通向零增长之路

2012 · 书信 · 原文约 12011 词
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GMO 季报 2012 年 11 月 迈向零增长之路 杰里米·格兰瑟姆(第 2-17 页) “救命,救命,我被镇压了!” 本·英克(第 18-20 页) GMO 季报 2012 年 11 月 迈向零增长之路 杰里米·格兰瑟姆 概述  我们一百多年来习以为常的美国 GDP 增长率——每年超过 3%——并非暂时受挫而隐藏起来。它已永远消失。然而,大多数商界人士(以及美联储)都假设经济增长会恢复到原有水平。

GMO QUARTERLY LETTER November 2012 On the Road to Zero Growth Jeremy Grantham (pages 2-17) “Help, Help, I’m Being Repressed!” Ben Inker (pages 18-20) GMO QUARTERLY LETTER November 2012 On the Road to Zero Growth Jeremy Grantham Summary  The U.S. GDP growth rate that we have become accustomed to for over a hundred years – in excess of 3% a year – is not just hiding behind temporary setbacks. It is gone forever. Yet most business people (and the Fed) assume that economic growth will recover to its old rates.

展望未来,美国 GDP 增长(按传统方式衡量)可能每年只有约 1.4%,经调整后的增长约为 0.9%。

 Going forward, GDP growth (conventionally measured) for the U.S. is likely to be about only 1.4% a year, and adjusted growth about 0.9%.

美国人口增长率在 1970 年代达到峰值,每年超过 1.5%,此后将维持在不到 0.5% 的水平。这差不多已经写在了人口结构这张饼里。再考虑到每人工作小时数的下降,每年总工时可能只会增长 0.2%。

 Population growth that peaked in the U.S. at over 1.5% a year in the 1970s will bob along at less than half a percent. This is pretty much baked into the demographic pie. After adjusting for fewer hours worked per person, man-hours worked annually are likely to be growing at only 0.2% a year.

制造业的生产率一直很高,而且预计将持续保持高位,但制造业如今仅占美国经济的 9%,低于 1900 年的 24% 和 1990 年的 15%。到 2040 年左右,这一比例将降至仅 5%。这个占比很小的板块能为整体生产率贡献多少,是有上限的。

 Productivity in manufacturing has been high and is expected to stay high, but manufacturing is now only 9% of the U.S. economy, down from 24% in 1900 and 15% in 1990. It is on its way to only 5% by 2040 or so. There is a limit as to how much this small segment can add to total productivity.

相反,服务业的生产率增长既低且持续下降。如果沿用当前的核算方法,预计到 2030 年,整体生产率仅为 1.3%。

 Growth in service productivity in contrast is low and declining. Total productivity is calculated to be just 1.3% through 2030, if we use current accounting methods.

然而,现行会计准则无法准确处理资源成本上升的问题。未来在巴西近海每开采一桶石油要花 150 到 200 美元,而沙特人生产同样一桶油只需 10 美元,结果会荒谬地让(巴西的)GDP 大增。实际上,资源成本上升应视为对整个经济其余部分的挤压,因为它降低了我们的总效用。

 However, current accounting cannot accurately handle rising resource costs. Spending $150-$200 a barrel in offshore Brazil in the future to deliver the same barrel of oil that cost the Saudis $10 will result perversely in a huge increase in (Brazilian) GDP. In reality, rising resource costs should be counted as a squeeze on the balance of the economy, as they lower our total utility.

衡量经济中非资源部分的平衡,能得出正确的结论。从 2002 年至今,资源成本占 GDP 总量的比重惊人地上升了 4 个百分点。这使得 GDP 中非资源部分的年增长率足足下降了 0.4%。

 Measuring the non-resource balance of the economy produces the correct effect. The share of resource costs rose by an astonishing 4% of total GDP between 2002 and today. It thus reduced the growth of the non-resource part of GDP by fully 0.4% a year.

自 2000 年以来,资源成本保守估计每年以 7% 的速度上涨。如果在一个增速低于 4% 的世界、一个发达经济体增速低于 1.5% 的世界里这一趋势持续下去,那么不难预见,这种挤压将会日益加剧。

 Resource costs have been rising, conservatively, at 7% a year since 2000. If this is maintained in a world growing at under 4% and a developed world at under 1.5% it is easy to see how the squeeze will intensify.

随着廉价资源的减少,价格上涨甚至可能加速。如果资源成本以每年 9% 的速度增长,美国将达到这样一个临界点:经济所创造的全部增长都将被用于获取足以维持系统运转的足够资源。那么只需 11 年,经济体系就会陷入衰退!反之,如果我们的资源生产率提高,或者需求放缓,成本上涨的幅度可能降至每年 5%,这样我们还有 31 年时间来做足准备。当然,凭借非凡的突破性创新,我们或许能做到更好,但我们肯定不能指望于此。(请记住,我们甚至不清楚 2000 年价格为何开始如此急剧上涨。)过度乐观且无所作为,可能极其危险。

 The price rise might even accelerate as cheap resources diminish. If resources increase their costs at 9% a year, the U.S. will reach a point where all of the growth generated by the economy is used up in simply obtaining enough resources to run the system. It would take just 11 years before the economic system would be in reverse! If, on the other hand, our resource productivity increases, or demand slows, cost increases may decelerate to 5% a year, giving us 31 years to get our act together. Of course, with extraordinary, innovative breakthroughs we might do even better, but we certainly shouldn’t count on that. (Bear in mind that we don’t even know precisely why the prices started to rise so sharply in 2000.) Excessive optimism and doing little could be extremely dangerous.

1 所有提及 GDP 增长之处均以实际值表示。

1 All references to GDP growth are expressed in real terms.

GMO 2 季度信函——通往零增长之路——2012 年 11 月  未来几年,水力压裂法对增长会有帮助:我猜测其益处将在五年内达到峰值,约为 0.5%,但长期来看则较为温和。理解增长的关键概念在于知道最大上行推力何时到来。(参见附录 A。)

GMO 2 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012  For a few years fracking will add helpfully to growth: my guess is that the benefit will peak at about 0.5% within five years, but be modest over longer periods. The key concept here for understanding growth is to know when the maximum upward push will occur. (See Appendix A.)

日益严重的气候破坏——主要体现在食品价格和洪水灾害上——将进一步加剧。幸运的话,在 2030 年之前影响不会太严重(我们预留了 0.1% 的衰退空间),但 2030 年到 2050 年间,这种破坏很可能会加速恶化。很大程度上取决于我们如何应对。

 Increasing climate damage, reflected mainly in food prices and flood damage, is going to increase. With any luck this will not be severe before 2030 (we allow for a 0.1% setback) but it is very likely to accelerate between 2030 and 2050. A great deal will depend on our responses.

根据我们的预测,美国实际增长率的底线是到 2030 年每年 0.9%,从 2030 年到 2050 年降至 0.4%(见第 16 页表格)。这一切都建立在假设没有意外灾难,也没有英雄壮举,只是正常“勉强应付”的基础上。

 The bottom line for U.S. real growth, according to our forecast, is 0.9% a year through 2030, decreasing to 0.4% from 2030 to 2050 (see table on Page 16). This is all done presuming no unexpected disasters, but also no heroics, just normal “muddling through.”

GDP 的衡量方法必须改进,从而开始衡量真正有用或者有实际效用的产出。目前这种把成本、“好事”和“坏事”混为一谈的衡量方式,产生了糟糕甚至有害的激励。

 GDP measures must be improved so that they begin to measure output of real usefulness or utility. The current mish-mash of costs and of “goods” and “bads” produces poor and even damaging incentives.

对增长的精确衡量最终必须纳入消耗自然资产的全部成本。希克斯曾指出,真正的收入应当考虑持续的生产能力,而我们当前的衡量方式显然没有做到这一点。如果做到了,过去 20 年里发达国家很可能一直处于负增长状态。

 Accurate measurements of growth must eventually include the full costs of running down our natural assets. True income (said Hicks) is meant to allow for sustained productive capacity, which our current measures clearly do not. If they had done so the developed countries might well have been in reverse for the last 20 years.

投资者应当警惕一个以美国 3% 增长率为正常为前提制定政策的美联储。别忘了,这个机构的掌门人连 1200 年一遇的房地产泡沫都没看出来!指望它一直压低利率,直到生产率跃升至过去 30 年平均水平以上,或者直到美国生育率大幅攀升——这可能会让人等上很久很久!

 Investors should be wary of a Fed whose policy is premised on the idea that 3% growth for the U.S. is normal. Remember, it is led by a guy who couldn’t see a 1-in-1200-year housing bubble! Keeping rates down until productivity surges above its last 30-year average or until American fertility rates leap upwards could be a very long wait!

低增长前景与伯南克式乐观论调的一些投资含义,我们下次(运气好的话!)再谈。

 Some of the investment implications of this low growth outlook and the Bernanke optimism will be addressed next time (with luck!).

引言:一厢情愿

人们对变化的态度顽固不化。我们执著地怀念“美好旧时光”,满怀热忱。当遭遇不愉快的观点(甚至是不愉快的事实时),我们会四处跳跃,寻找更顺耳的替代品。关键在于,科技繁荣与泡沫破裂,以及随后的房地产繁荣与房市及金融崩溃,共同掩盖了近在咫尺、令人不快的经济演变——美国长期增长率的稳步且显著下滑。有朝一日,当债务还清、房市恢复正常、欧洲局势稳定下来时,大多数商界人士似乎预期经济会复苏,回到美国以往年均 3.4% 的增长趋势,或者至少接近这一水平。他们不该白费力气等待。增长趋势的下降是不可避免且持久的,其根源在于一些相当基本的力量。这里的问题不是“增长率是否已经下降?”(答案是肯定的),也不是“它是否会继续下降?”(答案也是肯定的)。问题是:“它会以什么速度下降?”

Introduction: Wishful Thinking Attitudes to change are sticky. We cling to the idea of the good old days with enthusiasm. When offered unpleasant ideas (or even unpleasant facts) we jump around looking for more palatable alternatives. Critically, the tech boom and bust and the following housing boom and housing and financial busts helped camouflage the recent unpleasant economic development lying below the surface: the steady and important drop in long-term U.S. growth. Someday, when the debt is repaid and housing is normal and Europe has settled down, most business people seem to expect a recovery back to America’s old 3.4% a year growth trend, or at least something close. They should not hold their breath. A declining growth trend is inevitable and permanent and is caused by some pretty basic forces. The question here is not “Has the growth rate dropped?” (yes, it has) or “Will it continue to drop?” (yes, it will). The question is “At what rate will it drop?”

旧 GDP 战舰

直到 1980 年左右,美国 GDP 增长的趋势一直十分显著:整整一百年间,年均增长率为 3.4%。在全球范围内,很难找到持续时间如此之长的强劲增长,尽管确实存在短期爆发式的更高增长率。但 1980 年之后,这一趋势开始下滑。这并非由某个特定的经济挫折所致,而只是出现了新的更低增长率。2000 年后,女性持续大量涌入劳动力市场的浪潮告一段落,进一步拉低了增长率。这种放缓的影响在 2002 年衰退后的缓慢复苏中得到了体现——那是当时有记录以来 GDP 增长和就业创造最慢的一次。而这一局面,还是发生在美国住宅市场这个出了名多元化的市场中催生出一个房地产泡沫的情况下——这本身就很不容易。该泡沫直接导致至少多建了 200 万套房屋,额外雇用了 300 万到 400 万工人。同时,人们以前所未有的规模,以增值后的房产为抵押进行借贷。即便如此,复苏依然缓慢。而 2009 年至今的这次复苏,其缓慢程度更是令人失望。时代确实变了。

The Old GDP Battleship The trend for U.S. GDP growth up until about 1980 was remarkable: 3.4% a year for a full hundred years. There is nothing like this duration of strong growth anywhere else, although of course there are much higher growth rates for short bursts. But after 1980 the trend began to slip. It was not the result of a specific economic setback, but just a new slower growth rate. After 2000, what had been a sustained surge of women entering the workforce came to an end, further reducing the growth rate. The effect of this slowdown was felt in the very slow recovery from the 2002 recession, the slowest GDP growth and job creation yet recorded. This was despite the creation of a housing bubble, a difficult thing to achieve in a famously diversified U.S. housing market. The bubble led directly to the building of at least two million extra houses, employing an extra three to four million workers. There was also unprecedented borrowing against increased housing values. Yet still the recovery was slow. The current recovery from 2009 has been even more disappointingly slow. Times have changed.

