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2008 (inferred) · memo · 原文约 6955 词
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Memo to:

Memo to:

Oaktree Clients

Oaktree Clients

From:

From:

Howard Marks

Howard Marks

Re:

Re:

The Aviary

The Aviary

这次我不想只盯住一个话题,而是想聊几个。乍一看它们似乎没什么关联,但我相信它们其实是同一类货色。

Rather than dwell this time on a single subject, I want to cover a few. They may not seem related at first, but I believe they’re birds of a feather.

A Dead Duck

A Dead Duck

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虽然认清自己在市场周期中所处的位置十分重要,但要做到这一点,往往需要一番复杂的推断。我们很少能获得关于钟摆摆动的确凿证据,或者能迅速得到这样的证据。正因如此,我接下来要讲的这个案例才显得格外独特。

《逐底竞赛》(2007 年 2 月)是我最喜欢的备忘录之一。我认为,它清晰呈现了创新与冒险的钟摆摆向无纪律一端的程度。正如我所述,写这篇备忘录的灵感来自 2006 年 11 月 1 日《金融时报》的一篇文章,该文报道如下:

英国第二大住房贷款机构 Abbey 已将其向购房者提供的标准贷款额度提高至单人年收入的五倍或夫妻合计收入的五倍,超过了传统上约三点五倍年薪的借贷水平。此前,爱尔兰银行抵押贷款部门及布里斯托和西银行已决定将标准工资倍数从四倍提高至四点五倍。

在引述这段话后,我接着得出了自认为令人信服的结论:

无论从哪个角度看,抵押贷款的放贷标准近年来都已下降,风险随之上升。这是基于逻辑吗?或许吧。是周期引发(并加剧)的?我会这么说。《金融时报》援引美林银行分析师约翰·保罗·克鲁奇利的话说:“当 Abbey 放出五倍年薪的贷款时,这可能完全合理——也可能风险极大。”毫无疑问,抵押贷款的风险变得更大了。几年后,我们就会看到这是明智的风险承担,还是过度的竞争狂热。

资本市场上演着一场场拍卖,资金供应方彼此竞价以达成交易。就以英国住房抵押贷款而言,放贷权将落入那个愿意以最高年薪倍数放贷的机构手中……也就是说,愿意承担最大风险的机构手中。过去几年里,放贷机构和投资者在回报预期降低、风险抬高的基础上争夺业务量的方式层出不穷。我认为 Abbey 的决定正是这一趋势的典型标志。

While it’s important that we have a sense for where we stand in terms of the market cycle, figuring that out can require some sophisticated inference. It’s not often that we get crystal clear evidence of the pendulum’s swing, or get it in short order. That’s what makes the case I’ll describe so distinctive. “The Race to the Bottom” (February 2007) is one of my favorite memos. I think it presented clear evidence of the degree to which the pendulum of innovation and risk taking had swung to the undisciplined end of its arc. As I described, I was prompted to write it by an article in the Financial Times of November 1, 2006, which reported the following: Abbey, the UK’s second-largest home loans provider, has raised the standard amount it will lend homebuyers to five times either their single or joint salaries, eclipsing the traditional borrowing levels of around three and a half times salary. It followed last week’s decision by Bank of Ireland Mortgages and Bristol and West to increase standard salary multiples from four to 4.5 times. After quoting that paragraph, I went on to draw what I thought was the compelling conclusion: Any way you slice it, standards for mortgage loans have dropped in recent years, and risk has increased. Logic-based? Perhaps. Cycle-induced (and exacerbated)? I’d say so. The FT quoted John Paul Crutchley, a banking analyst at Merrill Lynch, as saying “When Abbey are lending a multiple of five times salary, that could be perfectly sensible – or it could be tremendously risky.” Certainly mortgage lending was made riskier. We’ll see in a few years whether that was intelligent risk taking or excessive competitive ardor. Auctions were taking place in the capital markets, and suppliers of capital were bidding against each other to make deals. In the case of UK home mortgages, the right to make loans would go to the institution willing to lend the highest multiple of annual salary . . . that is, willing to accept the most risk. In the last few years, there were many ways in which lenders and investors vied for deal flow on the basis of lowered return expectations and heightened risk. I considered Abbey’s decision emblematic of this trend.

2008 年,橡树资本管理有限合伙公司(Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.)

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

版权所有,保留一切权利。

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因此,当我读到 4 月 8 日《金融时报》上的以下报道时,你能想象我的反应:

昨天,阿比银行成为最后一家停止提供 100% 抵押贷款的主流银行,没有现金储蓄的首次购房者被挡在住房市场门外。一个月前还有多种选择、可以贷款购房款 100% 的借款人,如今至少需要支付 5% 的首付……上月初,还有 20 多家银行提供 100% 抵押贷款。随着银行和建房互助协会纷纷远离风险较高的贷款业务,这些产品已逐一退出市场。

十八个月前,阿比银行率先将贷款标准降至新低,按工资倍数放贷。如今,它又是最后一家在首付比例上提高标准的银行。还有比这更清晰的信用周期运作实例吗?

就目前而言,高风险、无忧放贷似乎已成死鸭子,这是风险厌恶情绪和回报要求双双修正的牺牲品——这些修正伴随着当前的信贷紧缩,或者正是其根源所在。在信用周期的高点,任何人出于任何目的都能借到钱;在低点,就连够格的借款人也遭拒之门外。前者极大推动经济扩张,后者则压抑经济活动。永远如此。

Thus, you can imagine my reaction upon reading the following in the Financial Times of April 8: First-time buyers with no cash savings were shut out of the housing market yesterday after Abbey became the last mainstream lender to stop offering 100 per cent mortgages. Borrowers who a month ago had a choice of mortgages offering 100 per cent of a property’s value, will now need a deposit of at least 5 per cent . . . More than 20 lenders . . . offered 100 per cent mortgages at the start of last month. These have been pulled out of the market one by one as banks and building societies have distanced themselves from riskier lending. Eighteen months ago, Abbey was the first to take lending standards to a new low in terms of times-salary-loaned. Now, it’s the last to raise them with regard to down payments. Can there be a clearer example of the credit cycle at work? For now, high-risk, no-worries lending seems to be a dead duck, a casualty of the corrections in risk aversion and demanded returns that have accompanied – or are at the root of – the current credit crunch. At the highs of the credit cycle, anyone can get money for any purpose. At the lows, even deserving borrowers are shut out. The former is highly expansionary, and the latter depresses economic activity. It’ll always be so.

自由市场无谬误的谬论

The Canard of Free Market Infallibility

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“Canard” 在法语中是“鸭子”的意思。然而在英语里,“canard” 指“虚假或毫无根据的报道或传闻”。这个英语含义源自法语短语“vendre des canards à moitié”:意为欺骗,字面意思就是“半卖鸭子”。

“Canard” is the French word for “duck.” In English, however, a “canard” is “a false or unfounded report or story .” That English meaning comes from the French phrase “vendre des canards à moitié”: to cheat, literally, to half-sell ducks. T

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过去一二十年里,一个谬论获得了广泛认可:人们对自由市场优化配置资产能力的信任,演变成了一种非理性预期,认为自由市场会带来持续上涨的浪潮,托起所有船只,为每个人带来更美好的生活。以下是我对这个故事的看法。

我见证过的最长周期之一,发生在政府介入金融业这一领域。1929 年之前(那部分我还没出生),监管几乎不存在。当随后市场崩溃的很大一部分被归咎于投资银行及整个投资领域的不当行为时,这催生了大量新的监管法规。

要想饶有兴味地了解 20 世纪 20 年代的行为,我推荐《华尔街在誓言下》一书,由费迪南德·佩科拉于 1939 年撰写,他曾领导参议院对“大崩盘”成因的调查,后来成为纽约州法官。这是一份严厉的控诉:想象一下,如果 20 世纪 20 年代的华尔街不受当今证券法的约束,会是什么样子。除其他方面外,华尔街的行为促成了 1933 年《格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法案》的颁布,该法案强制要求商业银行与投资银行分离,还有 1933 年的《证券法》和 1934 年的《证券交易法》。因此,一个强有力的监管体系盛行起来——尤其是在

A canard gained broad acceptance over the last decade or two, as faith in the ability of the free market to optimally allocate assets morphed into an irrational expectation that the free market would produce a continually rising tide, lifting all boats and bringing a better life for everyone. Here’s my version of the saga. One of the longest cycles I’ve witnessed has taken place in the area of government involvement in the financial industry. Prior to 1929 (I wasn’t around for this part), there was little regulation. When much of the subsequent market collapse was attributed to improper conduct in investment banking and in investments generally, this led to significant new regulation. For an interesting look at behavior in the 1920s, I’d recommend Wall Street Under Oath, written in 1939 by Ferdinand Pecora, who led the Senate investigation into the causes of the Great Crash and then became a New York State judge. It’s a scathing indictment: imagine Wall Street operating in the 1920s unhampered by today’s securities laws. Among other things, the Street’s conduct led to the enactment of the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 that mandated the divorce of commercial banks from investment banks, the Securities Act of 1933 and the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. Thus a strong regulatory regime prevailed – particularly under the

2008 年橡树资本管理公司(Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.)

