查理·芒格文稿/演讲实录:2010年基本结束了
基本上,已经结束了
一个关于某个国家如何走向金融毁灭的寓言。
18 世纪初,欧洲人在太平洋上发现了一个面积广阔、无人居住的岛屿。这里气候温和,除了煤、石油和天然气之外,大自然的恩赐极为丰富。鉴于其缺乏文明的样子,他们把这个岛命名为“基础岛”。
欧洲人迅速在基础岛上重新繁衍人口,建立了一个新的国家。他们仿照早期美国的模式设立了政府体系。政府大力鼓励贸易,内部没有关税或其他阻碍贸易的障碍。产权受到极大的尊重和有力的保护。银行体系很简单。它适应了这样一种国家精神:追求提供稳健的货币、高效的贸易,并为信誉良好的企业提供充足的贷款,同时强烈抵制向缺乏能力的个人或用于日常消费品购买发放贷款。
此外,几乎没有人借款购买或持有证券及其他投资,包括房地产和有形个人财产。唯一的例外是,对稳健的住宅、其他房地产、车辆和家电,普遍存在有抵押担保、首付比例高、完全分期偿还的固定利率贷款,供那些量入为出的勤劳人士使用。基础岛的证券和商品市场投机行为历来受到严格抑制,规模甚小。除了通过负责任的交易所、根据严格限制金融杠杆使用的法律进行结算的“普通香草型”商品期货合约之外,不存在证券期权或衍生品交易。
在最初的 150 年里,基础岛政府在为公民提供基本服务上的支出从未超过其国内生产总值的 7%。这些服务包括消防、供水、污水处理和垃圾清运、部分教育、国防力量、法院以及移民管控。一种强调家庭责任、以亲属义务为核心的强大文化,加上相当规模的私人慈善,构成了唯一的社会安全网。
税收制度也很简单。早年,政府收入几乎全部来自进口关税,且收到的税款与政府支出相匹配。以政府债券形式存在的未偿债务从未过多。
正如亚当·斯密所预期的那样,人均 GDP 稳步增长。事实上,在现代时期,人均 GDP 以每年 3% 的实际速度增长,十年又十年,直到基础岛成为世界人均 GDP 的领头羊。在此过程中,销售税、所得税、财产税和工资税被相继引入。最终,与政府总支出相匹配的总税收达到了 GDP 的 35%。增加的税收收入被用于扩大政府主导的教育以及一个由政府运营的、涵盖医疗和养老金在内的大规模社会安全网。
在一个不值得的人难以“钻空子”的体系下,只要此类由税收资助的政府支出的增长速度远低于该国人均 GDP 的增速,那么这类支出的常规增长被视为一种道德律令——一种大致促进平等的国民红利。
Basically, It’s Over A parable about how one nation came to financial ruin. In the early 1700s, Europeans discovered in the Pacific Ocean a large, unpopulated island with a temperate climate, rich in all nature's bounty except coal, oil, and natural gas. Reflecting its lack of civilization, they named this island "Basicland." The Europeans rapidly repopulated Basicland, creating a new nation. They installed a system of government like that of the early United States. There was much encouragement of trade, and no internal tariff or other impediment to such trade. Property rights were greatly respected and strongly enforced. The banking system was simple. It adapted to a national ethos that sought to provide a sound currency, efficient trade, and ample loans for credit-worthy businesses while strongly discouraging loans to the incompetent or for ordinary daily purchases. Moreover, almost no debt was used to purchase or carry securities or other investments, including real estate and tangible personal property. The one exception was the widespread presence of secured, high-down-payment, fully amortizing, fixed-rate loans on sound houses, other real estate, vehicles, and appliances, to be used by industrious persons who lived within their means. Speculation in Basicland's security and commodity markets was always rigorously discouraged and remained small. There was no trading in options on securities or in derivatives other than "plain vanilla" commodity contracts cleared through responsible exchanges under laws that greatly limited use of financial leverage. In its first 150 years, the government of Basicland spent no more than 7 percent of its gross domestic product in providing its citizens with essential services such as fire protection, water, sewage and garbage removal, some education, defense forces, courts, and immigration control. A strong family-oriented culture emphasizing duty to relatives, plus considerable private charity, provided the only social safety net. The tax system was also simple. In the early years, governmental revenues came almost entirely from import duties, and taxes received matched government expenditures. There was never much debt outstanding in the form of government bonds. As Adam Smith would have expected, GDP per person grew steadily. Indeed, in the modern area it grew in real terms at 3 percent per year, decade after decade, until Basicland led the world in GDP per person. As this happened, taxes on sales, income, property, and payrolls were introduced. Eventually total taxes, matched by total government expenditures, amounted to 35 percent of GDP. The revenue from increased taxes was spent on more government-run education and a substantial government-run social safety net, including medical care and pensions. A regular increase in such tax-financed government spending, under systems hard to "game" by the unworthy, was considered a moral imperative—a sort of egality-promoting national dividend—so long as growth of such spending was kept well below the growth rate of the country's GDP per person.