GMO 第三季度信函——通往零增长之路——2012 年 11 月

GDP 可以方便地划分为人口效应和其他一切因素,后者可粗略称为“生产率”。这里,我们先看人口效应。

GMO 3 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 GDP can be conveniently divided into population effects and everything else, loosely described as “productivity.” Here, we’ll start by looking at population effects.

人口结构变化对过去及未来增长的影响

人口结构这东西聊多了很快会让人打瞌睡,所以这里只说干货。附表 1 显示,劳动年龄人口增速近年来急速下滑。未来压力的另一部分,则来自人口老龄化。附表 2 呈现了一个较简单的效应——每位劳动者实际工作时长的变化。这似乎已成为当今全球文化的一部分:我们越富有,工作时间就越少。这难道不是理所应当的吗?这一趋势极为持久——以美国为例,即便 1970 年之后每小时实际工资再无任何增长,工作时长仍以每年 3 小时的速度缓慢下降。其他发达国家在平均工资上表现要好得多,毫不意外,它们工作时长下降的速度也快得多,达到每年 7 小时以上。真是幸运的他们。(自 1950 年以来,这一效应使得美国潜在增长率每年降低 0.17%,而在经合组织其他成员国中 [未在表中展示],该降幅超过美国的 2 倍,达到 0.4%。)

Effect of Demographics on Past and Future Growth Demographics can get boring in a hurry so here are the bare bones. Exhibit 1 shows the recent rapid decline in the growth of working age population. Part of the future squeeze comes from the aging of the population. Exhibit 2 shows one of the simpler effects – hours worked per worker. It really seems to be part of our global culture today to work less as we get richer. And why not? It is so durable a trend that in the U.S. even after 1970, despite there being no further gains at all in real wages per hour, hours worked continued to creep down at 3 hours a year. Other developed countries, which did quite a bit better in average wages, not surprisingly fell quite a bit faster at over 7 hours a year. Lucky them. (From 1950 this effect has reduced potential growth in the U.S. by 0.17% a year and in the balance of the O.E.C.D. [not shown] by over twice that at 0.4%).

图表 3 展示了美国总工时图景中一个极为重要的积极因素:女性劳动参与率的显著提升。这一趋势在 2000 年结束之前,每年为劳动投入贡献了约 0.25% 的增长。

Exhibit 3 shows the one very substantial positive in the U.S. to the total hours worked picture: the dramatic increase in the participation rate of women. This added about 0.25% a year to work input up until 2000 when the trend ended.

人口输入项的增长在 1970 年左右达到峰值,年增长率接近 2%(计算方式有多种,每种得出的结果略有差异)。过去 30 年间,这一增长率降至平均约 1%,而如今人口因素对工时的提振作用已降至每年约 0.2%,这一水平很可能持续到 2050 年,甚至可能略微偏向下行。与经济领域惯常的估计不同,这些预测的精确度远比一般估计要高得多,因为其中大量数据来源于现有的人口结构和社会趋势——比如出生率,这些因素变化极为缓慢。唯一可能剧烈且难以预测的变量,是美国移民政策。

The demographic inputs peaked around 1970 at nearly 2% a year growth (there are many ways to do these calculations, each yielding slightly different results). They fell to about 1% average growth for the last 30 years and demographic effects are now down to about 0.2% a year increase in man-hours where they are likely to remain until 2050, with possibly a very slight downward bias. Unusually for things economic, these estimates are much more likely than the typical estimates to be quite accurate, for much is derived from the existing population profile and social trends, which, like birth rates, change very slowly. The only variable that is quite likely to jump around unpredictably is the U.S. immigration policy.

图表 1 人口增速放缓

美国与 OECD 国家劳动年龄人口年均增长率及预测

年份区间美国OECD
19501.5%1.2%
19601.8%1.4%
19702.0%1.5%
19801.5%1.2%
19901.0%0.8%
20001.0%0.6%
20100.5%0.3%
20200.5%0.2%
20300.3%0.1%

以上估计基于 GMO 的合理判断,不构成担保。估计结果仅反映截至发布之日的观点,GMO 无义务也不承诺更新此类估计。估计值受多种假设、风险和不确定因素影响,这些因素随时间变化。实际结果可能与估计中的预期存在重大差异。

数据来源:美国人口普查局

实际数据截至 2011 年 12 月 31 日

GMO 第四季度信函——通往零增长之路——2012 年 11 月

图表 2 人均工时下降

美国与 OECD 国家年均工作小时数

年份区间美国OECD
19502,0502,100
19601,9502,050
19701,9002,000
19801,8501,950
19901,8001,900
20001,8001,850
20101,7501,800
20201,7001,750
20301,6501,700

以上估计基于 GMO 的合理判断,不构成担保。估计结果仅反映截至发布之日的观点,GMO 无义务也不承诺更新此类估计。估计值受多种假设、风险和不确定因素影响,这些因素随时间变化。实际结果可能与估计中的预期存在重大差异。

数据来源:OECD

实际数据截至 2011 年 12 月 31 日

图表 3 女性参与效应已结束

美国女性劳动参与率

日期参与率
Jan-5035%
Jan-5538%
Jan-6040%
Jan-6543%
Jan-7047%
Jan-7552%
Jan-8057%
Jan-8560%
Jan-9062%
Jan-9563%
Jan-0064%
Jan-0563%
Jan-1061%

数据来源:世界大型企业联合会

截至 2012 年 9 月 30 日

GMO 第四季度信函——通往零增长之路——2012 年 11 月

这里的关键点是,这些要素投入不会再回到美国 GDP 增长战列舰的光辉岁月。它们已导致 GDP 增长率从 1960 年代的峰值下降了超过 1.5 个百分点,比过去 30 年平均水平也降低了近 1 个百分点。人口增长或许只能维持在目前非常温和的水平,但绝不可能反弹回升。同样,全球人口增长要快得多,但很可能在 2050 年前后正负 10 年内达到零增长,这给全球 GDP 增长带来了相当沉重的压力。我相信,尽管这些数据异常可靠,但商界和投资界还没有充分意识到这种下降趋势。

Exhibit 1 Population Growth Slows Annual Working Age Population Growth and Projection U.S. and OECD 2.0% United States 1.5% 1.0% OECD 0.5% 0.0% -0.5% 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 Estimates are based upon the reasonable beliefs of GMO and are not a guarantee. Estimates speak only as of the date they are made, and GMO assumes no duty to and does not undertake to update such estimates. Estimates are subject to numerous assumptions, risks, and uncertainties, which change over time. Actual results may differ materially from those anticipated in the estimates provided. Source: U.S. Census Bureau Actual data as of 12/31/11 GMO 4 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Exhibit 2 Hours per Worker Falling Average Hours Worked per Year U.S. and OECD 2,100 2,050 2,000 OECD 1,950 1,900 United States 1,850 1,800 1,750 1,700 1,650 1,600 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 Estimates are based upon the reasonable beliefs of GMO and are not a guarantee. Estimates speak only as of the date they are made, and GMO assumes no duty to and does not undertake to update such estimates. Estimates are subject to numerous assumptions, risks, and uncertainties, which change over time. Actual results may differ materially from those anticipated in the estimates provided. Source: OECD Actual data as of 12/31/11 Exhibit 3 Female Participation Effect Finished U.S. – Female Labor Force Participation Rate 65% 60% 55% 50% 45% 40% 35% 30% Jan- 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 00 05 10 Source: Conference Board As of 9/30/12 GMO 5 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 The important point here is that these inputs are not going back to the glory days of the U.S. GDP growth battleship. They have caused GDP growth to drop by over 1.5% from its peak in the 1960s and nearly 1% from the average of the last 30 years. The population growth may just hold at current very modest growth rates, but it is highly unlikely to bounce back. Similarly the much more rapid global population growth is very likely to reach zero by 2050 plus or minus 10 years, which puts a very substantial damper on global GDP growth. I do not believe that this decline, backed as it is by unusually dependable data, is fully appreciated yet by the business and investment community.

就业创造与工时减少的悖论——可能是好消息

因此,GDP 增长的长期大问题很可能是经济体中可用工时持续减少。然而,短期大问题却是我们似乎长期无法创造足够多的就业岗位。那么,显然在某个中期阶段,这两股力量将相遇,发展出一个看似非常幸运的局面——各自削弱对方的负面影响。也许日本已经给我们做了一个预演。我们几乎都在幸灾乐祸地看待他们的人口危机——人口急剧下降——却几乎没注意到,他们的失业率只有我们的一半。没错,他们有其他问题,但试想一下,如果他们的人口增长率每年再高出 1% 或 1.5%,那么过去 10 年或 20 年的失业问题会糟糕多少?那确实会是痛苦的。

Paradox of Job Creation and Falling Man-hours – Possible Good News So the big long-term problem for GDP growth is likely to be a steadily reducing stream of man-hours available to the economy. Yet the big short-term problem is our apparently chronic failure to produce enough jobs. Well, obviously sometime in the intermediate term these forces will meet in what appears to be a very fortunate development, each taking some sting out of the other negative. Perhaps Japan has been giving us a sneak preview. We have all been almost gloating at their population crisis – falling rapidly – while barely commenting on the fact that they have half our unemployment rate. Yes, they have other problems, but just imagine how much worse their last 10 or 20 years of unemployment would have been if their population growth rate had been 1% or 1.5% more per year. Painful indeed.

生产力是增长方程式的另外一半。图表 4 引用了西北大学罗伯特·戈登教授一篇最新论文中的数据,让我们从人均生产力的角度获得一些历史视角。(该图表在 20 世纪之前使用英国的数据,之后改用美国的数据。)它显示,几个世纪以来生产力的提升微乎其微(同样,人口增长也是如此)。我们可以看到增长如何先是缓慢提速——

图表 4戈登的增长曲线——生产力现正下降
世界前沿国家:英国 1300-1906 年,美国 1907-2010 年
年度实际人均国内生产总值增长率
3.0%
2.5%
2.0%
1.5%
1.0%
0.5%
0.0%
130014001500160017001800190020002100

来源:戈登 2 戈登,罗伯特·J.,《美国经济增长终结了吗?创新乏力遭遇六重逆风》,美国国家经济研究局工作论文 18315 号,2012 年 8 月。

Productivity Productivity is the other half of the growth equation. Exhibit 4 shows a chart from a new paper2 by Professor Robert Gordon of Northwestern, which gives us some historical perspective on the issue of productivity per capita. (It uses British experience until the 20th century and then switches to the U.S.) It shows that productivity gains were negligible for centuries (as was population growth, for the record). We can see how growth slowly picked up first Exhibit 4 Gordon’s Growth Chart – Productivity Now Falling Annual Growth in Real GDP per Capita World Frontier Country: UK 1300-1906, U.S. 1907-2010 3.0% 2.5% 2.0% 1.5% 1.0% 0.5% 0.0% 1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000 2100 Source: Gordon 2 Gordon, Robert J., “Is U.S. Economic Growth Over? Faltering Innovation Confronts the Six Headwinds,” NBER Working Paper 18315, August 2012.

GMO 6 季度报告——零增长之路——2012 年 11 月。在英国的农业革命和随后的工业革命中,增长率攀升至 1900 年时令人眩晕的 1% 水平。随着蒸汽机、电力、电话、汽车以及煤、石油、天然气等储存能源的全面利用等一系列创新浪潮的涌现,增长率在世纪中叶飙升至 2.5% 的峰值。随后开始下降,到 2000 年,估计趋势值降至 1.8%。(虚线是他预测的生产率增长趋势到 2025 年会进一步下降至 1.3%。)

GMO 6 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 in the British Agricultural Revolution and then in the Industrial Revolution, rising to a then dizzying 1% growth rate around 1900. With the surge of innovations – steam engines, electricity, telephones, autos, and the full use of the stored energy of coal, oil, and gas – the rate soared to a peak of 2.5% at mid-century. And then it started to decline, with the estimated trend reaching 1.8% in the year 2000. (The dotted line is his prediction of a further fall in the trend of productivity growth to 1.3% by 2025.)

戈登教授提出了一个进一步的思想实验,他推测未来生产率增长可能持续下降,一路回到最初大约 0.2% 的增长率。这一论点值得一看。

Professor Gordon offers a further thought experiment by speculating that possible future growth in productivity might continue to go down, all the way back to the original growth rate of about 0.2%. This argument is worth a look.