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

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民主党人从 1933 年到 1969 年的 36 年中执掌白宫 28 年,从 1933 年到 1981 年的 48 年中控制参议院 44 年。(在美国,监管通常与民主党人和自由主义联系在一起,放松监管则与共和党人和保守主义挂钩。)

然而,过去 28 年情况大不相同,主要得益于罗纳德·里根和玛格丽特·撒切尔,辅以中间派的克林顿和布莱尔政府,再加上布什、布什和布朗的推波助澜。在此期间的大部分时间里,美联储由艾伦·格林斯潘领导,他在哲学上深受安·兰德的影响,而兰德是自由市场的坚定信徒。自由市场方案被认为必定能带来最优的经济决策。放松监管、私有化和市场化定价全面展开。政府对政策制定和控制的干预遭到轻视。简而言之,人们假设逐利动机——亚当·斯密的“看不见的手”——会最大化资本效率,从而增进社会福利。

这一趋势在过去十年达到顶峰。《格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法案》被废除;这例如允许了花旗银行和所罗门兄弟的合并。除了降息和提供流动性以抵御疲软之外,美联储采取了不干预的做法。投资经理和投资银行家因业绩而声名鹊起、收取巨额费用,这些业绩显示了他们中谁最有才华。每个角落都在高呼“让市场来决定”。

然而,显然近年来的事件证明了逐利动机引发的过度行为。越多越好:更多的杠杆、更多的创新、特定证券更高的评级,以及住宅房地产等领域更多的活动。同样明显的是,并非所有自由市场决策都有益;证据在于,自由放任让我们陷入了金融危机,一些观察者认为这可能是自大萧条以来最严重的一次。

我们如何调和理论与实践:自由市场决策理应如何运作与实际如何运作之间的差距?我认为,答案在于短期与长期的区别,以及有益的一般趋势与有害的例外并存。自由市场在长期内能有效配置资源。但它们无法让潮水持续上涨,而当一些船升起时,另一些会撞毁。正常运作的自由市场会产生为毁灭埋下伏笔的时期,然后迎来毁灭本身。它们必然既创造赢家也创造输家,既创造资本也毁灭资本。

在自由市场中追求利润时,人们可以从事任何不违法的行为。(嗯,实际上,他们也可以做违法的事,但希望不会长久。)道德考量约束了一部分人,但不是所有人,而且道德性似乎时强时弱。毫无疑问,逐利者有时会挑战极限。例子?

Democrats who controlled the White House for 28 of the 36 years from 1933 to 1969, and the Senate for 44 of the 48 years from 1933 to 1981. (In America, regulation is generally associated with Democrats and liberalism, and deregulation with Republicans and conservatism.) The last 28 years have been very different, however, thanks primarily to Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, bolstered by centrist Clinton and Blair administrations, and helped along by Bush, Bush and Brown. For much of that time, the Fed was under the leadership of Alan Greenspan, who is philosophically indebted to Ayn Rand, a strong believer in free markets. Free-market solutions were deemed certain to yield optimal economic decisions. Deregulation, privatization and market pricing went into full swing. Government involvement in policy making and control was disrespected. In short, it was assumed that the profit motive – Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” – would maximize capital efficiency and, therefore, societal welfare. This trend reached its apogee in the last ten years. The Glass-Steagall Act was nullified; this allowed, for example, the combination of Citibank and Salomon Brothers. Other than lowering interest rates and providing liquidity to fend off weakness, the Fed employed a hands-off approach. Investment managers and investment bankers gained fame and huge fees for performance that showed which of them were the most talented. In every corner, the cry was “let the market decide.” Clearly, however, the events of recent years attest to excesses prompted by the profit motive. More was better: more leverage, more innovation, higher ratings for a given security and more activity in areas like residential real estate. Equally clearly, not all of the freemarket decisions were salutary; the proof can be found in the fact that laissez-faire has landed us in a financial crisis that some observers consider the potentially most serious since the Depression. How can we reconcile theory and practice: the way free-market decisions are supposed to work and the way they do work? The answer lies, I think, in the difference between short term and long, and in the coexistence of beneficial general trends and harmful exceptions. Free markets allocate resources efficiently in the long run. But they can’t make the tide rise continually, and while some boats rise, others will crash. Properly functioning free markets will give rise to times that set the stage for ruin, and then to times of ruin itself. They must create losers as well as winners, and capital destruction as well as capital creation. In pursuit of profit in a free market, people can engage in any behavior that’s not illegal. (Well, actually, they can do illegal things too, but hopefully not for long.) Ethical considerations constrain some but not all, and ethicality seems to wax and wane. There’s no doubt that profit pursuers sometimes push the envelope. Examples? 

评估房屋和评定证券等级的费用,落入了那些愿意给出最高估价的人手中。这些费用是否影响了他们的评估结果?

The fees for appraising houses and rating securities went to those willing to assign the highest values. Did they let this affect their valuations?

2008 年 Oaktree 资本管理有限合伙公司

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

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保留所有权利。

All Rights Reserved

得益于脱媒化,金融机构发现,它们可以通过发放贷款再转手卖出赚取手续费。追求业务量带来的回报,是否取代了它们过去拿自己资本冒险时秉持的那份审慎?

Thanks to disintermediation, financial institutions saw that they could earn fees for originating loans and selling them onward. Did the rewards for achieving volume displace the prudence they used to employ when putting their own capital at risk?

一旦金融工程师们构建出新的分层产品,他们就能以更低的收益率(即更高的价格)出售这些产品,卖出更多份额,并且如果能让这些产品获得更高的评级,就能赚取更多费用。对于某一特定工具而言,评级为 A 级算不错,AA 级则更好,AAA 级最为理想。投资银行家们汇总数据,将其输入模型,并加以调整以得出最佳结果。我很难相信他们曾说过:“等等,鉴于基础抵押品的质量,AAA 评级过高了”或“这不可能达到 AAA 级,因为存在一些虽然不太可能发生但会导致糟糕结果的场景。”

Once financial engineers had built their new tranched products, they could sell them at lower yields (higher prices), sell more of them, and earn bigger fees if they could get them rated higher. For a given instrument, single-A was good, double-A was better and triple-A was best. The investment bankers marshaled the data and fed it into their models, tweaked to yield the best possible result. I find it hard to believe they ever said, “Wait a minute; triple-A’s too high given the underlying collateral” or “It can’t be triple-A, because there are a few scenarios that, although unlikely, would yield terrible results.”

我并非暗示这些人从事了非法活动,或明知故犯做了错事。他们只是在为雇主和自己多赚钱。但在我看来,他们的经济利益驱动他们在那种环境下走向极端——一心追逐收入最大化,把坦诚、怀疑精神和职业道德全抛到了脑后。

I’m not suggesting these people engaged in illegal activity or consciously did the wrong thing. They were just trying to make more money for their employers and themselves. But I believe their economic self-interest caused them to go to extremes in an environment that allowed candor, skepticism and ethics to be forgotten in pursuit of revenue maximization.

