我对开放欧洲的愿景
作为理念,欧洲统一曾打动欧洲人的心灵与思想。但现实远非如此振奋人心。这种不适的根源是什么?过去 50 年的欧洲愿景能否重获生机?
As an idea, European unity used to appeal to the hearts and minds of Europeans. But the reality is far less inspiring. What is the cause of this malaise? Can the European vision of the past 50 years be revitalized?
欧洲的失败常被归咎于这样一个事实:欧盟是一个国家联合体,每个国家都倾向于把自身利益置于共同福祉之上。这确实不假。但欧洲困境还有一个更深层、更隐晦的原因。
Europe’s failures are often blamed on the fact that the union is an association of states, all tending to put their own interests ahead of the common weal. This is certainly true. But there is also a deeper, less obvious cause of Europe’s troubles.
欧盟是一个以规则为基础的政府。这听起来像是法治,意味着透明和公正。但实际上,欧盟的规则制定过程远非透明。部长理事会的决策就像条约一样:难以达成,也难以修改。由此产生的规则往往过于详细、过于僵化,且不适应不断变化的环境。
The EU is a rules-based government. This may sound like the rule of law, implying transparency and impartiality. In fact, the EU’s rule-making process is anything but transparent. Decisions of the Council of Ministers are just like treaties: difficult to reach and difficult to alter. The rules that emerge are often too detailed, too rigid, and inappropriate to changing circumstances.
但真正的问题在于,认为社会、经济和政治现实可以通过通用规范来掌控。生活过于复杂多变,无法用固定规则来约束。例如,《马斯特里赫特条约》详细规定了引入单一货币所需满足的条件和遵循的时间表。当时很少有人能预见到欧洲会经历长期高失业率。在经济衰退时期,像马约所要求的那样削减政府支出并非正确的政策。诚然,欧洲经济体需要进行结构性调整,但过分强调减少预算赤字可能反而延长了衰退。
But the real problem lies in the idea that social, economic and political reality can be mastered by general norms. Life is too complex and changeable to be governed by fixed rules. The Maastricht treaty, for example, detailed the conditions to be met and timetable to be followed in introducing a single currency. Few foresaw then that Europe would suffer a prolonged period of high unemployment. Reducing government spending, as Maastricht demanded, is not the right policy in a recession. Admittedly, Europe’s economies need to make structural adjustments, but emphasizing reduced budget deficits probably prolonged the recession.
马斯特里赫特条约的缺陷,集中体现了这样一种信念:只要制定足够多的规则,所有问题都能解决。让一家独立央行决定共同货币政策,再搞一个稳定公约对财政政策施加僵化规则,这等于剥夺了政府进行宏观经济管理的工具。最让我担忧的是,我看不到任何纠错机制。
The flaws of Maastricht epitomize the belief that all problems can be managed if you enact enough rules. To have an independent central bank determining the common monetary policy and then have a stable pact that imposes rigid rules on fiscal policy deprives governments of the tools for macroeconomic management. What worries me most is that I don’t see mechanisms for correcting error.
对由规则治理的这种坚定承诺所忽视的是,我们的理解本质上是不完善的;社会的完美设计是我们无法企及的。我们无法设计出一个能预见所有偶然事件的体系。我们只能退而求其次:一种不完美但开放于变革和改进的社会组织形式。这就是开放社会的理念,我想提议将其作为欧盟的新组织原则。
What unblinking commitment to governance by rules ignores is that our understanding is inherently imperfect; the perfect design for society is beyond our reach. We cannot devise a system to anticipate every contingency. We must content ourselves with the next best thing: a form of social organization which falls short of perfection but is open to change and improvement. That is the idea of open society, and I would like to propose it as a new organizing principle for the EU.
《马斯特里赫特条约》所体现的欧盟官僚视角,是一种笛卡尔式的理性主义建构。它继承了笛卡尔对理性至上信仰的问题。五十年来,布鲁塞尔的官僚们以精确、合乎逻辑的步伐前行,设定有限目标并制定严格的时间表。当某个目标实现后,下一个步骤便显得理所当然。
The bureaucratic view of the EU, embodied in the Maastricht treaty, is a Cartesian, rationalist construct. It shares the problems of Descartes’s faith in the supremacy of reason. For 50 years, Brussels bureaucrats moved with precise, logical steps, limiting their goals, and setting firm timetables. When one goal was reached it became obvious that another step was needed.