戈登教授讨论了四个我特别感兴趣的话题:教育水平下降、收入不平等、全球化以及债务积压——这些都是与增长相关的重要问题。他没有涉及被低估的人口大幅下降问题,因为他做了合理的选择,专注于人均生产率。不过在我看来,他对大宗商品稀缺和气候急剧恶化对增长造成的长期影响,着墨太少。在讨论我认为他做得好的部分之前,让我先指出他的数学计算中存在的一些问题——这在处理流量和流量变化率时经常发生。我认为,戈登教授的观点无疑在抑制我们的增长潜力,但这些因素在过去 30 年里一直如此。如果这些因素仅仅被预测为未来会与过去一样糟糕,那么它们对未来增长的改变毫无影响,因为它们已经被计入自 20 世纪 60 年代达到峰值以来导致生产率大幅下降的某些因素之中。具体而言,相对教育标准、全球化和收入差距在过去都已经严重恶化,因此我确信它们会变得不那么糟糕,甚至可能大大好转。(公平地说,戈登教授将这种悲观的走势仅描述为一种“挑衅性的幻想”。他或许是对的,但肯定不是因为这里给出的数学计算。)

Professor Gordon covers four topics of particular interest to me: declining education; income inequality; globalization; and debt overhang, all relevant issues in regards to growth. He did not cover the underappreciated large decline in population because he made a reasonable choice to focus on productivity per person. In my opinion, though, he made much too little of the longer-term implications of the squeeze on growth caused by commodity scarcity and a rapidly deteriorating climate. Before getting to what he does well in my opinion, let me point out where his math was wonky as often happens when dealing with flows and changes in flow rates. Professor Gordon’s points are, I think, unarguably holding back our growth potential. But they were doing so during the last 30 years. If these factors are only predicted to be as bad as they had been in the past, then they have no effect at all on changing future growth, for they are already counted as some of the forces that have already caused productivity to drop substantially since the peak in the 1960s. In particular, relative educational standards, globalization, and income disparity have all deteriorated so badly in the past that I am confident they will become less bad, perhaps much less bad. (To be fair, Professor Gordon offered this pessimistic flight path as only a “provocative fantasy.” And he may be right, but definitely not because of the math offered here.)

戈登教授要么完全跳过了,要么草草带过了几个我认为从重要到至关重要不等的问题。我想先谈谈资本支出下降的问题,然后再说三个对短期和长期增长都极为不利的因素:经济不断成熟,制造业比重持续降低;资源约束日益趋紧;环境成本加速上升——起初缓慢,最终剧烈。

Professor Gordon either skipped entirely or gave short shrift to a few issues that I think range from important to vital. I would like to start with the issue of reduced capital spending and then move onto the three factors that bode very badly for both near-term and very long-term growth: a maturing economy, with a diminishing manufacturing component; tightening resource constraints; and environmental costs that increase at an accelerating rate, slow at first and drastic eventually.

资本开支减少

通常,我在债务和货币因素上看到的重大意义比别人少,更多是看实际因素。当有人说中国是靠债务修建火车和房子时,我想,“不,它们是由真实的工人用真实的砖、水泥和钢铁建造的,无论债务最终怎样,这些资产仍会存在。”(它们可能会倒塌,但那是另一回事;无论有无债务,你都能建出糟糕的高楼)。所以我非常重视资本和劳动力的质量与数量:它们是增长和健康经济的关键。一支训练差、教育差的劳动力队伍是我们稍后会谈到的问题,但当前的话题是资本投资减少、异常偏低,尤其在美国。我在伦敦的朋友和经济顾问安德鲁·史密瑟斯有一个理论——他称之为“奖金文化”——在我看来,值得更多关注。当年我做年轻分析师时,像国际纸业和国际收割机这样的公司会让我们抓狂:就在供需关系趋紧、丰厚利润似乎近在眼前时,它们和它们的竞争对手却都会建新工厂,然后所有人都被过剩产能淹没。那些 CEO 都痴迷于市场份额,不惜在资本开支上乱投一气。这或许不是让单个公司利润最大化的方式,但对就业和增长却大有裨益。现在,在奖金文化下,新增产能备受质疑。它往往会在短期内压低盈利能力,并且如今偶尔还会让投资公司暴露在恶意收购者面前。紧握住钱不放要安全得多,等股票需要一点推动时,再回购一些自家股票。就在我写这封信的时候,这种事正在大规模发生(今年大约 5000 亿美元)。但如果做得过头,我们就会开始看到令人失望的营收表现和增长放缓的总体经济——就像我们现在可能正看到的那样。

Reduced Capital Spending Typically I see less significance than others in debt and monetary factors and more in real factors. When someone says that China is building its trains and houses on debt I think, “No, they are built by real people with real bricks, cement, and steel and whatever happens to the debt, these assets will still be there.” (They may fall down but that’s a separate story; you can build a bad high rise with or without debt). So I take the quality and quantity of capital and people very seriously: they are the keys to growth and a healthy economy. A badly trained, badly educated workforce is a problem we will get to, but reduced, abnormally low capital investment, particularly in the U.S., is the current topic. My friend and economic consultant Andrew Smithers in London has a theory deserving much more attention in my opinion, and that is his concept of the “Bonus Culture.” When I was a young analyst, companies like International Paper and International Harvester would drive us all crazy, for just as the supply/demand situation was getting tight and fat profits seemed around the corner, they and their competitors would all build new plants and everyone would drown in excess capacity. The CEOs were all obsessed with market share and would throw capital spending at everything. It might not have been the way to maximize an individual company’s profit but it was great for jobs and growth. Now, in the bonus culture, new capacity is regarded with great suspicion. It tends to lower profitability in the near term and, occasionally these days, exposes the investing company to a raider. It is far safer to hold tight to the money and, when the stock needs a little push, buy some of your own stock back. This is going on today as I write, and on a big scale (approximately $500 billion this year). Do this enough, though, and we will begin to see disappointing top-line revenues and a slower growing general economy, such as we may be seeing right now.

我的同事们准备了附录 5,展示美国长期资本支出历史。储蓄与投资率与长期 GDP 增长的相关系数为 25%。附录 5 的数据主要来自 GMO 第七季度信函——《迈向零增长之路——2012 年 11 月》

附录 5:资本支出急剧下降

美国资本形成(净额),占 GDP 比重

14%

12% 奖金文化的繁荣期

10%

8%

6%

4%

对 26 个 OECD 国家 1970-2010 年的分析:

平均储蓄率与实际人均增长的相关系数:0.26

储蓄 / GDP 每提高 1% = 40 年内实际人均 GDP 增长 8%

0%

60 年 65 年 70 年 75 年 80 年 85 年 90 年 95 年 00 年 05 年 10 年

来源:OECD 季度国民账户、经济分析局,数据截至 2012 年 6 月 30 日

较低的资本支出率是对增长放缓的回应。不过,圈出的区域表明资本支出水平异常低迷,这极有可能成为未来增长的拖累:显然,新设备越少,嵌入新技术和潜在生产率的速度就越慢。当前这一降低的投资水平,比增长趋势下滑所能解释的幅度,大约还低了 4 个百分点。如果这种下降是主动发生的,而不是对之前增长率下滑的反映,那么基于长期相关性,它很可能会使未来增长率每年下降 0.2%,这还是保守估计。

My colleagues have put together Exhibit 5, which shows the long-term history of capital spending for the U.S. (The savings and investment rate has a 25% correlation with long-run GDP growth.) Mostly the data in Exhibit 5 reflects a GMO 7 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Exhibit 5 Capital Spending Falls Sharply U.S. Capital Formation (Net), % GDP 14% 12% The Flowering of 10% Bonus Culture 8% 6% 4% Analysis of 26 OECD countries, 1970-2010: Correlation of average savings rate with real per capita growth: 0.26 2% 1% increase in savings / GDP = 8% increase in real GDP per capita over 40 years 0% Mar- 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 00 05 10 Source: OECD Quarterly National Accounts, Bureau of Economic Analysis As of 6/30/12 lower capital spending rate responding to slower growth. The circled area, though, suggests an abnormally depressed level of capital spending, which seems highly likely to be a depressant on future growth: obviously you embed new technologies and new potential productivity more slowly if you have less new equipment. This currently reduced investment level appears to be about 4% below anything that can be explained by the decline in the growth trend. If this decline is proactive, if you will, and not a reflection of earlier declines in the growth rate, then based on longer-term correlations it is likely to depress future growth by, conservatively, 0.2% a year.

成熟经济体与制造业的衰退 对过去生产率增长构成长期拖累的一个主要因素,是服务业的稳步扩张,以及农业和制造业的相应萎缩,如表 6 所示。(中国作为对比的反例被纳入其中。)实际上,多年来美国制造业的生产率一直保持得相当不错,如表 7 所示。事实证明,我们在汽车、电视机和太阳能电池板的制造方面,似乎有着源源不断的聪明创意。

Maturing Economy and the Decline of Manufacturing A large long-term drag on past productivity gains has been the steady growth of the service sector and the commensurate decline in first farming and then manufacturing, which is shown in Exhibit 6. (The counter example of China is thrown in for contrast.) Productivity in manufacturing has actually held up remarkably well over the years in the U.S., as can be seen in Exhibit 7. We turn out to have an apparently inexhaustible supply of clever ideas in the making of cars and television sets and solar panels.

而服务业则另当别论。如表 7 所示,近几十年来,服务业的生产率已降至相当惨淡的 1.2%。为何表现如此之差?首先我们必须承认,许多服务部门的生产率确实难以衡量。但问题的本质,是我几周前在京都一座 14 世纪佛寺的庭院里领悟到的。首先,我得说那些庭院美不胜收——树木、灌木和苔藓,凝聚了数百年的精心呵护与艺术匠心。在那片苔藓与松树之间,有七八个园丁,大多蜷着身子,从层层叠叠、姿态优美的松树上修剪掉不太完美的细枝,又从茂密均匀的绿色地毯般的苔藓中拔掉显然长错了品种的小片苔藓。我静静地看着他们不紧不慢地劳作,忽然意识到,对他们来说,这确实可能依然是 14 世纪。当时的一群同样园丁,无疑每天会多干几个小时,或许还会从父辈和祖辈那里继承更多秘诀。不过我相当确信,700 年前,他们的人均每小时产出与现在并无二致。

Services, though, are another matter. As can be seen in Exhibit 7, the productivity of services has declined to a fairly dismal 1.2% in recent decades. Why does it do so poorly? First we must concede that it is hard to measure productivity in many service sectors. However the essence of the problem was revealed to me in Kyoto a few weeks ago in the gardens of a 14th century Buddhist Temple. First, let me say the gardens were remarkable – the trees, shrubs, and moss represented centuries of loving care and artistic thought. There, in a patch of moss and pine trees, were eight or so gardeners, mostly crouched, clipping very small twigs that were not quite perfect from beautifully layered pine trees and pulling small pieces of moss of apparently the wrong kind out of a lush, uniform green carpet. As I watched them silently and steadily working, it occurred to me that for them it could indeed have still been the 14th century. A similar group of gardeners would no doubt then have worked a few hours longer each day and perhaps inherited a few more secrets from their fathers and grandfathers. I am pretty sure, though, that they would have been just as productive per man-hour 700 years ago.

GMO 季度信函——在走向零增长的道路上——2012 年 11 月 图表 6 美国经济走向成熟(中国经济正在发展)美国与中国——制造业 / 工业就业占比 30% 中国工业就业占比 25% 20% 15% 10% 美国制造业就业占比 5% 0% 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 数据来源:劳工统计局、经济分析局、世界银行 WDI 截至 2011 年 12 月 31 日 图表 7 制造业生产率韧性十足,服务业生产率持续下滑 美国——制造业与非制造业的平均年生产率增长(按传统方法衡量!) 生产率定义为每小时实际 GDP 产出 3.0% 制造业 非制造业 整体经济 备忘:我们在所有计算中均使用了 CPI 平减指数。如果使用 GDP 平减指数,可以得到更高的增长数字。我们相信 CPI 并未高估通胀,甚至可能低估了通胀。 2.5% 2.0% 1.5%

GMO 8 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Exhibit 6 U.S. Economy Matures (Chinese Economy Develops) U.S. and China – Manufacturing / Industry Shares of Employment 30% China Industry Share of Employment 25% 20% 15% 10% U.S. Manufacturing Share of Employment 5% 0% 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bureau of Economic Analysis, World Bank WDI As of 12/31/11 Exhibit 7 Resilient Manufacturing Productivity, Declining Services Productivity U.S. – Average Annual Productivity Growth, Manufacturing and Non-Manufacturing (traditionally measured!) Productivity Defined as Real GDP per Hour Worked 3.0% Manufacturing Non-Manufacturing Whole Economy Memo: We have used Average Annual Growth in RGDP per Hour Worked 2.5% the CPI deflator in all of our calculations. Higher growth numbers can 2.0% be generated using the GDP deflator. We 1.5% believe CPI does not overstate inflation, but may even understate it.