一个新的谎言起飞了

A New Canard Takes Flight

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政府在私营部门中的角色就像裙摆的潮流,时高时低,但它遵循的是非常长的周期。这个过程可能需要数十年才能达到最高点和最低点,而极端情况的失误要暴露出来,同样可能耗时漫长。

近几个月来,我们读到了大量关于加强监管必要性的文章,而且这样的呼声还会更多。原因有几点:

Government involvement in the private sector is like hemlines: it goes up and down. But it does so in very long cycles. It takes decades for it to reach maximums and minimums, and it can take a long time for the error of the extremes to be exposed. In the last couple of months, we’ve read a great deal about the need for increased regulation, and there’ll be more. There are several reasons for this: 

第一,当危机发生时,人们往往倾向于寻找简单的解释。监管不足可能是其中一个不错的候选理由。

First, when there’s a crisis, people tend to look for easy explanations. Insufficient regulation can be a good candidate.

在野党的成员总能通过指责执政党及其理念来大做文章。

Members of the out-of-power political party can always make hay by blaming the governing party and its philosophy.

事实是,无论是哪种哲学思想占据上风,都将对危机负有部分责任……因为没有任何方法是完美无缺的。监管总会带来繁文缛节和一些低效的、非市场化的解决方案,而放松监管则总会允许一定程度的“牛仔作风”存在。

The truth is, whichever philosophy is in the ascendancy will deserve some responsibility for crises . . . because no approach is perfect. Regulation will always produce red tape and some inefficient, non-market solutions, and deregulation will always permit a degree of cowboy behavior.

很容易轻率地断言,解决办法在于扭转监管趋势,但要先验地反驳这一观点却很难。

It’s easy to allege that the solution can be found in reversing the trend in regulation, and hard to disprove a priori.

于是,现在呼声已起。人们纷纷跟上潮流,而反对者则试图以改善行为和自我监管的承诺来阻止它。正如《金融时报》4 月 10 日所指出的,

So now the cry has been raised. People are jumping on the bandwagon, and those opposed are trying to head it off with promises of better behavior and self-regulation. As the Financial Times noted on April 10,

2008 年橡树资本管理有限公司

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

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如今,信贷和消费者信心正在消退,很可能损害公司利润。自由市场主义者几个世纪以来一直反对的国家干预,如今已被彻底正当化。

保罗·沃尔克在 4 月 12 日的《金融时报》上这样说道:“这个光鲜亮丽的新金融体系——尽管参与者才华横溢,尽管回报丰厚——却未通过市场的考验。”对自由市场无所不知的信念,暂时已被埋葬。

4 月 15 日的《纽约时报》描述财政部国内金融副部长鲍勃·斯蒂尔,称他对一个“超级监管者”或“市场稳定监管者”高度乐观,该机构“将对华尔街最复杂机构的资本水平、交易风险和杠杆率作出评判”。然而,该报称,就在过去两年里,“斯蒂尔先生曾担任两个委员会的共同主席,一个声称严厉的监管正在扼杀金融创新,另一个则认为对冲基金可以自我监管。”时代确实变了。

作为时代的一个标志,金融新闻在线解读网站 breakingviews.com 在 5 月 14 日这样写道:

对金融市场放手不管的做法,如今看来是疏忽大意……格林斯潘对资产价格的自由放任态度,伴随着对银行监管的漠不关心,以及对监管较少的金融机构增长的热烈欢迎。如今,信任金融市场自我纠正看起来是错误的想法……当局需要重新认识到,金融市场太过重要、太过冲动,不能任其不受约束地运作。

它们在谨慎、一贯的监管下运作得更好。(强调为原文所加)

取代基于市场的决策,我们很可能会看到对自由市场活动的更多限制。我无法相信政府会比市场更擅长配置资产和防止过度行为。但当前的痛苦——再加上监管公开宣称的目标是避免伤害、限制掠夺性行为和保护弱势群体——将使这一趋势难以抗拒。正如马丁·沃尔夫在 4 月 16 日的《金融时报》上所写,

更多的监管正在路上。在如此严重地吓坏了政客和政策制定者之后,即使是最乐观的银行家也必须意识到这一点。问题在于,额外的监管是否会带来好处。(强调为原文所加)

有些具体行动有潜力增强金融安全,例如(a)增加对复杂结构化产品和表外工具要求的资本储备,以及(b)对后者进行全面而详细的披露。监管的某些增强似乎是恰当的,尤其是对表外实体——大多数银行损失的来源。值得注意的是,就在安然事件(最严重的滥用行为隐藏在表外)仅仅六年之后,另一场危机又在那里滋生。银行受益于存款保险(政府的认可标志)和获得廉价美联储资金。因此,作为交换,它们的所有实体都应受到严密监管,这是合理的。这一点尤其正确,因为已经明确表明,非银行活动不会被允许拖垮我们的大型银行。

Now credit and consumer confidence are ebbing, to the likely detriment of company profits. State intervention, which free marketers have argued against for centuries, has been royally legitimized. Paul Volcker put it this way in the FT of April 12: “The bright new financial system – for all its talented participants, for all its rich rewards – has failed the test of the marketplace.” Belief in free market omniscience has been laid to rest for a while. The New York Times of April 15 described Bob Steel, Treasury Under Secretary for Domestic Finance, as being highly optimistic about a “superregulator” or “market stability regulator” that “would pass judgment on the capital levels, trading exposure and leverage of Wall Street’s most sophisticated institutions.” Yet within just the last two years, it says, “Mr. Steel has been cochairman of one commission that claimed heavy-handed regulation was stanching financial innovation and another that argued that hedge funds could police themselves.” Times certainly do change. And in a sign of the times, breakingviews.com, an online interpreter of financial news, put it this way on May 14: The hands-off approach to financial markets now looks neglectful. . . . Greenspan’s laissez-faire attitude to asset prices went along with paying little attention to bank supervision and positively welcoming the growth of less regulated financial institutions. Trusting financial markets to self-correct now looks wrongheaded. . . . The authorities need to relearn that financial markets are too important and too impulsive to be left to operate unconstrained. They work better with careful, consistent supervision. (Emphasis added) In place of market-based decisions, we’re likely to see more limits on free-market activity. I find it impossible to believe that the government will do a better job than the market of allocating assets and preventing excesses. But the current pain – when combined with regulation’s avowed goals of avoiding harm, limiting predatory conduct and protecting the little guy – will make the trend hard to resist. As Martin Wolf wrote in the FT of April 16, More regulation is on its way. After frightening politicians and policy makers so badly, even the most optimistic banker must realize this. The question is whether the additional regulation will do any good. (Emphasis added) Some specific actions have the potential to increase financial security, such as (a) increases in the capital reserves required against complex structured products and off-balance-sheet vehicles and (b) full and detailed disclosure of the latter. Some increase in regulation seems appropriate, especially with regard to off-balance-sheet entities, the source of most of the banks’ losses. It’s remarkable that just six years after Enron, where the worst abuses were hidden off balance sheet, another crisis was able to arise there. Banks benefit from deposit insurance (the government’s seal of approval) and access to cheap Fed funds. Thus it’s reasonable that, in exchange, all of their entities should be tightly regulated. This is especially true since it’s been made clear that non-bank activities won’t be permitted to sink our large banks.

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但我认为,有几十个理由说明,普遍加强监管不会达到预期的效果。以下是我的前十二个理由:

  1. 在监管中找到漏洞远比堵住漏洞容易。金融专业人士不断创新和扩张。监管者必须努力追赶,往往还带着过时的工具。等新规则出台时,金融家们已经转向发明新产品、开辟新漏洞。
  2. 一个简单的事实是,被监管者采取行动的经济动机远强于监管者作出回应的动机。投资银行家每周工作时间是被指望监管他们的人的两到三倍,这并非没有影响。
  3. 最有能力的监管者最终往往会转而去被监管机构工作,削弱了监管流程的有效性,并泄露了其秘密。
  4. 许多过度行为背后是对冲基金和衍生品,要控制它们将尤为困难。如今,一个巨大的不确定领域是信用违约互换,尤其是在资本充足率和交易对手风险方面。信用违约互换是涉及大量对冲基金的衍生品,这并非巧合。它们该如何被监管?
  5. 衍生品尤其难以监管,因为很难量化它们所涉及的风险。让我们举一个最简单的例子:你向某人卖出一份“无担保看涨期权”,赋予他以每股 2 美元向你买入 100 股你没有的股票的权利。如果股价涨到 5 美元,你损失 300 美元(你收到的 2 美元与你必须支付 100 股交割的 5 美元之间的差额)。如果涨到 10 美元,你损失 800 美元。在 100 美元时,你损失 9800 美元。在 1000 美元时,你损失 99800 美元。在 10000 美元时,损失是 999800 美元,依此类推。对于无担保看涨期权(以及等效的无担保卖空),潜在损失理论上是无限的。那么,在你的资产负债表上应该显示多少风险才算合适?没有人能说清。应该是“最坏情况”吗?那又是什么呢?或者用模型推导出可能结果的估计值?过去几个月无疑证明了那些毫无用处。
  6. 值得注意的是,银行——可能是我们金融机构中受监管最严格的——正在报告最大的损失。监管可以改进和加强,但很难相信它真能被指望来防止危机。同样,抵押贷款发放过程中的弱点巨大,但没有任何监管者发声反对。
  7. 有人提议,金融机构应被要求对其在困难时期的应对能力进行压力测试。但它们应该能够承受多糟糕的环境?什么是最坏情况,银行是否必须为此做好准备?例如,如果银行总是被要求能够承受 2 月和 3 月的条件,它们可能永远不会发放一笔贷款。