基础国还通过一项政策寻求规避风险,使进出口保持大致平衡,两者均约占 GDP 的 25%。部分公民最初感到担心,因为 60% 的进口完全来自不可或缺的煤炭和石油。但随着岁月流逝,这种依赖并未带来可怕的后果,担忧也随之烟消云散。基础国拥有极高的信用评级,从未允许出现重大赤字。其巨额“表外”承诺——即未来医疗和养老金的现值——鉴于基础国人均 GDP 保持 3% 的稳定增长,且对无资金准备的承诺较为克制,似乎不太可能引发问题。基础国似乎拥有一套能够长久保障其幸福、并吸引其他国家效仿的体制,从而增进全人类的福祉。
但即便像基础国这样谨慎、稳健且慷慨的国家,如果无法应对日常生活中普通意外可能带来的风险,也可能走向毁灭。到 2012 年,这些风险已十分显著,当时基础国极度的繁荣催生了一个奇特的结果:随着财富和闲暇时间的增长,基础国公民越来越多地在赌场赌博的刺激中消磨时光。目前,赌场的大部分收入来自一种曾于 20 世纪 20 年代在美国使用、名为“对赌行系统”(bucket shop system)的证券价格押注。赌场的赢利最终达到了基础国 GDP 的 25%,而基础国所有雇员收入的 22% 支付给了赌场雇员(其中许多是其他地方急需的工程师)。公民花在赌场的时间之多,平均达到每个基础国国民(包括新生儿和昏迷的老人)每天 5 小时。许多赌徒是才华横溢的工程师,他们部分被赌场扑克吸引,但主要被对赌行系统所提供的押注吸引——这种押注如今被称为“金融衍生品”。
许多人,尤其是有储蓄要投资的外国人,认为这种局面有失体面。毕竟,他们的逻辑是,贷款人避开赌博成瘾者不过是常识。结果,几乎所有外国人都避免持有基础国的货币或购买其债券。他们担心,如果基础国那些沉迷赌博的公民突然面临困境,将会引发大麻烦。
随后,双重冲击接踵而至。碳氢化合物价格升至新高。而在基础国的出口市场上,来自发展中国家的低成本竞争急剧加剧。人们很快发现,过去占基础国 GDP 25% 的出口,如今仅能占到 10%。与此同时,碳氢化合物进口将占 GDP 的 30%,而非 15%。突然间,基础国每年需要拿出 GDP 的 30%,以外币形式支付给债权人。
基础国该如何适应这一残酷的新现实?这个问题令基础国的政治家们束手无策,他们便向本富兰克林·李克万尤·沃克(Benfranklin Leekwanyou Vokker)这位老人征求意见,他被认为如此贤明,以至于常被称为“慈父”。这种咨询极为罕见。政治家们通常无视慈父,因为他从不提供竞选捐款。
Basicland also sought to avoid trouble through a policy that kept imports and exports in near balance, with each amounting to about 25 percent of GDP. Some citizens were initially nervous because 60 percent of imports consisted of absolutely essential coal and oil. But, as the years rolled by with no terrible consequences from this dependency, such worry melted away. Basicland was exceptionally creditworthy, with no significant deficit ever allowed. And the present value of large "off-book" promises to provide future medical care and pensions appeared unlikely to cause problems, given Basicland's steady 3 percent growth in GDP per person and restraint in making unfunded promises. Basicland seemed to have a system that would long assure its felicity and long induce other nations to follow its example—thus improving the welfare of all humanity. But even a country as cautious, sound, and generous as Basicland could come to ruin if it failed to address the dangers that can be caused by the ordinary accidents of life. These dangers were significant by 2012, when the extreme prosperity of Basicland had created a peculiar outcome: As their affluence and leisure time grew, Basicland's citizens more and more whiled away their time in the excitement of casino gambling. Most casino revenue now came from bets on security prices under a system used in the 1920s in the United States and called "the bucket shop system." The winnings of the casinos eventually amounted to 25 percent of Basicland's GDP, while 22 percent of all employee earnings in Basicland were paid to persons employed by the casinos (many of whom were engineers needed elsewhere). So much time was spent at casinos that it amounted to an average of five hours per day for every citizen of Basicland, including newborn babies and the comatose elderly. Many of the gamblers were highly talented engineers attracted partly by casino poker but mostly by bets available in the bucket shop systems, with the bets now called "financial derivatives." Many people, particularly foreigners with savings to invest, regarded this situation as