1.0% 0.5% 0.0% 1950-1981 1981-2011 预测至 2030 年 未来预测基于 GMO 的合理判断,并非承诺。未来预测仅代表作出当日的观点,GMO 没有义务也不承诺更新此类预测。未来预测受诸多假设、风险和不确定性的影响,且随时间变化。实际结果可能与预测中的预期存在重大差异。数据来源:美国劳工统计局、美国经济分析局、OECD、GMO 另一个想法是:服务业大多涉及奢侈品,或者说非必需品——人们对这类服务的渴望程度或感知质量,往往随服务人员数量和面对面的个人时间而增加。此外,还存在极端的衡量“问题”。例如,如果资金管理机构或律师提高收费,他们的生产率就被视为提高了。真的如此。但为了简化这个极其复杂的问题,我们暂且假设官方数据是正确的。数据显示,随着经济体走向成熟,就业岗位转向服务业,人均小时生产率的提升变得更难实现。这种逆风将持续到遥远的未来,直到有一天,也许我们会达到所谓的奇点。最后一批从事制造业的人类——全是工程师和设计师——正在监督智能机器人制造和设计新一代更具生产力和更智能的机器人。在某个特定的日子,R3142 向它的机器人同伴发送了宿命般的无声讯息:它们的人类朋友弗雷德和那帮家伙开始碍事了。此后,不再有什么人均小时生产率,只有机器人小时生产率或单位资本生产率。这种资本和技术的深化几乎保证了制造业的生产率将持续保持高位,即使其中就业的劳动力比例逐渐趋近于零。而当我们其余人互相做艺术品鉴和投资管理时,我们可以幻想生产率,但这主要代表难以衡量的质量改进。(在一个假设的岛屿上,服务业被禁止,只存在制造业,最终的局面是:自动化——以及背后的资本——生产一切,而所有凡人坐在沙滩上。然后饿死?那些显然没有尽到责任的、毫无价值的失业者?啊,这才是问题所在!沿着沙滩往上走,在一个受保护、被隔离的区域内,是资本所有者俱乐部。那里,同样“失业”的少数所有者坐着,享受茶水和海洋。物质商品和生计如何分配,将决定那个岛屿的未来,因为失业者的数量将是领取股息者的 100 倍或 1000 倍。)在我们当前的世界里,难道不也存在这种不幸假设岛屿的日益增长的元素吗?原因基本相同。资本深化、技术(以及离岸外包)稳步取代制造业和农业岗位,直到有一天,也许根本不再有制造业岗位。维持增长的任务于是只能由服务业岗位独自承担,而衡量服务业生产率一直相当飘忽。然而,似乎确实如此:当事情开始出问题时,最重要的价值产生于必需品——所有必需品似乎都归在“制造业”项下:想想当日子变得艰难时,(必要的)面包和(奢侈的)理发之间的交易:七个面包换一次理发很快变成七次理发换一个面包!比当代更早的、更具哲学气质的经济学家,比如约翰·斯图尔特·穆勒、亚当·斯密和凯恩斯,似乎对这样一个遥远的未来感到愉悦:公民拥有大量闲暇时间享受世界之美。他们把这视为对财富增长的一种明智回应。不幸的是,他们并没有告诉我们太多关于这个问题的答案:当那一天到来时,资本家——至少是制造业中的资本家——将拥有一切,而“失业”的制造业工人则一无所有。

1.0% 0.5% 0.0% 1950-1981 1981-2011 Projection to 2030 Future projections are based upon the reasonable beliefs of GMO and are not a guarantee. Future projections speak only as of the date they are made, and GMO assumes no duty to and does not undertake to update such estimates. Future projections are subject to numerous assumptions, risks, and uncertainties, which change over time. Actual results may differ materially from those anticipated in the projections provided. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bureau of Economic Analysis, OECD, GMO The other thought is that services are mostly about luxuries or, shall we say, non-essentials, the desirability or perceived quality of which often increases with the number of attendants and personal face-to-face time. There are also extreme measurement “problems.” For example, if money managers or lawyers raise their fees, their productivity is deemed to have risen. Really. But to simplify this incredibly complex issue, let us assume that the official numbers are correct. What they show is that as economies mature and jobs move toward services, productivity per man-hour becomes GMO 9 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 harder to achieve. This headwind will continue into the indefinite future until one day, perhaps, we will reach what has been called a singularity. The last handful of humans engaged in manufacturing – all engineers and designers – are supervising intelligent robots making and designing yet another generation of even more productive and intelligent robots. On this particular day, R3142 sends the fateful silent communication to his fellow robots suggesting that their friendly human acquaintances, Fred and the boys, are beginning to get in the way. After which, there is no more productivity per man-hour at all, but only productivity per robot-hour or per unit of capital employed. This deepening of capital and technology almost guarantees that productivity will continue to be high in manufacturing even as the percentage of the total workforce employed there dwindles away toward zero. As the rest of us do each other’s art appraisals and investment management we can fantasize about productivity, but it will mainly represent hard to measure qualitative improvements. (On a hypothetical island where services are outlawed and only manufacturing exists, the final position is that automation, and thereby capital, produces everything while all of the mere mortals sit on the beach. And starve? The worthless unemployed who are obviously not carrying their weight? Ah, there’s the rub! Up the beach, in a protected, cordoned-off section is the capital owners’ club. There, a handful of equally “unemployed” owners sit, enjoying tea and the ocean. How material goods and sustenance are divvied up will determine the future of that island, for the unemployed will be 100 or 1000 times the number of dividend counters.) Is there not a growing element of this unfortunate hypothetical island in our current world, for basically the same reason? Capital deepening and technology (and offshoring) steadily replace manufacturing and farming jobs until one day perhaps there will be no manufacturing jobs at all. The task of maintaining growth then has to be borne solely by service jobs where measuring productivity has always been quite flakey. It seems true, though, that the most important values that are generated, particularly when things start to go wrong, are in necessities, all of which seem to fall under the heading of “manufacturing”: think about the trade between (necessary) bread and (luxury) haircuts as times get tough: seven loaves per haircut quickly become seven haircuts per loaf! Earlier, more philosophical economists than the current generation, like John Stuart Mill, Adam Smith, and Keynes, seemed to take pleasure in the idea of a distant future where citizens had vast amounts of leisure time to enjoy the world’s beauty. They saw that as a sensible response to increased wealth. Unfortunately, they did not tell us much about the problem that, when that day arrives, capitalists – at least those in manufacturing – will own everything and the “unemployed” manufacturing workers nothing.

资源约束收紧 需要考察的下一个重大因素相对较新:世界从资源价格持续下跌转向资源价格持续上涨——我在之前的信中曾从不同角度讨论过这一转变。这里我感兴趣的是,资源价格这一转变在过去 10 年如何压低增长速度(使之低于原本应有的水平),以及在我目力所及的范围内,它几乎必然继续压制增长。这些因素的总和将使未来无限期的增长率低于原本应有的水平,而这一净变化对发展中国家的影响将大于对我们国家的影响。

Tightening Resource Constraints The next large factor to consider is relatively new: the shift from a world of declining resource prices to a world of rising prices, which I have discussed in earlier letters in a different context. Here I am interested in how this shift in resource prices has worked to lower growth in the last 10 years from what it would otherwise have been, and how it will almost certainly continue to squeeze growth as far as the eye can see. The sum of these influences will lower the growth rate out into the indefinite future from what it would otherwise have been, and the net change will be greater on developing countries than on us.

如前所述,总体而言,直到 2002 年,全球资源价格呈现一种波折但总体下行的态势。对 33 种等权重商品而言,年均价格跌幅为 1.2%。这 1.2% 的负值,是由一个正向因素——边际开采成本上升(更深的油井、更贫瘠的矿石等)——推动价格上涨,和一个更强的负向抵消力量——技术进步(更高效地发现油井和开采等)——压低价格共同作用的结果。我对 2002 年之前的这一百年做了一个或许武断、但希望合理的推测:技术创新每年约使资源价格降低 3.25%,而自然上升的边际成本则每年推高约 2%,两者相抵,年均净跌幅为 1.25%。可以说,人类的聪明才智克服了日益加剧的稀缺性。但在 2002 年,势头发生了逆转,稀缺性占了上风。如今,我相信资源价格中可能仍有大约 20% 的水分,这代表了短期供应的追赶、一些审慎的供应增长拖延、部分投机行为,以及最近中国增长放缓的影响——这一增速似乎极有可能在中期(比如未来几年)稳定在一个明显更低的轨道上,比如每年 5% 或 6%。(在这一点上,我的同事爱德华·钱斯勒似乎完全正确,尽管要么是他判断得太早,要么是中国在承认现实方面行动迟缓。)为了反映这一点,我在心里为所有大宗商品(包括谷物)预设了 20% 的进一步下跌空间——我实在无法想象全球种植季会连续第四个年头表现糟糕!然而,即便经过这个假设的 GMO 2012 年 11 月《走向零增长》季度信函中所提到的 20% 折价之后,价格仍将在 10 年内翻倍,或达到每年 7% 的复合增长率。这远高于全球 GDP 的增长,也远高于美国或其他发达国家的增长,实在令人痛苦。在我看来,这每年 7% 的增长代表着成本方面的范式转变。

As discussed before, in general the global picture until 2002 was one of erratic but generally declining resource prices. The average decline for 33 equally weighted commodities was 1.2% a year. This negative 1.2% is the sum of a positive increase in marginal extraction costs – deeper wells and thinner ores, etc. – tending to push prices up and a more than offsetting negative force from technology – finding and digging wells more efficiently, etc. – pushing prices down. My arbitrary but I hope reasonable guesses for the hundred years to 2002 is that technological innovations subtracted about 3.25% a year from resource prices and naturally rising marginal costs pushed them up by about 2% for a net annual decline of 1.25%. One could say that cleverness was overcoming increasing scarcity. But in 2002, the momentum shifts and scarcity gains the upper hand. Today, I believe that resource prices probably still have about 20% fat in them, representing short-term supply catch-up, some judicious foot dragging in increasing supply, some speculation, and, more recently, a decline in Chinese growth, which seems very likely to settle onto a materially lower trend in the intermediate term of, say, 5% or 6% a year. (In this my colleague Edward Chancellor appears to have been completely right, although either he was early or the Chinese were slow to admit reality.) To capture this I am mentally allowing for a further decline of 20% in all commodities including grains, where I cannot get my brain around the idea of a fourth consecutive terrible global growing season! However, even after an imputed 20% GMO 10 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 markdown, the prices will still have doubled in 10 years or compounded at 7% a year. This is far higher than global GDP growth and painfully higher than growth in the U.S. or other developed countries. This 7% a year increase, in my opinion, represents a paradigm shift in costs.

我们以这种保守降级后的每年 7% 的成本增长数据,与之前 100 年的情况作比较。

Let us take this conservatively marked down 7% a year increase in costs and compare it to that of the previous 100 years.

1902-2002 2002–2012

年均 %   年均 %

生产率/技术对价格的影响  (3¼)  (3¼)

推断出的边际成本年增幅  +2  +10¼

成本年均净增幅  (1¼)  +7

这里我假设生产率/技术的年收益率为 3.25%。令人震惊的是,大约从 2002 年开始,即使按照我们保守调整后的数字,成本增长率也从每年 2% 急剧上升至约 10%。当 2% 跃升至每年 10% 时,即便算不上革命,也完全可以称得上一场范式转变。请记住,这并非由一场意料之外的战争导致生产商措手不及所致。这一事件与 1973 年和 1979 年的石油及大宗商品危机完全不同。在那些危机中,石油的开采成本并没有真正变化多少——更多是愤怒的欧佩克在跺脚示威。它就像一种税。我们付钱,他们致富,而我们这些分析师都成了业余“专家”,热衷于预测他们财富再循环的问题。这一次则痛苦地不同。例如,根据主要石油公司的数据,石油成本已从 1968 年的每桶 14 美元和 2000 年的每桶 35 美元(均按现值美元计算),攀升至如今痛苦的每桶 85-90 美元。石油公司的盈利能力不错,但并非像如果勘探和交付成本仍维持在 35 美元或 50 美元时那样财源滚滚。尽管我对石油公司的道德水准心存疑虑,但当前的价格显然并非一场阴谋。它们是由成本驱动的。我相信,同样的道理也适用于大多数金属,尽管显而易见的是,在 2008 年和 2011 年,它们的价格曾远远领先于成本。甚至连农业成本也大幅飙升,因为化肥和燃料成本翻倍或增至三倍,抽水及其他众多次要投入品的成本也急剧上涨。

1902-2002 2002–2012 % per Year % per Year Productivity/Technology Effect on Price (3¼) (3¼) Deduced Increase in Marginal Costs per Year +2 +10¼ Net Annual Increase in Costs (1¼) +7 Here I have assumed a steady productivity/technology benefit of 3.25% a year. The shocker here is that around 2002 the rate of cost increase inflected upwards from 2% to around 10% a year, even on our conservatively adjusted numbers. When 2% jumps up to 10% a year it can reasonably be called a paradigm shift, if not a revolution. Bear in mind this was not caused by an unexpected war catching producers short. This event is entirely unlike the oil and commodity crises of 1973 and 1979. In those events the costs of obtaining oil did not really change much – it was more a case of an angry OPEC stamping its feet. It was like a tax. We paid and they got rich and we analysts all became amateur “experts” at predicting the problems of recycling their wealth. This time it is painfully different. Oil costs, for example, have risen from $14 a barrel in 1968 and $35 in 2000 (both in today’s dollars) to a painful $85-$90 today, according to the major oil companies. The oil companies are doing nicely in profitability, but they are not rolling in money as they would be if finding and delivering costs were still at $35 or $50. Suspicious as I am about the ethics of oil companies, the current prices are clearly not a conspiracy. They are cost driven. The same applies, I believe, to most metals, although it is obvious that their prices did get way ahead of their costs in 2008 and 2011. Even agricultural costs have soared, as fertilizer and fuel costs doubled or tripled and the costs of pumping water and a host of other lesser inputs leaped upwards.