But I think there are dozens of reasons why generally increased regulation won’t work to the hoped-for extent. Here are my first twelve: 1. It’s far easier to find holes in regulations than to plug them. Financial professionals innovate and expand. Regulators must try to catch up, often with outdated tools. By the time new rules are enacted, the financiers have moved on to invent new products and open new loopholes. 2. It’s a simple fact that the regulated are more financially motivated to act than the regulators are to respond. It’s not without effect that investment bankers work two or three times as many hours per week as the people who’re counted on to police them. 3. The most skillful regulators often move eventually to work in regulated institutions, weakening the effectiveness of the regulatory process and spilling its secrets. 4. Hedge funds and derivatives are behind many of the excesses, and it will be particularly hard to get them under control. Today, one huge area of uncertainty is credit default swaps, particularly with regard to capital adequacy and counterparty risk. It’s not a coincidence that CDS are derivatives with heavy hedge fund involvement. How might they be regulated? 5. Derivatives are particularly hard to regulate because it’s difficult to quantify the risk they entail. Let’s take the simplest example: you sell someone a “naked call” that gives him the right to buy from you for $2 apiece 100 shares of a stock you don’t own. If the stock goes to $5, you lose $300 (the difference between the $2 you’ve been paid and the $5 you now must pay to buy 100 shares to deliver). If it goes to $10, you’re down $800. At $100, you’re down $9,800. At $1,000, you’re down $99,800. At $10,000, it’s $999,800, and so on. With naked call writing (and its equivalent, naked short selling), the potential loss is theoretically unlimited. So what’s the right amount of risk to show on your balance sheet? No one can say. Should it be the “worst case”? And what is that? Or how about a modelderived estimate of the likely outcome? The last few months certainly showed those to be useless. 6. It’s worth noting that banks, probably the most regulated of our financial institutions, are reporting the biggest losses. Regulation can be improved and tightened, but it’s hard to believe that it actually can be counted on to prevent crises. Similarly, the weaknesses in the mortgage loan generation process were huge, but no regulator spoke out against them. 7. It’s been proposed that financial institutions should be required to stress-test their ability to cope in difficult times. But how bad an environment should they be able to survive? What is the worst case, and should banks have to prepare for it? If banks always were required to be able to survive the conditions of February and March, for instance, they might never make a loan.

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  1. 监管提案也可能包括要求更多、更好的风险管理。但风险管理行业在过去十年中的努力可能超过了其此前所有努力的总和。这些努力肯定没有避免当前的危机。事实上,风险管理人员在近几年的认可很可能导致了虚假的安全感,从而带来了更自信(和更大规模)的风险承担。
  2. 由于最近许多最大的错误发生在信用评级领域,那么问一问监管能否使评级更准确是恰当的。根据 4 月 25 日《国际先驱论坛报》的一篇文章,

参议员克里斯·多德……实际上是在恳求证交会主席克里斯托弗·考克斯去争取新的权力。他建议,也许将信用评级留给某种不存在利益冲突的非营利机构是个好主意。他和(参议员)谢尔比都建议,证交会应当吊销那些出错过于频繁的信用评级机构的经营许可证。

你能想象类似这样的做法会起作用吗?你愿意看到信用评级由一个缺乏经济动机的机构来制定吗?谁来判定它们是否“出错过于频繁”?“出错过于频繁”是否包括被证明过低的评级,还是只包括过高的?在过去四十年里,这两种情况我都见过很多。

  1. 同样,这个周期中一些最大的失误来自于让那些在贷款信用质量上没有持续利益关系的人发放贷款。因此有人建议,贷款人应被要求在贷款证券化并出售后仍承担资金风险。监管者能否真正阻止一个动机强烈的贷款人规避这一要求?例如,他们如何防止机构通过对冲衍生品头寸来对冲其押注?
  2. 我读到的许多提案都与金融高管的薪酬有关。银行家的奖金应与根据所涉风险调整后的业绩挂钩。而且奖金应该是长期性质的,如果利润后来变成亏损,应能被追回。政府有可能监管私营部门的薪酬吗?在我们的制度下,它应该这样做吗?我会对这两个问题都说“不”。
  3. 最后,这次造成痛苦的主要因素是轻率、缺乏怀疑精神以及对创新的过度信任。3 月 29 日的《国际先驱论坛报》称,“国会中的民主党人……正在推动对高风险贷款实施更严格的限制。”我在别处还读到一项建议,抵押贷款机构应当负责任地行事。这些东西怎么能被监管?监管者如何要求良好的判断力,又该如何衡量呢?

我认为艾伦·格林斯潘在 4 月 7 日《金融时报》的一篇专栏文章中出色地总结了这一局面,

监管者要想有效,就必须具有前瞻性,以预见下一次金融失灵。这已被证明是不可行的。面对现实——

8. Regulatory proposals are also likely to include calls for more and better risk management. But the risk management profession’s exertions in the last ten years probably exceeded the sum of its efforts prior thereto. Those efforts certainly didn’t head off the current crisis. In fact, it’s highly likely that risk managers’ blessings led to a false sense of security in recent years, and thus to more confident (and greater) risk taking. 9. Since many of the biggest recent errors occurred in the area of credit ratings, it’s appropriate to ask whether regulation could make ratings more accurate. According to an article in the Herald Tribune of April 25, Senator Chris Dodd . . . practically begged Christopher Cox, the SEC chairman, to ask for new authority. He suggested that perhaps it would be a good idea to leave credit ratings to some kind of non-profit agency that would not have conflicts of interest. Both he and [Senator] Shelby suggested that the SEC should revoke the operating license of a credit rating agency that was wrong too often. Can you imagine anything along these lines working? Would you like to see credit ratings being set by an agency lacking economic motivation? Who would determine whether they’d been “wrong too often”? And would “wrong too often” include ratings that proved to be too low, or just too high? I’ve seen a lot of both in the last forty years. 10. Likewise, some of this cycle’s greatest gaffes came from having people make loans who lacked an ongoing stake in their creditworthiness. So it’s been suggested that lenders should be required to have money at risk in loans even after they’ve been securitized and sold onward. Could regulators possibly prevent a highly motivated lender from getting around this requirement? How, for instance, would they keep an institution from hedging its bets through offsetting positions in derivatives? 11. A number of the proposals I’ve read relate to financial executives’ compensation. Bankers’ bonuses should be related to performance that has been adjusted for the risks entailed. And they should be long-term in nature and subject to being clawed back if profits turn into losses later on. Can government possibly regulate compensation in the private sector? And should it under our system? I would say “no” to both. 12. Finally, the main things that gave rise to the pain this time around were imprudence, insufficient skepticism and excessive faith in innovation. The International Herald Tribune of March 29 said, “Democrats in Congress . . . are pushing for tougher restrictions on risky lending.” And I read elsewhere a suggestion that mortgage lenders should have to act responsibly. How can these things be regulated? How might a regulator require good judgment, and how would it be measured? I think Alan Greenspan did an excellent job of summing up the situation in an op-ed piece in the Financial Times of April 7, Regulators, to be effective, have to be forward-looking to anticipate the next financial malfunction. This has not proved feasible. Regulators confronting real-

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时间不确定性的问题,即便存在,也极少能达到预先采取行动所需的未来清晰度。多数监管活动都聚焦于引发先前危机的行为。