disgraceful. After all, they reasoned, it was just common sense for lenders to avoid gambling addicts. As a result, almost all foreigners avoided holding Basicland's currency or owning its bonds. They feared big trouble if the gambling-addicted citizens of Basicland were suddenly faced with hardship. And then came the twin shocks. Hydrocarbon prices rose to new highs. And in Basicland's export markets there was a dramatic increase in low-cost competition from developing countries. It was soon obvious that the same exports that had formerly amounted to 25 percent of Basicland's GDP would now only amount to 10 percent. Meanwhile, hydrocarbon imports would amount to 30 percent of GDP, instead of 15 percent. Suddenly Basicland had to come up with 30 percent of its GDP every year, in foreign currency, to pay its creditors. How was Basicland to adjust to this brutal new reality? This problem so stumped Basicland's politicians that they asked for advice from Benfranklin Leekwanyou Vokker, an old man who was considered so virtuous and wise that he was often called the "Good Father." Such consultations were rare. Politicians usually ignored the Good Father because he made no campaign contributions.
善良国父的建议如下。首先,他建议基本大陆修改法律。应该强力劝阻赌场赌博,部分措施是完全禁止金融衍生品交易,同时鼓励前赌场雇员——以及前赌场顾客——生产并出售外国愿意购买的商品。其次,由于这一转变必然带来痛苦,他建议基本大陆的公民欣然接受自己的命运。毕竟,他指出,一个被诊断为肺癌的人愿意戒烟并接受手术,因为这样可能延长他的生命。
善良国父的观点获得了部分赞同,主要是那些钦佩罗马人在布匿战争期间财政美德的人。但其他人,包括基本大陆许多著名的经济学家,都强烈反对。这些经济学家坚信,自由市场中的任何结果——哪怕是赌场赌博的野蛮增长——都是建设性的。事实上,这些经济学家对自己的基本信念如此执着,以至于他们期盼着基本大陆有一天能将真实证券交易量占流通证券的比例扩大 100 倍,以便达到 2008 年大衰退降临前美国存在的投机水平。
这些基本大陆经济学家对证券和金融衍生品极端赌博的仁慈抱有坚定信念,源于他们彻底摒弃了那位早已离世的伟大经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯的思想,而正是凯恩斯对过度投机了解得最为透彻。凯恩斯有句名言:“当一个国家的资本发展是赌场运作的副产品时,这项工作很可能做得很糟糕。”这些经济学家很容易驳回这句话,因为证券长久以来与可观的财富联系在一起,而金融衍生品看起来与证券如此相似。
基本大陆的投资银行家和商业银行家对变革充满敌意。与反对的经济学家一样,银行家们想要的变革与善良国父想要的截然相反。这些银行家为基本大陆提供了建设性服务,但他们的收益却只是中等水平,对此他们深感不满,因为基本大陆的赌场——并未提供此类建设性服务——却通过其“投机商店”系统报告了过高的收益。此外,外国投资银行家在建立自己的“投机商店”系统后,也报告了过高的收益——并且通过巧妙的废话精心掩盖了这一事实,包括声称已经建立了合理的风险管理体系,并由完美的监管机构监督。自然,有野心的基本大陆银行家渴望像外国银行家一样繁荣昌盛。于是他们开始相信,善良国父完全不了解银行家们试图通过在基本大陆开设更多“投机商店”来服务的人类进步的那些重要而永恒的动因。
当然,对变革最有效的政治反对来自赌场本身。这并不奇怪,因为每个立法选区至少有一家赌场。赌场老板们将自己视为一个长期存在的行业的一部分,提供无害的快乐,同时提升客户的思维能力,因此他们对比喻为癌症感到愤愤不平。
结果呢,政客们再次无视了善良国父,基本大陆的银行被允许开设“投机商店”,并以极高的财务杠杆为购买和持有真实证券提供融资。随后发生了数次经济混乱,在此期间,每个利益集团都试图通过将负担转嫁给他人来避免自身的困境。政府采取了大量适得其反的行动,国家的信用被撕成碎片。基本大陆如今在新的管理制度下运作,采用新的政府体系。它也有了一个新的绰号:悲伤大陆。
Among the suggestions of the Good Father were the following. First, he suggested that Basicland change its laws. It should strongly discourage casino gambling, partly through a complete ban on the trading in financial derivatives, and it should encourage former casino employees—and former casino patrons—to produce and sell items that foreigners were willing to buy. Second, as this change was sure to be painful, he suggested that Basicland's citizens cheerfully embrace their fate. After all, he observed, a man diagnosed with lung cancer is willing to quit smoking and undergo surgery because it is likely to prolong his life. The views of the Good Father drew some approval, mostly from people who admired the fiscal virtue of the Romans during the Punic