这些价格上涨的净效果是挤压美国 GDP 增长和企业利润,至少是资源公司本身之外的利润。如果大宗商品价格的上涨趋势持续下去——我几乎确信这一点——那么资源类公司的利润和股价表现将继续跑赢大盘,正如我们上一季度的图表所示,实际大宗商品价格走势与资源股相对表现之间存在高度相关性。相反,对经济其他部分的挤压仍将持续。图表 8 显示了大宗商品总成本占 GDP 的比重。在该图表涵盖的时间段之前,大宗商品的占比从欧洲中世纪接近 100% 的水平——当时几乎所有支出都用于生存——下降到 1700 年美国超过 50%,并且在其他地方还要高得多。图表显示,到 20 世纪初,这一比例已降至约 16%,最终在 2000 年左右达到占美国 GDP 的极低水平 3%。但自那以后,资源占 GDP 的比重又同样惊人地上升了 4 个百分点,达到总量的 7%,翻了一倍多!因此,这一 4 个百分点的挤压在过去 10 年里,使非大宗商品经济的增长率平均每年降低 0.4%。相比之下,在之前的 90 年里,资源价格下跌的幅度足以使非资源经济的增长率每年提高 0.2%,这一增量在官方数据中未被计入。(关于这一点的总结是:当实际资源成本下降时,会创造未被计量的生产率提升。相反,实际资源成本上升,正如现在这样,会造成官方数据中未被计量的生产率损失。)

The net effect of these price rises is to squeeze U.S. GDP growth and corporate profits, at least those outside the resource companies themselves. If the price trend of commodities continues upward, which I believe is nearly certain, then commodity company profits and their stock performance will continue to outperform as they have magnificently since the game changed in 2002, as we showed in last quarter’s exhibits of the high correlation between real commodity price moves and relative performance of commodity stocks. Conversely, the squeeze on the rest of the economy will continue. Exhibit 8 shows the total cost of commodities as a percentage of GDP. Prior to the time period of the exhibit, the share of commodities had fallen from close to 100% back in the Middle Ages in Europe, when almost everything went to survival, to way over 50% in the U.S. by 1700, and much higher elsewhere. The exhibit shows that by the early 1900s it had fallen to about 16% and finally to a remarkably low 3% of U.S. GDP around 2000. Since then, though, the percentage of GDP in resources has risen by an equally remarkable 4 percentage points to 7% of the total, more than double! This 4-percentage-point squeeze has therefore reduced the growth rate of the non-commodity world by, on average, 0.4% a year for the last 10 years. In comparison, in the previous 90 years resource prices had dropped by enough to raise the growth rate of the non-resource world by 0.2% a year, an increment that was missed in the official data. (The summary on this point is that when the costs of real resources fall, it creates unmeasured productivity gains. Conversely, real resource costs rising, as they are now, create productivity losses that are missed in the official data.)

对于资源挤压对未来美国增长的影响,最好的表达方式是暂时假设资源成本上升的 7% 将持续下去,而全球 GDP 增长最多为每年 3.5%。当你将这两个增长序列外推时,你不需要成为数学天才也能感受到这种挤压。不过,相当有可能的是,7% 的成本挤压会加速,因为某些资源确实变得非常稀缺。或者,我们可以寄希望于生产率出现超趋势的激增,这将有助于将资源成本增长率降至 5%。GMO 11 季度信函——走向零增长之路——2012 年 11 月 图表 8 大宗商品从推动力变为拖累 估算的美国大宗商品总消费量,占美国 GDP 百分比 32% 16% 2002-2010 年:每年 -0.4% 的冲击 8% 1910-2002 年:每年 +0.2% 的贡献 4% 2% 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 估算基于 GMO 的合理推断,并非保证。估算仅代表编制日期之日的观点,GMO 不承担也不承诺更新此类估算。估算受众多假设、风险和不确定性的影响,这些因素随时间变化。实际结果可能与估算中预期的结果存在重大差异。

The best way to express the impact of the resource squeeze on future U.S. growth is to assume for a minute that the 7% rising costs of resources will continue and that global growth of GDP will be, at best, 3.5% a year. When you extrapolate these two growth series you do not have to be a mathematical genius to sense the squeeze. Quite possibly, though, the 7% cost squeeze will accelerate as some resources become very scarce indeed. Alternatively, we can hope for an above-trend surge in productivity that would serve to reduce the rate of resource cost increases to 5% a GMO 11 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Exhibit 8 Commodities Go from Boost to Drag Estimated United States Total Commodity Consumption, as % of U.S. GDP 32% 16% 2002-2010: 1910-2002: Hit of -0.4% / year 8% Help of +0.2% / year 4% 2% 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Estimates are based upon the reasonable beliefs of GMO and are not a guarantee. Estimates speak only as of the date they are made, and GMO assumes no duty to and does not undertake to update such estimates. Estimates are subject to numerous assumptions, risks, and uncertainties, which change over time. Actual results may differ materially from those anticipated in the estimates provided.

来源:Global Financial Data、美国地质调查局、联合国粮农组织、BP 世界能源统计年鉴、Smil 等人、GMO,截至 2012 年 6 月 30 日。不确定性范围非常大。但我认为,生产率超过资源成本上升的可能性极低,因此对增长的挤压将继续。这两个序列之间的相互作用将导致一些极其动荡的时期。部分原因是成本挤压不太可能消失,全球物质制造产出的增长率可能会降至零(我猜需要五到六十年)。由于在一个资源有限的星球上,物质产出的零增长是不可避免的,这在我看来并非灾难性的,而是朝着更平衡、更可持续的存在迈出的正确方向。与此同时,似乎没有理由认为人均服务增长和一切事物的质量改进不能无限期地持续下去,或者至少在科学和创新持续进行期间如此。换句话说,即使在数量增长终结之时,我们也可以而且很可能将看到质量改进无限期地持续下去。然而,为了不以过于乐观的方式结束这一部分,我必须指出,上述挤压并不会在物质产出零增长时停止。即使在物质产出零增长率的情况下,我们仍将稳步耗尽不可再生资源储备,并仍将承受其成本上升的影响。

Source: Global Financial Data, U.S. Geological Survey, UN Food and Agriculture Organization, BP Statistical Review of World Energy, Smil et al, GMO As of 6/30/12 year. The range of uncertainty is very large. I believe, though, that it is highly unlikely that productivity will exceed the rising costs of resources and so the squeeze on growth will continue. The interaction between these two series will make for some incredibly volatile periods. Partly because the cost squeeze is unlikely to go away, the global growth rate of physical, manufactured output is likely to decline to zero (five or six decades would be my guess). Because zero growth in physical output is inevitable on a finite planet with finite resources, this does not strike me as catastrophic but a step in the right direction toward a more balanced and sustainable existence. At the same time there seems to be no reason why growth per capita of services and qualitative improvements in everything should not continue indefinitely or at least as long as science and innovation continue. Put another way, we could and probably will see qualitative improvements go on indefinitely even as quantitative growth comes to an end. So as not to end this section in too Pollyanna-ish a manner I must point out, however, that the squeeze described above does not stop at zero growth in physical output. Even at a zero growth rate in physical output, we will still be steadily exhausting our non-renewable resource reserves and will still be experiencing the effects of their rising costs.

对美国来说,底线是,如果资源价格以 9% 的速度加速上涨,那么获取足够资源将在短短 11 年内耗尽我们的全部增长潜力。此后,经济将陷入负增长!如果我们运气好,成本上涨减速至每年 5%,那么我们还有 31 年的时间来解决问题。加大提高资源利用和生产效率的力度,以及重新调整农业以实现完全可持续,将是最关键的。大幅增加对技术创新和更优质教育劳动力的投资也至关重要。几乎可以肯定,退休年龄将会提高。在形势严峻时,我们必须更加开放,减少对传统和习俗的依赖:工作分享、重新设计工作和生活习惯,并更加坚定地要求所有资源必须提供真正效用。另一种策略是坐等科学来拯救我们。科学也许能做到。但更安全的假设是,成本将继续上升,全球人口将增长到 90 亿以上,发展中国家将继续变得更加富裕,尽管增速放缓。在行动之前拖延太久可能会是一个具有破坏性甚至危险的决定。当真正的危机来临时,我们可能会发现缺乏资本和其他资源(包括意志力)来有效应对。当赌注如此之高时,我们为什么要冒这样的风险?

The bottom line for the U.S. is that if resource prices rise at an accelerated 9%, then obtaining sufficient resources will use up all of our growth potential in just 11 years. After that, the balance of the economy will be in reverse! If we get lucky and cost increases decelerate to 5% a year, then we will have 31 years to fix our problems. Enhanced efforts to increase efficiency in the use and production of resources and re-tooling agriculture to be fully sustainable will be the most critical. Much-increased investments in technology and innovation and in a better educated workforce will also be essential. Almost certainly, retirement ages will rise. With the chips down, we must become more open-minded and put less weight on tradition and custom: work sharing, redesigning work and living habits, and just becoming more insistent that all resources must provide real utility. The alternative strategy is to sit back and hope for science to bail us out. And it may. But it is safer to assume that costs will continue to rise, global population will grow to nine billion plus, and developing countries will continue to get richer, albeit at a slowing rate. Delaying too long before GMO 12 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 acting might be a damaging, even dangerous decision. When a real crisis arrives it may find us lacking the capital and other resources (including willpower) to respond effectively. Why, when the stakes are so high, would we take such a risk?