除了加大力度查处欺诈(这是我长期以来的关切点),加强监管是否真能提升金融表现?我表示怀疑。问题不在于缺乏监管,而在于对监管者能预防何事的不切实际期望。若非如此,我们怎能解释,英国金融服务管理局——其有效性备受推崇——为何在处理北岩银行时失手?或者在美国,我们最优秀的检查人员多年来屡屡失手。这些并非偶发事件。

次贷问题的核心在于投资界的误判……即便拥有完全的干预权,监管者也不可能阻止次贷危机。(强调系原文)

马丁·沃尔夫在 4 月 16 日的《金融时报》上这样衡量挑战:

若要使监管有效,它必须覆盖所有相关机构及整个资产负债表,在所有重要国家;它必须聚焦于资本、流动性和透明度;并且,同样重要的是,它必须让金融减少顺周期性。

这是一项艰巨的任务。结果恐怕难以达到这些目标。

不,政府干预并非金融体系免于极端波动和危机的关键……正如自由放任也非万能。但趋势可能倾向于加强监管。事实是,只有当人类情感和对利润的追求不再走向极端时,周期及其危险的过度行为才会停止发生。无论是政府干预还是自由市场,都永远无法实现这一结果。

time uncertainty have rarely, if ever, been able to achieve the level of future clarity required to act pre-emptively. Most regulatory activity focuses on activities that precipitated previous crises. Aside from far greater efforts to ferret out fraud (a long-time concern of mine), would a material tightening of regulation improve financial performance? I doubt it. The problem is not the lack of regulation but unrealistic expectations about what regulators are able to prevent. How can we otherwise explain how the UK’s Financial Services Authority, whose effectiveness is held in such high regard, fumbled Northern Rock? Or in the US, our best examiners have repeatedly failed over the years. These are not aberrations. The core of the subprime problem lies with the misjudgments of the investment community. . . . Even with full authority to intervene, it is not credible that regulators would have been able to prevent the subprime debacle. (Emphasis added) Martin Wolf sized the challenge in the FT of April 16: If regulation is to be effective, it must cover all relevant institutions and the entire balance sheet, in all significant countries; it must focus on capital, liquidity and transparency; and, not least, it must make finance less pro-cyclical. That’s a tall order. The results are unlikely to stack up well against the goals. No, government intervention doesn’t hold the key to a financial system existence free of extremes and crises . . . any more than laissez-faire does. But the trend is likely to be in the direction of regulation. The truth is that cycles, with their dangerous excesses, will cease to occur only when human emotion and the pursuit of profit no longer go to extremes. Neither government intervention nor the free market will ever produce that result.

黑天鹅

The Black Swan

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当今最有名的鸟要数《黑天鹅》了,这是纳西姆·尼古拉斯·塔勒布的第二本书。你可能记得塔勒布是《随机漫步的傻瓜》的作者,我称那本书为必读之作(参见 2002 年 10 月《收益及其成因》和 2006 年 12 月《猪草》)。他是前对冲基金经理,也是自封的哲学家;他的书几乎难以读懂(我怀疑是故意为之),但里面确实包含一些极为重要的思想。

《随机漫步的傻瓜》的主旨是:许多影响投资业绩或历史进程的力量本质上都是随机的,但人们常忽视这一事实,赋予它们意义,而这些意义只有在非随机的情况下才合理。因此,某一年表现最好的投资者可能是经理——用塔勒布的话说,就是“幸运

The best-known bird around today is The Black Swan, the second book from Nassim Nicolas Taleb. You may remember Taleb as the author of Fooled by Randomness, which I’ve described as an essential read (see “Returns and How They Get That Way,” October 2002, and “Pigweed,” December 2006). He’s an ex-hedge fund manager and self-styled philosopher whose books are nearly impenetrable (I suspect intentionally). But they also contain some incredibly important ideas. The main thrust of Fooled by Randomness was that while many of the forces that shape investment performance – or history in general – are random in nature, people often ignore that fact and give them meaning that would be warranted only if they weren’t random. Thus the top performing investor in a given year may be the manager – in Taleb’s terminology, the “lucky

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“傻瓜”——尽管采取了极端且不明智的立场,却因一次极其偶然的事件侥幸脱身。因此,一年的卓越表现,丝毫不能说明下一年还能如此。

《黑天鹅》继续沿着这一思路,强调高估知识与预测能力的危险性。书名及其主题,源于一些不同寻常的澳大利亚鸟类,这些鸟在外国人到访之前从未被见过,因此在欧洲被视为不存在。

根据塔勒布的观点,“黑天鹅”需满足三个条件。前两个是:它必须是“异常值”,并产生“极端影响”。这些“影响深远的事件”因罕见且不易发生,常被误以为根本不存在或不可能发生。两者之间的差别虽小,却意义重大。

塔勒布的第三个条件是,黑天鹅现象具有“事后的(尽管不是事前的)可预测性”。由于人们能在事后为其“编造解释”,他们最终相信自己有能力理解原因并预测未来的发生。简言之,人们低估了对此类事件预知能力的局限——这是你熟知的我的一贯主题——也低估了随机性的作用。为了简化世界并使其适用于既定的统计分析,量化分析师为事件赋予了标准的特性——如熟悉的钟形曲线——但这些事件远比他们假设的更不规律,远远达不到这种分析方法有效所需的条件。

《黑天鹅》去年出版,时机极佳,因为最近许多臭名昭著的事件恰好符合塔勒布的标准。

idiot” – who took an extreme and unwise position and was bailed out by a highly improbable event that occurred by chance. For that reason, one year of outstanding performance says absolutely nothing about the likelihood of another. The Black Swan continues in that vein, emphasizing the dangers of overestimating knowledge and predictive power. The book gets its name – and its theme – from some unusual Australian birds which, never having been seen before foreigners began to visit, were considered in Europe not to exist. According to Taleb, there are three criteria for a “black swan.” The first two are that it should be “an outlier” and carry “an extreme impact.” The fact that these “highly consequential events” are infrequently occurring and improbable often is taken to mean they’re nonexistent and impossible. The difference between the two may be small, but it’s highly significant. Taleb’s third criterion is that black swan phenomena have “retrospective (though not prospective) predictability.” And because people are able to “concoct explanations” for them after the fact, they end up believing themselves capable of understanding the causes and predicting future occurrences. In short, they underestimate the limits on foreknowledge with regard to these events – a regular theme of mine, as you know – and underrate the role of randomness. To simplify their world and render it subject to established statistical analysis, quants attribute standard properties – like the familiar bell-shaped curve – to events that are far less regular than they should be for this approach to be valid. The publication of The Black Swan last year was extremely well timed, because many of the infamous recent events satisfy Taleb’s criteria.  

抵押贷款证券化最大的错误,源于“房价从未在全国范围内下跌”被解读为“房价不可能在全国范围内下跌”。创新金融产品建立在常见概率分布模型之上,而这些模型可能并不适用于所研究的现象。于是,那些刚从商学院毕业、从未在真实世界中观鸟的年轻人,把这些可能性过度简化了。

最终,那些被描述为极不可能发生的事件确实发生了。但它们本不该完全出乎意料,本该被预料到。模型让人们把仅有 1% 概率的损失视为无风险。然而,偶尔人们需要被提醒:“不太可能”并不等于“不可能”。黑天鹅确实会出现。

The greatest errors in mortgage securitization arose because “home prices have never declined nationally” was taken to mean “home prices can’t decline nationally.” Innovative financial products were modeled on the basis of common probability distributions that may have been inapplicable to the phenomena being studied. Thus the possibilities were oversimplified by recent business school graduates who’d never been out bird-watching in the real world. In the end, events that had been described as highly unlikely happened. But they shouldn’t have come as complete surprises and should have been anticipated. Models had led people to consider things with a 1% chance of loss as riskless. Once in a while, however, people need a reminder that “unlikely” isn’t synonymous with “impossible.” Black swans do occur.

