量将这两者分开,并尝试用概率思维去思考。
• Further analyze these diversity breakdown can-back to my original goal of reconciling efficient mar-didates by considering what expectations the kets with behavioral finance. I think both of these stocks or financial assets reflect. Recognize that theories can sit very comfortably inside the tent of there is an important distinction between fun-complex adaptive systems. Briefly, markets are effi- damentals, which is the value of that asset cient until diversity breaks down. But taking advan- (present value of future cash flows), and expec-tage of diversity breakdowns can be extremely tations, which is the price. Try to keep those difficult for two reasons. First, we must be prepared things separate in your own mind, and try to to run counter to the group, which is very difficult think probabilistically.
心理层面——成为群体的一部分有明确且深远的进化基础。第二个原因是代理问题。对我们而言,以企业化方式管理资金管理公司、收取资产和费用,远比试图为客户创造超额收益更为安全。
利用多样性。
• 尝试在你的组织内建立恰当的决策环境。最难的部分是避免那些组织往往加剧而非缓解的心理陷阱。
• 最后,要接受使用跨学科技术的新颖方法,以帮助判断哪里可能存在过度行为或多样性失效。
psychologically. Being part of the group has clear • Try to create a proper context for decision mak-and profound evolutionary foundations. The second ing within your organization. The hardest part reason is agency problems. It is far safer for us to run is avoiding the psychological traps that organi-our money management firms as businesses gather- zations often compound rather than alleviate. ing assets and collecting fees than necessarily trying • Finally, be receptive to novel approaches using to deliver excess returns for our clients. multidisciplinary techniques to help determine where excesses might exist or where diversity Taking Advantage of Diversity Breakdowns. breakdowns may occur.
假设这是思考世界的正确方式,那么主动型基金经理要如何做——这篇文章可折算 0.5 个持续教育学分。
Assuming that this is the right way of thinking about the world, how does an active manager take This article qualifies for 0.5 CE credits.
参 考 文 献
Arnold, Tom, John H. Earl, Jr., and David S. North. 2007. “封面故事是否构成有效的反向指标?”《金融分析师杂志》,第 63 卷,第 2 期(3 月/4 月):第 70–75 页。
MacKenzie, Donald. 2004. “市场模型:金融理论与套利的历史社会学。”工作论文(1 月)。
R EFERENCES Arnold, Tom, John H. Earl, Jr., and David S. North. 2007. “Are MacKenzie, Donald. 2004. “Models of Markets: Finance Theory Cover Stories Effective Contrarian Indicators?” Financial Analysts and the Historical Sociology of Arbitrage.” Working paper Journal, vol. 63, no. 2 (March/April):70–75. (January).
莫布辛, 迈克尔 · J. 2005 年。《资本思想再探——第二部分》。
Mauboussin, Michael J. 2005. “Capital Ideas Revisited—Part 2.”
法玛,尤金·F.,以及肯尼思·R. 弗伦奇。1992 年。“The Cross-Section Mauboussin on Strategy (5 月 20 日):www.leggmasoncapmgmt。
Fama, Eugene F., and Kenneth R. French. 1992. “The Cross-Section Mauboussin on Strategy (20 May): www.leggmasoncapmgmt.
“预期股票收益。”《金融学刊》,第 47 卷,第 2 期,网址:http://www.xxx.com/pdf/CIR2.pdf。
of Expected Stock Returns.” Journal of Finance, vol. 47, no. 2 com/pdf/CIR2.pdf.
(June):427–465.
(June):427–465.
Page, Scott. 2007. 《差异》。新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社。 ———. 2004. “资本资产定价模型:理论与实务”。
Page, Scott. 2007. The Difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni- ———. 2004. “The Capital Asset Pricing Model: Theory and versity Press.
证据。” 《经济展望杂志》,第 18 卷,第 3 期,罗斯,斯蒂芬。2001 年。“新古典金融与另类金融。”(夏季号):25–46。欧洲金融学会会议,主题演讲。
Evidence.” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 18, no. 3 Ross, Stephen. 2001. “Neoclassical and Alternative Finance.” (Summer):25–46. European Finance Agency Meetings, keynote address.
问答环节 迈克尔·J·莫布森提问:组织领导者如何打造一个聪明的集体决策系统?从投资者角度,我的感觉是,多样性占主导地位。
Question and Answer Session Michael J. Mauboussin Question: How can organiza- faucet, are best taken care of by own sense as an investor is that tion leaders create smart collec- relying on experts. In contrast, diversity prevails.
在未结构化、复杂的问题上,以工作组、集体和团队形式呈现的集体,效果最佳。
问题:均值回归是否是一个我们可以依赖的信条来产生阿尔法收益?
莫布森:有两个问题:
问题:增加的
tives in the form of work groups collectives work best on unstruc-and teams within an organization? tured, complicated problems. Question: Is regression to the mean a precept we can rely on to Mauboussin: There are a cou- Question: Will the increased produce alpha?
领导人可以做几件事。首先,技术进步带来的连接性——比如黑莓——会导致更多样性崩溃?莫布森:要看情况。我想说微观经济学是有效的,这意味着,随着时间的推移,竞争力量会将回报压低至资本成本。这会造成拉锯战。一方面,更多的人——他们应该组建一个多元化的团队,认识到多元化并不意味着他们看起来不同,而是他们的思维方式不同或拥有不同的视角。其次,领导人——
ple of things leaders can do. First, connectivity caused by technolog-they should collect a group that is ical advances, such as the Black- Mauboussin: It depends. I diverse, recognizing that diverse berry, lead to more frequent would say that microeconomics does not mean that they look dif- diversity breakdowns? works, which means that, over ferent but that they think differ- time, competitive forces drive ently or have different Mauboussin: It creates a tug-ofreturns down to the cost of capi-perspectives. Second, leaders war. On the one hand, more peo-
Talk. 我还没有见过一个实例,在那里如果不去有效征求所有人的意见和看法,事情会办得更好。如今人们比以往任何时候都更容易接触资本市场,在其他条件相同的情况下,这迟早会对每一家公司产生影响。
tal. I have not seen an instance must effectively solicit the opin- ple have more access to capital where that has not happened ions and views of everybody. markets than ever before, and all things being equal, that should sooner or later for every corpora-
| 最后,领导者不应在任一时间点强加自己的观点,或许直到最后才可如此。同样重要的是,要认清你试图解决的问题类型。简单直接的问题,比如修理漏水的水管,则需要引入多样性。另一方面,我们都能接触到同样的大众媒体,如 CNBC,以及科技产品,如黑莓手机。这些都可能削弱多样性。所以,在微观层面上,我认为这确实有一定道理。但我们有证据表明,至少在特定时期内,一些公司成功实现了回报的增长。
Finally, leaders should not impose their view at any point, inject diversity. On the other tion. So, certainly on a micro level, until perhaps the very end. hand, we all have access to the I would think there is some truth It is also important to recog- same popular media, such as to that. But we have seen evi- nize the type of problem you are CNBC, and technology, such as dence, at least for periods of time, trying to solve. Straightforward Blackberrys. These are poten- of firms that have succeeded in problems, such as fixing a leaky tially diversity detractors. My increasing returns.