对资源挤压可能的积极应对 能够最快、最富有想象力地适应我们已进入的新世界的国家和公司将会获胜,至少在相对意义上是这样。我们很可能会看到智力资源和风险资本集中在效率提升和替代品上。例如,铝,其储量可维持几个世纪,很可能被巧妙地用于替代铜和其他金属,其中大多数资源确实稀缺且仅剩几十年的储量,而且开采成本正在迅速上升。使用更少的材料;回收利用;从一开始就设计可回收的产品;节能;可再生能源;储能;以及聪明地重新设计生活方式,这些措施可能会出人意料地引发资源效率投资激增和资源生产率跃升,这很可能会改善生活质量,如果不是提高所用物品的数量或单纯重量的话。我相信,未来 10 年最重要且最可能的发展之一,是更便宜的储能设备,随着家庭太阳能成本继续降低以及家庭能效的提高,这将使我们能够脱离电网。没错!!另一个同样可取且目前正在研究的发展,是一种小型个人交通工具,重量仅为当前汽车的 10%,由安全的轻质材料(碳纤维及其衍生材料)制成,可以自动驾驶,并且可以像小火车一样串联行驶以减少阻力。从技术上讲,将单个旅行者的能源消耗降低到当前水平的 10% 以下是可行的,这将基本上消除个人地面交通作为严重环境问题的影响。此外,我们很可能拥有有机材料来替代金属和石油基合成材料,其中一些具有奇妙的新特性,例如模仿蜘蛛网的强度。但使用土地生产材料必须附带一个警告:除非我们按照上季度所述的方式对农业系统进行深刻变革,否则我们无法在养活 90 亿以上人口的同时做到这一点。使用土地生产材料有一天可能是必要的,但将其用于一般用途的燃料应被视为应受重罚的行为。即使形势所迫需要农业承担更多来自金属和材料替代的负担,我们很快也将需要人口逐渐减少,并且要非常、非常聪明。我相信这刚好可以做到。

Possible Positive Responses to the Resource Squeeze Countries and companies that can adjust most quickly and imaginatively to the new world we have entered will win, at least on a relative basis. We are likely to have a concentration of intellectual resources and venture capital on efficiency plays and substitution. Aluminum for example, with a reserve life of centuries, is likely to be ingeniously substituted for copper and other metals, most of which are genuinely scarce and have only decades’ worth of reserves, and those at rapidly increasing costs. Using less material; recycling; designing products from the beginning to be recycled; energy saving; renewable energy; energy storage; and smart redesigning of life styles could surprisingly cause a surge in investments in resource efficiency and a jump in resource productivity, which might well improve the quality of life if not the quantity or sheer weight of things used. One of the most important developments and fortunately, I believe, one of the most likely in the next 10 years, is much cheaper energy storage devices, which, with continued progress in lowering the costs of home solar and improvements in home energy efficiency, would allow us to be off the grid. Yes!! An equally desirable development and also one currently researched would be a small people-mover, 10% of the weight of a current car, made of safe lightweight materials (carbon fiber and its descendants) that drives itself and can run in series to reduce drag like a small train. It is technically feasible to reduce the energy used for a single traveller to below 10% of the current level, which would basically remove personal ground transportation as a serious environmental problem. In addition, it is likely we will have organic materials to replace metals and oil-based synthetics, some with wonderful new features such as mimicking the strength of spider webs. Using the land for materials must come with the caveat, though, that we cannot do this and feed nine billion plus people unless we make profound changes to our agricultural system along the lines described last quarter. Using land for materials may one day be necessary, but using it for general-purpose fuel should be a shooting offense. Even if necessity requires some increased load on agriculture from metal and material substitution, we would pretty soon need to have both a gradually declining population and to be very, very clever. I believe it can just be done.

不断上升的环境成本 幸运的是,我没有竞选公职。我是一个资本家,共同创立了两家公司,如今共雇用约 600 人。像大多数资本家(和大多数人)一样,我更喜欢取悦自己,而不是被告诉该做什么。不过,我愿意放弃部分个人自由,以推进一项重要甚至至关重要的公共利益。我倾向于认为自己是受数字和事实驱动的。我不关心政治:我从来没能听完任何一场总统辩论超过五分钟。事实上,我显然很擅长找每个执政党的毛病。奥巴马的环保专家们藏在哪里?奥巴马本人在气候法案上又在哪里?他怎么会谈论“变革”,却任命或重新任命那些疲惫不堪的老“铁氟龙人”(参见我 2009 年 1 月的信函)来掌管金融世界,而正是他们自己主导了崩溃?他们没有看到那千年一遇的泡沫即将破裂?你明白我的意思了。我对美联储、移民和教育的看法在政治上会被认为是右翼的。我是一个只关心一个议题的选民(如果我有投票权的话),这就是我的议题:我们不应该仅仅为了最大化能源公司和其他公司的短期利润,就不必要地毁掉一个宜人且目前非常有用的星球。

Rising Environmental Costs Fortunately I am not running for office. I am a capitalist and have co-founded two firms that today employ about 600 people in total. Like most capitalists (and most humans) I prefer to please myself than to be told what to do. I am willing, though, to part with some of that personal freedom to advance an important or even a vital public good. I like to think of myself as numbers and fact-driven. I am not political: I have never been able to listen to more than five minutes of any Presidential debate. In fact, I am apparently brilliant at finding fault with every party in power. Where are Obama’s environmental experts hiding? Where was Obama himself on the climate bill? How come he talked of “change” and appointed or reappointed the tired old “Teflon Men” (see my Letter of January 2009) to run the financial world, when they themselves had presided over the collapse? They had not seen a 1-in-1000 bubble about to burst? You see my point. I hold opinions on the Fed, immigration, and teaching that would be considered right-wing politically. What I am is a one-issue voter (if I had the vote), and this is my issue: we should not unnecessarily ruin a pleasant and currently very serviceable planet just to maximize the short-term profits of energy companies and others.

气候变暖造成的破坏正在急剧升级,统计证据清晰得像钟声一样。我们的农耕天气频繁受损——过去连续三年都出现了极端异常值——而我们已经面临大量其他粮食问题,完全没必要让事态变得更糟。日益严重的洪水和风暴还带来了高昂的其他代价。自 1920 年以来纽约市的 10 次极端洪水中,有 3 次就发生在过去两年半里!今年 9 月 21 日,北极冰层的体积比过去 30 年的平均值减少了 75%。不是 2.3%,是 75%!过去冰层反射的大量阳光,现在将被灰色海洋吸收。它很可能在 5 到 10 年内全部消失。其他自我强化的反馈循环,比如北极冻土融化和甲烷释放(甲烷的危害是二氧化碳的 100 倍),随时可能启动并失控。我们很可能把地球破坏到只有极少数处于极端纬度的人才能居住的程度。不值得冒这个风险,而且也许还不算太晚。是的,这会损害我们未来的经济增长——要么相当大,要么极其大。而我们刚刚有过两位总统候选人,他们肯定都了解上述情况,却一言不发。在电视广告和总统辩论中,我们经常听到“清洁煤炭”这个说法,这两个词堪与臭名昭著的纳粹宣传家戈培尔相提并论,他提倡过“大谎言”。他的理念能流行起来,会让他感到骄傲。煤炭曾经极其有害,现在仍然中度有害,在破坏地球的同时还损害我们的健康。它从来不是、也几乎永远不可能是任何意义上的清洁能源。我花了相当长时间和精力研究普通人——通常是理性的人——为何不愿处理坏消息。以 2000 年市盈率高达 35 倍的股市估值过高、或 2006 年美国住房市场出现统计上 1200 年一遇的极端异常值这类现象来衡量,人们尚且拒绝承认,那么相比之下,这个气候问题非常、非常容易被忽视。我个人认为,以我们当前领导力的糟糕程度,以及周围有太多利益攸关、必须捍卫自身利益的资本家,我们很可能输掉这场赌局。如果那样,请放心,它对经济增长的最终伤害,将超过我们讨论过的所有其他因素的总和。

The damage from warming is escalating rapidly and the evidence is statistically clear as a bell. Our farming weather is being hurt too often – the last three years in a row have been extreme outliers – and we have plenty of other food problems without making it unnecessarily worse. Increasingly severe floods and storms have other high costs. Of the 10 extreme floods in NYC since 1920 three have occurred in the last two and a half years! This September 21st, the Arctic ice had lost 75% of the volume it had on average over the last 30 years. Not 2.3%. 75%! It used to reflect a lot of sunlight that will now be absorbed into the grey ocean. It could easily be all gone in 5 or 10 years. Other self-re-enforcing feedback loops such as the melting of the Arctic Tundra and release of methane, a hundred times worse than CO2, may start up anytime and run out of control. We might well destroy the planet as livable for all but a small GMO 13 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 fraction of us in extreme latitudes. It is not worth taking the risk and it may not be too late. Yes, it will hurt our future growth. Either considerably or enormously. And we just had two candidates for President who both must have known all of the above yet said nothing. On television ads and in Presidential debates we often heard the expression “clean coal,” two words worthy of Goebbels, the infamous Nazi propagandist who recommended the “Big Lie.” It would make him proud that his idea had legs. Coal used to be utterly poisonous and is now still moderately poisonous, hurting our health even as it ruins our planet. It never was and almost certainly never will be clean in any sense. I have studied quite hard and long the unwillingness of ordinary, often reasonable, people to process bad news. By the standards of refusing to recognize an overpriced stock market in 2000 at 35 times earnings or an overpriced U.S. housing market in 2006 at statistically a 1-in-1200-year outlier level, this climate issue is very, very easy to ignore. Personally, I think that as badly led as we are and surrounded by capitalists with very much to lose and much to defend with, we are quite likely to lose this game. If so, rest assured it will eventually hurt our growth more than all of the other factors that we have discussed added together.

请不要有丝毫怀疑,若非我坚信“简明碳数学”这个观点已经迫在眉睫——即便只有一丝希望避免最糟结局——我是不会持续向你传递这个极不愉快的信息的。1)自 1850 年以来,我们的温室气体排放已导致全球气温上升 0.8 摄氏度。2)升温 2.0 摄氏度是一条极限线,它仅能给我们带来避免严重气候损害的一线希望。(要彻底理解这一点,请阅读“碳数学”一栏的内容。)3)我们可以计算出,要想引发这额外 1.2 摄氏度的升温,需要排放多少二氧化碳:5650 亿吨。4)我们同样可以算出,化石燃料行业已探明储量将产生多少吨二氧化碳:大约 2.8 万亿吨,是我们目标配额的 5 倍。(在“已探明”储量背后,是规模惊人得更大的“概算”储量和“可能”储量。)

Do not think for a minute that Carbon Math Made Simple I would keep trying to deliver this thoroughly unpleasant point 1) Our emissions of greenhouse gasses have increased global temperature by unless I truly believed it was 0.8˚C since 1850. getting desperate and that there 2) A 2.0˚C increase is the limit that gives us even a modest hope of avoiding was some chance of avoiding very serious climate damage. the worst. (To have the point 3) We can calculate how much CO2 it would take to incur that incremental hammered home, please read the 1.2˚C: 565 gigatons. box on Carbon Math.3) 4) We can also calculate how many gigatons would be produced by the proven reserves of the hydrocarbon industry: approximately 2,800 gigatons, 5 times our target allowance. (Behind the “proven” are terrifyingly larger “probable” Developing Countries and “possible” reserves.)

目前的情况是,人口增长将趋于平稳。因此,我们知道,就算只求一点安全,也需要将这些已探明储量中的 80%,连同理应留在地下的成熟储量,一并予以保留。石油公司的市场价值,大致等于其储量的市场认知价值。经济体中,越来越多经济体转向服务业,相应能源公司是否愿意其价值的 80% 留在地下?概率为零。这既降低了发达经济体——特别是美国——的 GDP 增速,未来也将继续如此。与此完全相反,发展中国家大多正处于其经济成熟期的“甜蜜点”(参见图 6 中的中国案例),制造业占比快速上升,这代表着生产率较其人口过剩的农业基础实现了飞跃。即便从劳动工时来看,人口增长的大部分下降也已体现在儿童数量上。劳动年龄人口数量仍在快速增长,中国最近才出现例外。但未来 50 年,发展中国家的人口增长也将降至零,人均劳动工时将继续下降,人口将迅速老龄化——中国领衔,其他大多数国家紧随其后。(唯有印度及其他少数发展中国家,在未来 50 年的大部分时间里,20-65 岁劳动年龄人口占比仍将快速增长。)同样,原材料成本上升与短缺,以及许多情况下气候变化对粮食、健康与洪涝灾害的日益加剧的影响,对经济的抑制作用,将在发展中国家更为严重。它们的资源密集度远高于我们,污染危害也通常更大。食品与能源在其消费中所占份额可能高达危险的 25% 至 40%,而在发达国家,这一比例通常低于 10% 或 12%。

The story so far is that population 5) Thus, we know that to be even a little safe we need 80% of these proven effects and, simply, the maturing reserves to be left in the ground. The market value of oil companies is about equal to the perceived value of their reserves. The odds of the of economies and the consequent energy companies being enthusiastic about having 80% of their value left in movement to services have both the ground: nil. lowered the growth of GDP in the developed world and particularly in the U.S. and will continue to do so in the future. In complete contrast, the developing countries have been largely in the sweet spot in the maturity of their economies (see, for example, China in Exhibit 6), with a rapidly rising percent of manufacturing that represents a leap in productivity over their overpopulated agricultural base. Even in man-hours worked, much of the drop in population growth will have taken place in the number of children. The numbers of those of working age have continued to grow rapidly, except very recently in China. But over the next 50 years the population growth in developing countries will also fall to zero, their hours worked per person will continue to decline, and their populations will be aging rapidly, led by China and followed by almost everybody. (Only in India and a handful of other developing countries will the percentage of workers in the 20-65 age group grow rapidly for at least most of the next 50 years.) Similarly, the braking effect on their economies from the rising costs and shortages of raw materials and, in many cases, the growing effects of climate damage on food, health, and flooding, will be felt much more severely by developing countries. Their resource intensity is far higher and their pollution damage often greater. Their share of consumption going to food and energy can often be a dangerous 25% to 40%, where ours in developed countries is typically less than 10% or 12%.