现在,带着上面最后一条要点,我们来把黑天鹅当作一个实际问题来谈,而不是当作哲学思考的话题。说黑天鹅应该有所准备、说过去几年掉进陷阱的人忽视了明显的风险,这话谁都会讲。我 12 月的备忘录《这次没什么不同》里,把 2007 年的关键教训之一写成了这样:

投资要生存下去,靠的是短期不倒下,而不是长期的平均表现。所以我们绝不能忘记那个六英尺高的男人,他蹚过了一条平均水深四英尺的河,结果淹死了。

Now, with the final bullet point above in mind, let’s talk about the black swan as a practical matter, not a topic for philosophic rumination. It’s easy to say black swans should be prepared for, and that the people who fell into the last few years’ traps ignored obvious risks. My December memo “No Different This Time” included the following among the key lessons of ‘07: Investment survival has to be achieved in the short run, not on average over the long run. That’s why we must never forget the six-foot-tall man who

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在平均水深五英尺的溪流中溺水而亡。投资者必须挺过低谷时期。

这句话的道理显而易见。投资者当然必须为不利情况做好准备。有许多金融活动形式,按常理可以预期平均会奏效,但可能有一天会因结构脆弱或杠杆过高让你崩盘。

但事情真有这么简单吗?说应该为坏日子做准备很容易。但要多坏?最坏情况是什么,你是否必须每天都具备应对能力?

和投资中的其他一切一样,这并非非黑即白的问题。你承担的风险大小,取决于你选择追求回报的程度。你在投资组合中构建的安全度,应基于你愿意放弃多少潜在回报。没有标准答案,只有取舍。这就是我为什么在上述内容之后继续写道:

因为确保在不利环境下生存的能力,与在好时候实现回报最大化并不相容,投资者必须在两者之间做出选择。

多年来我思考过的最有趣的问题之一是:我们应该花多少钱——无论是保险费形式还是放弃的回报——来防范我所说的“极不可能发生的灾难”(我对黑天鹅的称呼)?但这个问题始终只是问题,需要我们每个人用自己的方式去回答。

drowned crossing the stream that was five feet deep on average. Investors have to make it through the low points. This statement makes obvious sense. Certainly investors must brace for untoward developments. There are lots of forms of financial activity that reasonably can be expected to work on average, but they might give you one bad day on which you melt down because of a precarious structure or excess leverage. But is it really that simple? It’s easy to say you should prepare for bad days. But how bad? What’s the worst case, and must you be equipped to meet it every day? Like everything else in investing, this isn’t a matter of black and white. The amount of risk you’ll bear is a function of the extent to which you choose to pursue return. The amount of safety you build into your portfolio should be based on how much potential return you’re willing to forgo. There’s no right answer, just trade-offs. That’s why I went on from the above as follows: Because ensuring the ability to [survive] under adverse circumstances is incompatible with maximizing returns in the good times, investors must choose between the two. One of the most interesting questions I’ve pondered over the years is this: How much should we spend – be it in the form of insurance premiums or forgone returns – to protect against the “improbable disaster” (my term for the black swan)? But that’s all it remains: a question. It’s for each of us to answer in our own way.

电线上的鸟

Birds on a Wire

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有一个老谜语:十只鸟停在电话线上,猎人开枪打下一只,还剩几只?通常的回答是九只。但正确答案是一只不剩,其余的被枪声吓跑了。这或许是个笑话,却道出了一个容易被忽视的事实:连锁反应(我的英国朋友称之为“连带效应”)多么容易被人忽略。

在《一切都好……真的吗?》一文中,我谈到人们把去年夏天的事件描述为孤立的次贷危机,却忽视了传染的可能性。如今,大多数人已看到,“次贷危机”不过是可能持续很久的普遍经济困境和市场疲软的第一幕。

我对经济和投资趋势思考得越久,就越把每一个发展看成是对其他事件的反应。你可能也注意到,我谈起时事时总离不开它们的先兆。我把去年夏天以来的事件——以及未来数月乃至数年可能延续的事件——看作一场连锁反应:

There’s an old riddle about ten birds sitting on a telephone wire. A hunter shoots one. How many are left? The usual response is nine. But the correct answer is none; the rest are frightened by the gunshot and fly away. Maybe it’s a joke, but it illustrates the ease with which ramifications – what my British friends call “knock-on effects” – are overlooked. In “It’s All Good . . . Really?” I discussed the way people were describing the events of last summer as an isolated subprime crisis and ignoring the potential for contagion. Now most see that the “subprime crisis” was just the first act in what might be a long period of generalized economic difficulty and market weakness. The longer I think about economic and investment trends, the more I view every development as a reaction to something else. And you’ve probably noticed my inability to talk about current events without discussing their precursors. I see the events since last summer – and those that will stretch into the coming months and perhaps years – as a chain reaction: 

次贷危机源于此前多年不断累积的几股趋势:杠杆、证券化与分层、金融工程、评级放宽、不受监管的非银行系统,以及疯狂追逐收益率。

The subprime crisis resulted from trends that had been building during the preceding years: leverage, securitization and tranching, financial engineering, looser ratings, unregulated non-

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银行贷款、贷款标准放宽和风险承受度上升。这些因素蕴含的风险首先在住房抵押贷款领域集中爆发,因为正是在那里,它们被最大程度地应用,且抵押品质量最为薄弱。每一池非投资级抵押贷款中制造了过多的 AAA 级证券,一旦违约率超过模型假设,这些证券便立刻崩溃。

bank lending, weaker loan standards and rising risk tolerance. The risk embodied in these things came home to roost in residential mortgages first because it’s there that they were applied to the greatest extent and to the weakest underlying collateral. Too many triple-A securities were created from each pool of non-investment grade mortgages, and they collapsed as soon as default rates surpassed the models’ assumptions. 

信用紧缩是自然而然的下一个阶段。住宅抵押贷款乱象引发了一系列更为普遍的连锁反应:

The credit crunch was an obvious next step. A number of more generalized developments resulted from the mess in residential mortgages: o o o o o o

风险厌恶情绪升温,

市场要求的风险溢价抬升,风险资产价格随之下跌,

杠杆和流动性撤离,

杠杆基金崩盘、头条新闻令人恐慌,

银行出现亏损,资本充足率因此受到威胁,

资本被囤积,新贷款无法获得。

rising risk aversion, higher demanded risk premiums, and thus lower prices for risky assets, the withdrawal of leverage and liquidity, leveraged fund meltdowns and frightening headlines, losses at banks and thus endangerment of their capital adequacy, and hoarding of capital and the unavailability of new loans.

这给金融机构带来了麻烦。高杠杆投资上的损失必然会引发危机心态,而这种心态很容易演变成一场彻头彻尾的危机。金融机构有什么特点?

· 高杠杆,

· 几乎完全依赖短期存款和借款来支撑流动性差的长期资产,

· 承担风险——这正是它们的业务所在,也正是通过这样做,它们才赚到利差(如果它们借得安全、贷得安全,利差又从何而来?),

· 透明度极低。

还有什么比这更能让信心枯竭的配方吗?如果一家金融机构失去了客户的信任,什么能阻止挤兑?没有,正如英国在 9 月对北岩银行、美国在 3 月对贝尔斯登所经历的那样。而还有什么比对其金融机构的安全性产生怀疑,更能让经济陷入恐惧的呢?

This resulted in problems at financial institutions. Losses on highly leveraged investments were sure to lead to a crisis mentality, which could morph easily into a plain old crisis. What are the characteristics of financial institutions? o high leverage, o near-total reliance on short-term deposits and borrowings to fund illiquid, longerterm assets, o risk bearing – that’s what their business consists of, and it’s by doing so that they earn lending spreads (if they borrowed safe and lent safe, where would the spread come from?), and o extremely low transparency. What greater recipe could there be for a drying up of confidence? If a financial institution loses the confidence of its customers, what’s to prevent a run on the bank? Nothing, as the UK found out in September with Northern Rock and the US found out in March with Bear Stearns. And what can inject fear into an economy more than doubt about the safety of its financial institutions?

最后一只靴子还没落地,那就是对整体经济的影响。经济靠信心运转。人们购买非必需品,是因为预期未来向好、收入增长。企业扩建厂房、扩充人手和库存,是因为预期销售会增加。金融机构放贷,是因为预期连本带息能收回来。投资者投入资本,是因为预期资产价值会上升。一旦这些预期受到质疑,增长进程就会停滞。经济连续两个季度收缩,就被宣布为衰退,乐观假设便更加岌岌可危。

The main shoe left to drop concerns the impact on the broader economy. Economies run on confidence. People spend on non-necessities because they expect the future to be good and their incomes to grow. Businesses expand plant, workforce and inventory because they expect sales to increase. Financial institutions lend because they expect to be repaid with interest. Investors provide capital because they expect the value of assets to increase. When doubt is shed on these expectations, the growth process stalls. When the economy contracts for two consecutive quarters, a recession is declared, and positive assumptions become further in doubt.