Wars. But others, including many of Basicland's prominent economists, had strong objections. These economists had intense faith that any outcome at all in a free market—even wild growth in casino gambling—is constructive. Indeed, these economists were so committed to their basic faith that they looked forward to the day when Basicland would expand real securities trading, as a percentage of securities outstanding, by a factor of 100, so that it could match the speculation level present in the United States just before onslaught of the Great Recession that began in 2008. The strong faith of these Basicland economists in the beneficence of hypergambling in both securities and financial derivatives stemmed from their utter rejection of the ideas of the great and long-dead economist who had known the most about hyperspeculation, John Maynard Keynes. Keynes had famously said, "When the capital development of a country is the byproduct of the operations of a casino, the job is likely to be ill done." It was easy for these economists to dismiss such a sentence because securities had been so long associated with respectable wealth, and financial derivatives seemed so similar to securities. Basicland's investment and commercial bankers were hostile to change. Like the objecting economists, the bankers wanted change exactly opposite to change wanted by the Good Father. Such bankers provided constructive services to Basicland. But they had only moderate earnings, which they deeply resented because Basicland's casinos—which provided no such constructive services—reported immoderate earnings from their bucket-shop systems. Moreover, foreign investment bankers had also reported immoderate earnings after building their own bucket-shop systems—and carefully obscuring this fact with ingenious twaddle, including claims that rational risk-management systems were in place, supervised by perfect regulators. Naturally, the ambitious Basicland bankers desired to prosper like the foreign bankers. And so they came to believe that the Good Father lacked any understanding of important and eternal causes of human progress that the bankers were trying to serve by creating more bucket shops in Basicland. Of course, the most effective political opposition to change came from the gambling casinos themselves. This was not surprising, as at least one casino was located in each legislative district. The casinos resented being compared with cancer when they saw themselves as part of a longestablished industry that provided harmless pleasure while improving the thinking skills of its customers. As it worked out, the politicians ignored the Good Father one more time, and the Basicland banks were allowed to open bucket shops and to finance the purchase and carry of real securities with extreme financial leverage. A couple of economic messes followed, during which every constituency tried to avoid hardship by deflecting it to others. Much counterproductive governmental action was taken, and the country's credit was reduced to tatters. Basicland is now under new management, using a new governmental system. It also has a new nickname: Sorrowland.