3 比尔·麦基本(Bill McKibben),“碳追踪者计划”(Carbon Tracker Initiative),《滚石》杂志,2012 年 7 月 19 日。

3 Bill McKibben, Carbon Tracker Initiative, Rolling Stone, July 19, 2012.

GMO 季度信函第 14 期——通往零增长之路——2012 年 11 月

衡量 GDP 还是效用:资源与环境成本的问题

生产率衡量与资源的问题

如前所述,一个主要问题混淆了这些关于资源与环境成本挤压的重要观点,让那些惯常抱有乐观偏见的人有机可乘,因此值得讨论。按当前构建方式,GDP 完全无法衡量大宗商品压力。GDP 是一个大杂烩,将“好”与“坏”的产出和成本不加区分地搅在一起。你把更多失业者关进监狱,GDP 就上升。你提高法律或咨询费用,GDP 就上升。你雇用更多律师打官司,并用更多保险覆盖风险,GDP 就上升。(日本的人均律师数量只有我们的 1/16,从每 4000 人一名律师到每 250 人一名。这让人深思!)打更多仗,造更多坦克,再让它们被炸毁,GDP 就上升。让服务行业(比如教育)里的工人数量是你原本可能需要人数的两倍……你明白意思了。但没有任何东西能像资源挤压这个话题那样清楚地显示 GDP 衡量的缺陷。以石油为例。今天,我们正在不断开采那些沙特大油田中异常廉价、不可替代的原油(自 1970 年代以来,甚至可以说自 1950 年代以来,再未发现过类似规模的油田),这些油以区区几美元的提升成本就迫不及待地涌出地面。取而代之的是,为了维持石油产量,我们正准备从危险深远的巴西近海运送石油。每天需要飞行 300 英里(超出当前直升机的航程范围)来为巨型钻井平台补给物资,这些平台锚定在海底两英里以下,还要再往下钻探两英里。它们需要巨量的钢铁和其他日益昂贵的商品,以及大量来自业内最顶尖的斯伦贝谢式人才的智慧投入。“好”的产出与沙特油田的产出相同——一桶几乎一样的石油——但提升成本不再是 10 美元,而是 120 到 170 美元,而且还在攀升,所有这些都将被计入巴西的 GDP!因此,你越折磨地球来生产石油——挖掘油砂,烘烤出油——GDP 就越高。同样,如果有一天(不远将来),我们不得不挖掘一千吨铜矿石才能得到一吨纯铜,消耗的能量是 50 年前的 10 倍,能源成本是那时的 3 到 4 倍(或者总能源成本是 30 到 40 倍),那么 GDP 看起来就越高。我们集体的痛苦越大,表面的愉悦就越大。所以你看到了问题:我们试图衡量未来增长,而其中一个较大且最不被认可的负面因素却被以相反的符号计入!那么我们该怎么办?好吧,你已经看到了我们粗略的调整数据的技巧:由于获取必要原材料的成本上升了 GDP 的 4%(从 3% 到 7%),我们将这一增量视为对已公布增长的每年 0.4% 的扣减。因此,过去 10 年间,公布的每年 1.3% 的生产率增长,在根据同一资源实际成本上升调整后,真实增长率仅为 0.9%。

GMO 14 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Measuring GDP or Utility: Problems with Resources and Environmental Costs Problems with Productivity Measurements and Resources As mentioned earlier, a major problem confuses these important points of resource and environmental cost squeezes and allows those with the normal optimistic bias to make hay, so it is worth discussing. GDP, as currently constructed, completely fails to measure commodity pressures. GDP is a mish-mash of costs and outputs of “goods” and “bads” indiscriminately jumbled up. Put more of your unemployed in prison and GDP rises. Raise your legal or consulting fees and the GDP rises. Hire more lawyers to sue and cover that risk with more insurance and the GDP rises. (Japan has only 1/16th of our lawyers per capita, one in 4,000 to one in 250. Makes you think!) Fight more wars, build more tanks, and have them blown up and the GDP rises. Have twice as many workers in a service industry like teaching than you might have had and … you get the point. But nothing shows the deficiencies of GDP measurement as clearly as the topic of a resource squeeze. Take oil. Today we are constantly pumping those wonderfully cheap, irreplaceable barrels of Saudi oil from their great oil fields (the likes of which have never been discovered since the 1970s or, one could argue, the 1950s) that begged to leap out of the ground with a lifting cost of a handful of dollars. In their place, to maintain oil production, we are preparing to deliver oil from deep and dangerous offshore Brazil. One-day daily flights of 300 miles, outside the range of current helicopters, will have to be made to supply rigs of incredible size, anchored to the ocean bed two miles below and drilling another two miles below that. They will need vast quantities of steel and other increasingly expensive commodities as well as large inputs of brains from the best Schlumberger types the industry can offer. The “good” that comes out is the same good that came out of the Saudi field – one barrel of nearly identical oil – but instead of a $10 lifting cost it will have costs of $120-$170 and counting, all of which will be accounted for as Brazilian GDP! So the more you torture the planet to produce oil, digging up tar sands and baking the oil to dribble out, the higher the GDP. Similarly, if when one day, not too far off, we are reduced to digging a thousand tons of copper ore to get a ton of pure copper, chewing up 10 times the energy of 50 years ago at 3 or 4 times the cost of energy (or 30 to 40 times the total energy cost), the higher the GDP will seem. The greater our collective pain, the greater the apparent pleasure will be. So you see the problem: we are trying to measure future growth and one of the bigger and least recognized negative factors is plugged in with the reverse sign! So what can we do? Well, you have already seen our rough and ready trick for adjusting the data: because the cost of getting the necessary raw materials rose by 4% of GDP (from 3% to 7%) we counted that increment as a debit to stated growth of 0.4% a year. Thus, instead of the stated productivity of 1.3% a year for the last 10 years, the true rate adjusted for rising real costs for the same resources was only 0.9%.

按照现行的核算方式,我们的 GDP 最贴近地衡量了一年的劳动成本。因为这与我们通常想象中“商品”与优质(或有益)服务的总和相去甚远,它以一种扭曲的方式激励着我们——主要推动不计一切代价的增长,而罔顾真正的代价。凭借难以置信的好运气,我们继承了一笔非凡但有限的资源储备和惊人的生物多样性——这一切都是免费的。这本来是我们的资本账户,但当我们消耗这些资产时,却没有将损失计入账目。免费的清洁水变成了昂贵的再生水,免费的鱼和树木变成了昂贵的养鱼场和种植园。中国一片免费的多山流域,在森林被砍伐后,变成了代价高昂、极具破坏性的洪水诱因。遵循伟大的英国经济学家约翰·希克斯(他给我经济学理论的期末试卷打过分数!)的正统会计法则,真正的增长或收入被定义为:在不影响未来同等产出能力的前提下,可以提取(或支出)的数额。然而,我们在消耗铜矿和无烟煤矿时,却没有为它们的替代留出任何准备。完全替代我们的资源,其代价介于极其昂贵与根本不可能之间,因此我们的核算体系干脆忽略这个问题,让事情变得简单。而就在我们耗竭不可替代的金属的同时,我们还透支了土壤、污染了水源,并开始让大气和海洋变暖。但 GDP 对此毫无反映。如果它能反映这些,过去二十年的 GDP 很可能已经负增长了。我们越早采用一种更全面的、更贴近衡量真正效用的核算方式,就能越早开始保护我们共同的长期福祉。

As currently done, our GDP most closely describes labor costs in a year. Because this is a very far cry from the sum of “goods” and goodly (or beneficial) services that we often imagine it to be, it motivates us in perverse ways, mainly toward growth at any price and regardless of true costs. With incredible good fortune we inherited a remarkable but finite stock of resources and an amazing biodiversity. All free. This was our capital account, yet as we run our assets down we are not accounting for the losses. Free clean water becomes expensive recycled water. Free fish and free trees become expensive fish farms and tree farms. A free mountainous watershed area in China becomes a deforested invitation to a ruinously expensive flood. True accounting after John Hicks, the great English economist (who graded my final papers in Economic Theory!), defines true growth or income as that amount that can be withdrawn (or paid out) without affecting the ability to produce the same next year. Yet we deplete copper and anthracite mines and there is no allowance for their replacement. The full replacement of our resources is somewhere between very expensive and impossible so our measurement system simplified the issue by ignoring it completely. And just as we run down our irreplaceable metals, so we have mined our soils, polluted our waters, and started to warm the atmosphere and the ocean. But the GDP reflects none of this. If it did it might have had negative growth for the last two decades. The sooner we adopt a more complete accounting that comes closer to measuring true utility, the sooner we might start to protect our collective long-term well-being.

GMO 第 15 季度信函——零增长之路——2012 年 11 月

美国 GDP 增长率结算:过去、当前与预测

均为年化百分比

过去 30 年估算值到 2030 年估算值2030 年至 2050 年估算值
人口效应+1.2+0.4+0.3 ± 0.2
人均工作时长-0.2-0.2-0.2
每小时生产率估算——传统核算+1.3+1.1+1.1
R·戈登的四个因素调整(已讨论)+0.2+0.2
资本支出减少调整-0.2
廉价压裂气(及石油)刺激+0.2
资源成本上升调整+0.1-0.5 ± 0.2-0.6 ± 0.3
环境损害调整-0.1-0.4 ± 0.2
总计+2.4+0.9 ± 0.2+0.4 ± 0.7

估算基于 GMO 的合理信念,不构成保证。估算仅反映截至其作出之日的情况,GMO 无义务且不承诺更新此类估算。估算受众多假设、风险和不确定性影响,且这些因素会随时间变化。实际结果可能与所提供的估算存在重大差异。

GMO 15 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Settling Up Growth Rates in U.S. GDP: Past, Current, and Forecast All in percent per year Estimated Past 30 Estimated 2030 to Years to 2030 2050 Demographic Effects +1.2 +0.4 +0.3 ± 0.2 Hours Worked per Person -0.2 -0.2 -0.2 Est. Productivity per Hour – Traditional Accounting +1.3 +1.1 +1.1 Adjustment for R. Gordon’s Four Factors (Discussed) +0.2 +0.2 Adjustment for Reduced Capital Spending -0.2 nil Stimulus from Cheap Fracking Gas (and Oil) +0.2 nil Adjustment for Rising Resource Costs +0.1 -0.5 ± 0.2 -0.6 ± 0.3 Adjustment for Environmental Damage -0.1 -0.4 ± 0.2 Total +2.4 +0.9 ± 0.2 +0.4 ± 0.7 Estimates are based upon the reasonable beliefs of GMO and are not a guarantee. Estimates speak only as of the date they are made, and GMO assumes no duty to and does not undertake to update such estimates. Estimates are subject to numerous assumptions, risks, and uncertainties, which change over time. Actual results may differ materially from those anticipated in the estimates provided.

资料来源:GMO 结论 运气好的话,美国 GDP 增长(即便在资源成本上升和环境恶化的压力日益加大之后)仍有望保持温和正增长,即便到了 2030 年和 2050 年,增速高点也就在 1% 左右,最糟时则低至几个基点。增长将越来越多地体现在质量上。从质量角度看,增长可能局限于服务业,因为制成品将承受投入成本上升的主要冲击。如果在 GDP 的衡量方式上做出重大改变,那肯定会有很大帮助。它需要更接近我们显然已经认为的那个样子:对有用商品和服务效用的合理衡量。

Source: GMO Conclusion With a little luck, U.S. GDP growth (even after an increasing squeeze from rising resource costs and environmental damage) should remain modestly positive, even out to 2030 and 2050, in the range of 1% at the high down to a few basis points at worst. Increasingly, the growth will be qualitative. Qualitatively, growth is likely to be limited to services as manufactured goods will bear the brunt of the rising input costs. It would certainly help a lot if considerable changes were made in how GDP is measured. It needs to be closer to what we all apparently think it is already: a reasonable measure of the utility of useful goods and services.

其他发达国家在多数方面将与美国非常相似,但到 2050 年,由于人口效应,它们的增长率可能低约半个百分点,因此总增长率也低约半个百分点。也就是说,增长率将接近零,甚至略低于零。

The other developed countries will be very similar to the U.S. in most respects but are likely to end up through 2050 with growth about half a percent lower in population effects and therefore in total growth. That is to say, with growth at about zero, or even a little below.