公众的支持随后被动员起来。一步步地,工会发展起来,也许成为历史上最伟大的社会工程壮举。
Public support was then mobilized. Step by step, the union progressed to become perhaps the greatest feat of social engineering in history.
这种构建的局限性在《马斯特里赫特条约》中暴露无遗。欧元内在的僵化性意味着,共同货币之后必须跟上共同的财政政策,包括对资本收益的税制协调。但这类措施将极其不得人心。一种共同货币最终可能摧毁欧盟,因为它的缺陷无法仅靠再向前迈进一步来弥补。
The limits of this construction were reached with the Maastricht treaty. The rigidity inherent in the euro means that the common currency will have to be followed by a common fiscal policy, including a harmonization of taxes on the earnings of capital. But such measures will be extremely unpopular. A common currency may end up destroying the European Union because its deficiencies cannot be corrected simply by taking another step forward.
是时候改变方向了。自从笛卡尔的时代以来,我们已有充分机会发现理性的局限性。当我谈到欧洲是一个开放社会时,我想到的是要接受我们的易错性。将一剂英国经验主义注入欧洲的笛卡尔式工程,或许能为欧洲大陆带来许多益处。
It is time to change course. Since Descartes’s time, we have had ample opportunity to discover that reason has its limitations. When I speak of Europe as an open society, I am thinking about coming to terms with our fallibility. Injecting a dose of British empiricism into Europe’s Cartesian project could do the Continent a lot of good.
开放社会的理念,因其对自由与社会正义的承诺,或许也能赋予欧洲一种新的使命感。冷战期间,一个共同的全极权主义敌人的存在,似乎为欧洲提供了其道德目标。但如今共产主义威胁已经消失,西方世界的团结也正在瓦解。我们面前的任务是,用一种能激发灵感的理念来重振欧洲。
The idea of open society, with its commitment to freedom and social justice, can perhaps also give Europe a new sense of mission. During the Cold War, the presence of a common totalitarian enemy seemed to provide Europe with its moral purpose. But now that the communist menace has disappeared, the unity of the West is also disintegrating. The task before us is to re-energize Europe through an idea that inspires.
欧盟如果成为一个开放社会,会是什么样子?它应当拥有共同市场、共同货币和共同财政政策,同时还要有一个对全体人民负责的政府。欧洲联邦政府只有与辅助性原则(subsidiarity)相结合,才能被接受——该原则对于容纳欧洲大陆丰富的文化和民族传统至关重要。
What would the EU look like as an open society? There would be a common market, common currency, and common fiscal policy, but also a government accountable to all its people. The federal European government can be acceptable only if it is combined with the notion of subsidiarity, necessary to accommodate the rich cultural and national heritage of the continent.
受《权利法案》和独立司法体系的保障,欧洲作为开放社会的样板,其成功概率甚至高于美国。欧洲各国虽然民族、文化和传统各有不同,但之间的差异并未大到无法相容。在各成员国之间存在合理的平衡,不过德国统一后变得有些过于强大,让人感到不安。
Safeguarded by a Bill of Rights and independent judiciary, Europe would be even more likely to succeed than the United States as a prototype of open society. Its diverse nationalities, cultures and traditions are not too far removed from each other to be compatible. There is a reasonable balance between the states that compromise it, although after reunification Germany has become a little too strong for comfort.
在狭隘利益之上建立共同愿景,对欧洲防御尤其重要。波斯尼亚冲突已经表明,安全不再与单个国家的利益挂钩。那场战争并未损害任何一个国家的国家利益。
Establishing a common vision above petty interests is of particular importance in European defense. Security is no longer tied to the interests of individual countries, as the Bosnian conflict demonstrates. The war there did not impinge on the national interests of any one country.
然而,欧洲其他国家的消极态度造成的共同利益损失,可能比近代史上任何事件都更为严重。这件事之所以被严重误判,是因为它没有被当作一个开放社会的问题来对待。
Nevertheless, the passivity of the rest of Europe may have inflicted more damage to the common interest than any other event in recent history. It was grievously mishandled because it was not treated as an open-society issue.
这理应由欧洲人民来决定他们究竟想要一个什么样的欧洲。目前的欧盟未能满足他们的需求和期望。但不完美的事物是可以改善的。这正是开放社会的意义所在。
It is for the people of Europe to decide exactly what kind of Europe they want. The EU as it is fails to meet their needs and aspirations. But what is imperfect can be improved. This is what open society is all about.