如今,许多企业已开始报告利润下滑或业绩令人失望(就连通用电气也未能幸免)。失业率正在攀升。油价和食品价格的上涨很可能削弱消费者的支出能力。而消费者的心理也受到了那些令人恐慌的头条新闻的打击,无论这些新闻是否属实。

Already, businesses are reporting declining or disappointing earnings (even General Electric). Unemployment is on the rise. Higher prices for oil and food are likely to cut into consumers’ ability to spend. And their psyches have been damaged by scary headlines they may or may not

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明白。消费信心处于低位,越来越少美国人预期未来会好转。消费支出的增长很大程度靠信贷普及推动。如今,信贷减少意味着消费减少。这些都不是经济活跃的条件。

市场普遍共识是我们将迎来衰退——甚至可能已经身处其中。一季度国内生产总值增长,但最终销售下滑,产出增加只因企业补库存。这些补库很可能是被动行为,一旦停止或逆转,GDP 增长必然可能转负。

请注意,经济低迷并非终点。消费和工业活动放缓可能反哺到过程起点,引发房价进一步下跌、进一步减记、信贷进一步收缩,如此循环。然后,当水平低到一定程度,某种神秘力量会让周期转向积极。

经济与市场中,事情不会孤立发生。鸟总成群飞。过去事件的余波将进一步扩散。

understand. Consumer confidence is at low levels, and fewer Americans expect an improving future. Much of the growth in consumer spending has been abetted by the more widespread availability of credit. Now, less credit should mean less spending. These aren’t the conditions for a vibrant economy. There’s a strong consensus that we’ll see a recession – and a possibility we’re in one already. GDP grew in the first quarter, but final sales were down and output increased only because businesses added to inventories. These additions likely were involuntary, and when stopped or reversed, GDP growth certainly could go negative. Please note that a depressed economy isn’t the end of the line. Slower consumer and industrial activity could feed back to the beginning of the process, causing further house price depreciation, further write-downs, a further credit contraction and so forth. And then, when levels get low enough, something mysteriously will cause the cycle to turn positive. Things don’t happen in isolation in economies and markets. Birds do flock together. The implications of past events will spread further.

浴火重生?

Phoenix from the Ashes?

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总是如此,乐观派和悲观派之间在进行一场拔河比赛。然而这一次,赌注异常之高,而双方的言辞也与可能产生的重大后果相匹配。

过去几周,市场基于一些“最坏时期已经过去”的言论而上涨:“我们离结束比离开始更近”(高盛的劳埃德·布兰克费恩)。“也许已经过去了 75% 到 80%……”(摩根大通的杰米·戴蒙)。最坏的时期“已经在我们身后”(雷曼兄弟的理查德·富尔德)。美国次贷市场已经到了第八局,也许是“第九局上半场”(摩根士丹利的约翰·麦克)。

另一方面,美林证券的约翰·塞恩表示:“我希望那些说我们已到终点的人是对的。我则更为怀疑一些。”卢米斯-塞尔斯公司的丹·福斯,一位经验丰富、业绩卓著的债券经理,说:“这是我在职业生涯中见过的最令人担忧的金融形势”——他的职业生涯将近五十年。而乔治·索罗斯则将这一轮描述为“自二战结束以来,比任何其他金融危机都严重得多”。

人们把 3 月 17 日,也就是摩根大通拯救贝尔斯登的那一天,视为谷底。在那件事之前的几周里,市场心理糟透了;如果没有救援,情况会进一步崩溃;而此后,市场心理和市场本身都大幅回升。当然,那一天是“一个谷底”,但我不太确定它就是“那个谷底”。

贝尔斯登的救援处理了信贷紧缩、投资者情绪以及金融机构之间螺旋式下滑的可能性。但它并没有标志着抵押贷款问题的终结。

As always, there’s a tug-of-war going on between the optimists and the pessimists. This time, however, the stakes are unusually high and the rhetoric proportional to the potentially momentous consequences. Over the last few weeks, the markets rose based on statements to the effect that the worst had passed: “We’re closer to the end than the beginning” (Lloyd Blankfein of Goldman Sachs). “Maybe 75 to 80 percent over. . . ” (Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan Chase). The worst is "behind us" (Richard Fuld of Lehman Brothers). The subprime market in the U.S. has reached its eighth inning or maybe the "top of the ninth" (Morgan Stanley’s John Mack). On the other hand, John Thain of Merrill Lynch said, “I hope those who say we are at the end are correct. I am somewhat more skeptical.” Dan Fuss of Loomis Sayles, a highly experienced bond manager with an excellent track record, said, “This is the most worrisome financial situation I’ve seen in my working lifetime” [which approximates fifty years]. And George Soros described this go-round as “much more serious than any other financial crisis since the end of World War II." People are talking about March 17, the day JPMorgan Chase rescued Bear Stearns, as the bottom. Psychology was terrible in the weeks leading up to that event; things would have melted down much further in the absence of a rescue; and psychology and markets picked up substantially thereafter. Certainly that day was “a bottom,” but I’m not so sure it was “the bottom.” The Bear Stearns rescue dealt with the credit crunch, investor attitudes and the possibility of a downward spiral among financial institutions. But it didn’t mark the end of mortgage

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违约或经济疲软。房贷将继续出现断供,若利率推高浮动利率贷款的月供、房价持续下跌,这一数字还可能加速攀升。此外,三月份采取的措施丝毫不能阻止经济放缓、企业利润下滑或债务违约。最后,这些举措对信贷可获得性的改善似乎也不大。以下几项因素很可能继续存在,或进一步演变为压制力量:

defaults or economic weakness. Mortgages will continue to go unpaid, and the numbers may accelerate if interest rates take adjustable-rate loan payments higher and if house prices continue to fall. Further, nothing that was done in March will preclude economic slowdown, falling corporate profits or defaults on debt. Finally, it doesn’t seem to have done much for the availability of credit. Several elements are likely to remain – or become – further depressants: 

银行减记的披露仍将持续。就当前房价跌幅和抵押贷款违约水平而言,银行次级贷相关损失的大部分或许已经浮出水面。但这不意味着这些趋势不会进一步恶化,也不意味着未披露损失的蓄水池不会重新注满。国际货币基金组织预计,抵押贷款相关总损失将达 1 万亿美元。显然,迄今公布的减记数字尚未接近这一规模。而且各方普遍认为,大多数持有者在信息披露方面并不像美国银行那样爽快。

打破僵局的努力正在取得进展,但尚未完成,积压的问题仍在不断累积。每当银行公布巨额减记时,我不禁会想,当下大家的直接反应是:“不知道后面还藏着多少。”只有当人们不再这样想时,缓解信贷紧缩才算真正取得了实质进展。

Bank write-downs will continue to be reported. The majority of the banks’ subprimerelated losses may have surfaced as relate to the current level of house price depreciation and mortgage default. That doesn’t mean these trends won’t go further, and thus that the reservoir of unreported losses won’t be refilled. The IMF has projected total mortgagerelated losses of $1 trillion. Certainly the write-downs announced to date haven’t approached that figure. And there’s a broad consensus that most holders haven’t been as forthcoming on this subject as the U.S. banks. Progress is being made toward breaking the logjam, but we’re not done yet, and there continue to be additions to the backlog. As banks report large write-downs, I can’t help but sense that the immediate reaction is, “I wonder how much more remains.” Only when people stop thinking that way will real progress have been made toward easing the credit crunch.

类似地,“悬置”过桥贷款的出售也在增加,显然部分投资银行愿意接受现实,承认 2006 年和 2007 年买入的贷款无法按面值出售。最近我们看到这些贷款以 90% 的价格成交,且常常由卖方提供融资。但正如抵押贷款损失的情况一样,随着企业在收购易手时安排的超额信贷额度被动用,新的放贷义务很可能再次加重金融机构的资产负债表负担。

Similarly, sales of “hung” bridge loans are increasing, and clearly some investment banks are willing to take their medicine with regard to the extent to which loans bought in 2006 and 2007 are unsalable at par. Recently we have seen sales at 90, often with financing provided by the sellers. But just as in the case of mortgage losses, it’s quite possible that new obligations to lend will re-burden the financial institutions’ balance sheets, as companies draw against the excess credit lines that were arranged at the time they changed hands in buyouts.

信贷的可获得性仍然是个问号,尽管情况似乎正在好转。尽管美联储维持低利率,各央行也大规模注入流动性,银行间利率仍包含可观的收益率利差,成交量也有限。4 月 28 日,《金融时报》引用了约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯的话:

信贷疲软足以引发崩溃,而其增强虽是复苏的必要条件,却并非充分条件。

换句话说,《金融时报》评论道,“银行不再倒闭并不意味着它们能像从前那样放贷——即便它们有能力放贷,也不愿回到从前。”

The availability of credit is still a question mark, although things seem to be getting better. Despite the Fed’s low rates and all central banks’ massive injections of liquidity, inter-bank interest rates still incorporate significant yield spreads and volumes are limited. On April 28, the Financial Times quoted John Maynard Keynes: Whilst the weakening of credit is sufficient to bring about a collapse, its strengthening, though a necessary condition of recovery, is not a sufficient condition. In other words, the FT said, “just because the banks are not going bust does not mean that they can lend as before – nor would they if they could.”

商用地产价格,如同住宅价格一样,正从非理性的高位回落,这源于过去几年投资资本的过度供应。广泛的房地产崩盘与显著的衰退同时发生,有可能使这一阶段变得痛苦不堪。但迄今报道的重大商业违约和再融资失败的案例还不多。

Commercial real estate prices, like home prices, are coming off irrational highs achieved because of the oversupply of investment capital in the last few years. The coincidence of a broad real estate collapse with a significant recession has the potential to make this a painful episode. But few prominent commercial defaults and failed refinancings have been reported to date.

2008 年橡树资本管理有限合伙企业

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

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当前的经济消息虽不算糟糕,却也称不上乐观。消费者支出、通货膨胀、就业和企业投资仍受制于未来可能出现的负面发展。高杠杆企业的违约率才刚刚开始上升。

The economic news, while not dire at the moment, isn’t rosy. Consumer spending, inflation, employment and business investment all remain exposed to negative future developments. Default rates among highly levered companies have just begun to rise.

最后,信用违约互换这类衍生品的生命力尚未经过检验。这意味着要么(a)它们不会惹出麻烦,要么(b)它们会惹出麻烦,只是还没到时候。这又是一个潜在负面影响尚未消除的案例。

Finally, the viability of derivatives such as credit default swaps has yet to be tested. That means either (a) they’re not going to cause trouble, or (b) they’re going to cause trouble and have yet to do so. This is another case where potential negatives have yet to be dispelled.

自贝尔斯登获救以来,市场已大幅上涨。这给我的印象是,那些当初忍住没去“接飞刀”的人,可能觉得自己等得太久,于是匆忙买入,生怕一直不投资会显得自己难看。4 月 28 日的《金融时报》总结得恰到好处,我深以为然:

尴尬的事实是,没人确切知道信贷紧缩会给全球经济和金融市场带来多严重的冲击。从基本面出发,一位以保本为重的投资者,在大盘下行风险明朗之前保持谨慎,完全说得过去。然而,选美竞赛式的做法(不是赌谁最漂亮,而是赌大多数人会觉得谁最漂亮)表明,许多职业投资者持这样一种看法:无论自己私下有多担心,大多数同行都在透过眼前的余波,看向更光明的未来。正如市场会提前消化未来五次衰退中的八次一样,它们也能提前消化未来五次牛市复苏中的八次。(着重号为我所加)

我不是说悲观者对了、乐观者错了,也不是说我们真面临着持续的危机。而是说,这种可能确实存在,而且后续还可能有好几只靴子要落地。重要的是,虽然抵押贷款证券和杠杆贷款已经历了重重磨难,或许可以说已经便宜了,但其他大部分资产至今毫发无损,或者已经反弹。尤其是股票,似乎并未反映美国经济这盘棋可能已经下完的可能性,仅从 2007 年的历史高点小幅回落。

The markets have seen substantial gains since the time of Bear Stearns’s rescue. They give me the impression that people who refrained from trying to “catch a falling knife” may have concluded that they waited too long, and thus they rushed to buy out of fear that they’d look bad if they stayed uninvested. The FT of April 28 summed up in a way I thought was very much on target: The awkward truth is that nobody knows for sure how severe an impact the credit crunch will prove to have on the global economy and on financial markets. On fundamental grounds a wealth-preserving investor might well feel justified in being cautious until the extent of the downside becomes clearer. The beauty contest approach [in which, rather than bet on who’s the prettiest contestant, people bet on who most people will judge to be the prettiest contestant], however, suggests that many professional investors are taking the view that however bad their private fears, the majority of their counterparts are looking through the immediate fallout to a rosier future. Just as markets anticipate eight of the next five recessions, so too they can look forward to eight of the next five bull market recoveries. (Emphasis added) I’m not saying the pessimists are right and the optimists are wrong, or that we truly face an ongoing crisis. Rather, I think the possibility is there and several more shoes remain capable of dropping. Importantly, while mortgage securities and leveraged loans have gone through the wringer and arguably might be cheap, most other assets are as yet unscathed or have rebounded. Stocks, in particular, do not seem to reflect the possibility that this economy’s goose is cooked, having declined only slightly from 2007’s all-time highs.

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所以你想知道,“结束了吗?”我的底线是这样的:

So you want to know, “Is it over?” Here’s my bottom line: 

一年前的那些过度行为,如今已得到大幅修正。价格回落,风险溢价上升。恐惧和避险情绪重新回到了考量之中;不受约束的乐观主义不再成为常态。

There’s been a significant correction of the excesses of a year ago. Prices are down and risk premiums are up. Fear and risk aversion have been brought back into the equation; unbridled optimism is no longer the norm.

2008 年橡树资本管理有限合伙公司(Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.)

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

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与迄今已发生的基础性恶化——尤其是抵押贷款违约——相关的损失,很大一部分已经得到了确认。

A good part of the losses have been recognized that relate to the fundamental deterioration – and especially the mortgage defaults – to date.

在贝尔斯登获救前夕,市场心理曾达到“末日”级别,如今已从悬崖边回返,呈回升之势。尽管这或许令人担忧,暗示谨慎不足,但心理因素引发大规模螺旋式下行的风险,眼下似乎已不在考虑之列。

Psychology, which reached “end-of-the-world” levels in the days leading up to the rescue of Bear Stearns, is back from the brink and on the upswing. Although this could be a worrisome sign of inadequate caution, the risk that psychology will spur a massive downward spiral seems to be off the table for now.

然而,可预见的未来并非没有重大风险,其中许多是切实存在的,而非心理层面的(在经济学中,这两者往往难以截然分开)。房价可能进一步下跌,导致更多按揭违约,进而需要额外的资产减记。受能源和食品价格上涨冲击,并对未来感到忧虑的美国消费者,很容易减缓支出,进一步削弱经济。我们依然认为,许多高价位、高杠杆的私募股权交易将难以在经济放缓中幸存。

However, the foreseeable future is not without significant risks, many of which are real, not psychological (to the extent the two can be distinguished in economics). There could easily be further house price depreciation, causing more mortgage defaults and requiring additional write-downs. American consumers, buffeted by rising prices for energy and food and concerned about the future, could easily slow their spending and further weaken the economy. And we continue to believe that many high-priced, highly leveraged private equity deals will fail to survive an economic slowdown.

展望依然要求保持审慎……尽管紧迫感已不如一两年前。那时,人们以低回报投资,相信万无一失。如今,这种乐观已被打消,预期回报中包含更丰厚的风险溢价。

然而,只有当市场积累了大量的谨慎——但愿是过度的谨慎——才是转为高度进取的时候。我们还没到那一步,但有理由相信我们正朝那个方向前进。

The outlook continues to call for prudence . . . although not as much or as urgently as a year or two ago. Then, people were investing at low returns in the belief that nothing could go wrong. Today, that optimism has been dispelled and prospective returns embody more generous risk premiums. However, only when a great deal of caution has been built into the markets – and hopefully an excess of caution – is it time to turn highly aggressive. We’re not there yet, but there’s reason to believe we’re moving in that direction.

May 16, 2008

May 16, 2008

2008 年橡树资本管理有限合伙公司

2008 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.

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