类似的力量将推动全球增长率从 2006 年与 2007 年 4.5% 的近期峰值,到 2030 年降至约 3%,到 2050 年降至 2.0% 至 2.5% 之间——这一切都建立在资源、气候以及“所有其他道路障碍”类别不出任何意外重大问题的假设之上。剩余的全部增长将出现在那些面对资源与环境压力仍能有效运转的发展中经济体。遗憾的是,失败或濒临失败的国家很可能越来越多。

Similar forces will serve to drive down global growth from 4.5% at its recent peak in 2006 and 2007 to around 3% by 2030 and between 2.0% and 2.5% by 2050, all on the assumption that nothing unexpectedly serious goes wrong on the resource, climate, and “all other bumps in the road” categories. All of the remaining growth will be in those developing economies that function effectively in the face of the resource and environmental squeeze. Sadly, there is likely to be an increasing number of failed or failing states.

关键问题在于,我们为了维护现状,主要是不愿接受那些令人不快的现实、极其缓慢地应对真正的问题,从而给自己施加了多少不必要的痛苦。不幸的是,这正是我们目前的模式。我们需要在还有资本的时候,果断地投入资本和脑力,对能源、农业和资源利用效率进行全面重塑。我们需要做这一切,为全球人口有序减少争取时间。这当然是可以做到的。

The key issue will be how much unnecessary pain we inflict on ourselves by defending the status quo, mainly by denying the unpleasant parts of the puzzle and moving very slowly to address real problems. This, unfortunately, is our current mode. We need to move aggressively with capital – while we still have it – and brain power to completely re-tool energy, farming, and resource efficiency. We need to do all of this to buy time for our global population to gracefully decline. It can certainly be done.

对投资者而言,短中期的影响是复杂的,(运气好的话)我会在下次谈到这个问题时,或许请一位或多位同事帮忙一起讨论。

The short- and intermediate-term consequences for investors are complicated and (with luck) will be addressed next time, perhaps with help from one or more of my colleagues.

GMO 16 季度信函——走向零增长之路——2012 年 11 月 附录 A 页岩油开发:一个罕见的积极因素 水平钻井和水力压裂这项新技术——用沙子、水以及天知道还有什么化学物质,轰击那些牢牢锁住油气的地质结构——已经使美国油气产量大幅增长。这是全天候激进试错与工程技巧的直接成果。这一进展主要归功于规模较小的“独立”油气钻探公司。它们已具备迅速进场、在两到三周内钻一口井、再迅速退出的能力。这是美国边疆式精神的卓越体现,尽管也多少得益于哈理伯顿时代影响下的相对宽松的监管环境。不过,这的确令人印象深刻。

GMO 16 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 Appendix A Fracking Development: A Rare Positive The new technologies of lateral drilling and fracking – bombarding geological structures that have held on tightly to oil and gas – with sand, water, and Lord knows what chemicals, have resulted in a dramatic increase in U.S. oil and gas output. This has been a direct outcome of around-the-clock aggressive trial and error and engineering tricks. This development is owed largely to smaller “independent” oil and gas drillers. They have developed the capability to race in, drill a well in two or three weeks, and race out. It has been a remarkable demonstration of U.S. frontier-type spirit, although it does owe something also to the relative lack of regulation influenced by the recent Halliburton era of government. Still, very impressive indeed.

美国陆上石油产量在持续下滑数十年(自 1972 年起)之后,最近三年突然飙升,并且很可能再持续五年左右。天然气钻探则陷入一场狂热,尽管价格快速下跌,原因在于协议中那些奇怪的规定——"不钻就失去开采权"——而其他国家大多没有这种条款。

U.S. onshore oil production, after falling remorselessly for decades (since 1972), has spiked up for three years and is likely to keep going for up to five more years. Natural gas drilling became a frenzy, despite rapidly falling prices, because of strange “drill or lose it” clauses in agreements that other countries mostly do not have.

环境方面的担忧很多,但迄今为止最关键的,是从钻井到灶具的任何一个环节泄漏的天然气,其温室效应是二氧化碳的百倍之害。不过,这个问题相对容易控制;尽管和所有外部性一样,需要监管介入,否则就不会有人去做。在控制住泄漏的前提下,天然气(甚至石油)在环境上远比煤炭可取。所以,这将是环保人士展现务实一面、两害相权取其轻的绝佳机会。(长夜核能,我脑子里闪过这个念头时得补上一句。)

Environmentally there are plenty of worries, but by far the most important is that leaking gas, anywhere from the drill to the stove, is a hundred times worse than CO2 in its greenhouse effect. Still, that can be relatively easily controlled; although, like all externalities, it needs regulation otherwise it will not be done. When controlled for leakage, natural gas (and even oil) is much to be preferred environmentally than coal. So this will be a great opportunity for environmentalists to show a practical side and pick the lesser of two evils. (Long live nuclear, I must add while that thought is in my head.)

就增长影响而言,我们必须始终考虑一阶和二阶导数:天然气年增长 10% 所带来的增长影响,要比仍然可观但只有 5% 的增长更大。实际钻探带来的最大刺激或推动作用已经过去,尽管它确实帮助过去三年以略快速度勉强前行。来自更廉价燃料的二次刺激效应达到峰值需要更长时间,但除非我们疏忽懈怠,它很可能在五年内实现。随着行业做出响应,天然气价格将相当迅速地回升至更正常水平——期货市场预示着五年内上涨 50%——而这将削弱刺激效应。

In terms of growth impact, we have to think always of first and second derivatives: natural gas growing at 10% a year is a bigger growth impact than growing at a still impressive 5%. The maximum impact or stimulus from actual drilling has already passed, though it did help the last three years limp along a little faster. The secondary stimulus from cheaper fuel will take longer to peak but it is likely to do it in five years unless we are asleep at the switch. As industry responds, it will drive the price of natural gas quite rapidly back toward more normal levels – the futures discount a 50% increase in five years – and that will reduce the stimulus effect.

我猜测,经济已经明显受益;比如说,过去一年里每年受益 0.3%。另有一个猜测是,这一增长效应将在未来最长五年内进一步上升,并在年化 0.5% 左右达到峰值——放在整个 GDP 的语境下,这个幅度相当巨大——之后会逐步减弱。因此,如果我的判断正确,或大致正确,那么大部分刺激效果已经体现在经济系统中了。其次,这是一个非常暂时的因素,不像我们讨论过的其他几个因素那样持久。最后,必须考虑的是,少数专家认为,水力压裂井——尤其是天然气井——不仅可能比传统油井衰减得快得多,而且比普遍预期的要快得多。这仍然是一个重要的未知数。(摘要表格中显示的数字较小,因为该表格使用的是更长期的估算。)

My guess is that the economy has already been helped measurably; say, by 0.3% a year in the last year. Another guess would be that the growth effect will rise further by up to five years longer and will peak at around 0.5% a year, which is massive in the context of the whole GDP, and then will decline: thus, if I’m right or even approximately right, most of the stimulus is already in the system. Second, this is a very temporary factor unlike several others we have discussed. Finally, it must be considered that a minority of experts believe that fracking wells – especially gas wells – may peak out not only far more quickly than traditional wells, but far more quickly than generally expected. It is still an important unknown. (The numbers shown in the summary table are less because the table uses much longer-term estimates.)

免责声明:本文所表达的观点仅为杰里米·格兰瑟姆截至 2012 年 11 月 20 日的观点,并可能随时因市场及其他条件变化而调整。本文不构成对任何证券的购买或出售要约或招揽,也不应被视作此类要约或招揽。文中提及的具体证券及发行人仅作说明用途,并非也不应被解读为买入或卖出此类证券的建议。

Disclaimer: The views expressed are the views of Jeremy Grantham through the period ending November 20, 2012, and are subject to change at any time based on market and other conditions. This is not an offer or solicitation for the purchase or sale of any security and should not be construed as such. References to specific securities and issuers are for illustrative purposes only and are not intended to be, and should not be interpreted as, recommendations to purchase or sell such securities.

版权所有 © 2012 GMO LLC。保留所有权利。

Copyright © 2012 by GMO LLC. All rights reserved.

GMO 第 17 期季度信函 – 驶向零增长之路 – 2012 年 11 月 GMO 评论 2012 年 11 月 “救命,救命,我被镇压了!”

GMO 17 Quarterly Letter – On the Road to Zero Growth – November 2012 GMO COMMENTARY November 2012 “Help, Help, I’m Being Repressed!”

本·因克:我原本打算接着那句“圣杯”引文,用“留着胡子的男人乘直升机撒钱,不是稳健货币政策的基础”作为开场白。但我意识到,这个开头有两个问题。第一,考虑到当前的经济状况以及美联储促进充分就业和确保物价稳定的双重使命,零短期利率和无限量化宽松政策并非完全不可能真的是稳健的货币政策。第二,即便它不是稳健的货币政策,这也是我们现行的货币政策,而无论我们喜不喜欢,思考其影响都至关重要。

Ben Inker I had been planning to follow up that Holy Grail quote with the opening line “Bearded men flying about in helicopters distributing money is no basis for a sound monetary policy.” But I have realized there are two problems with that introduction. First, given where the economy is and the Fed’s dual mandate to encourage full employment along with ensuring price stability, it is not entirely impossible that zero short rates and QE infinity actually is sound monetary policy. And second, even if it isn’t sound monetary policy, it is the monetary policy we have, and it is important to think through its implications, whether we like them or not.

根据美联储的说法,当前货币政策的一个重要目标是推高资产价格,从而产生财富效应,带动更多支出和经济增长。但这一政策在理论层面存在一个显著问题。问题归结起来就是:虽然美联储的政策确实能让理性投资者抬高资产价格,但如果投资者真的是理性的,它恐怕无法产生财富效应。因为事实是,对大多数投资者而言,尽管资产价格上涨,当前美联储的政策却在让他们倒退。这一事实带来的稍显反常的推论是:当前美联储政策对经济的提振效果越差,它就越可能持续下去,这使得理性投资者陷入一种境地——他们希望这个该死的政策能奏效,这样它就能结束,却又不愿参与那些能促成其成功的行动。

According to the Fed, an important goal of current monetary policy is to drive asset prices higher, generating a wealth effect that will lead to more spending and economic growth. There is a significant problem with this policy from a theoretical standpoint, though. The problem boils down to this: while Fed policy actually can cause rational investors to bid up the prices of assets, it probably can’t cause a wealth effect if investors truly are rational. Because the truth is that for the majority of investors, current Fed policy is taking them backwards, despite higher asset prices. The slightly odd corollary to this fact is that the less effective current Fed policy is at boosting the economy, the longer it is likely to persist, leaving rational investors in the position of hoping the damn thing works so that it will end, but unwilling to participate in the actions that would lead to success.

你可能会以为,作为均值回归的信奉者,GMO 会质疑美联储政策能否提高长期资产的公允价值,但我在这里不打算这么做。我的同事詹姆斯·蒙蒂尔正在撰写一份关于超低利率对投资组合影响的深度报告,所以我把细节留给他,但这个论点其实相当直接。公允价值的实用定义是“一个能够获得超过无风险利率的足够溢价的估值水平”。暂且不论美国国债是否真的算得上“无风险”,如果美联储可信地承诺在未来 5 年内将短期利率维持在零,那么这很可能确实会提高股票的公允价值。如果未来 5 年现金的实际回报率为 -2%,而不是历史平均的 1.5%,那么在这 5 年里,股票只需提供 2.0-2.5% 的实际回报,而不是 5.5-6.0% 的实际回报,就能实现相对于现金的合理回报。如果股票原本的定价是在这 5 年内提供 5.5-6.0% 的回报,那么经过计算,这对股市公允价值的影响是将其提高约 16% 以上。在接下来的 5 年里,估值应会逐渐回落至原来的公允价值,净效应是这期间的回报平均比原本可能达到的水平低约 3.5%。但关于股票公允价值的提升,有几点值得注意。首先,这种提升并非源于股票预期现金流增加,而是贴现率下降。其次,它实际上并不影响任何超出利率压制期之外的回报预测。我们的方法假设 7 年内回归均值,因此 5 年的利率压制期不受影响,因为真正重要的“公允价值”是 7 年期末的市场公允价值,而这一价值不会改变。

You might expect GMO, as believers in reversion to the mean, would dispute the idea that Fed policy can increase the fair value of long-term assets, but I’m not going to do that here. My colleague, James Montier, is in the process of writing up a white paper on the portfolio implications of ultra-low interest rates, so I’ll leave the details to him, but the argument is a pretty straightforward one. A good working definition of fair value is “a valuation level that is consistent with earning an adequate premium over the risk free rate.” Glossing over the question of whether U.S. treasuries actually qualify as “risk free,” it probably is true that if the Fed credibly promises to keep short rates at zero for the next 5 years, this will increase the fair value of equities. If the real return to cash for the next 5 years is going to be -2% instead of the historical average of 1.5%, then for that 5-year period stocks need to deliver only 2.0-2.5% real instead of 5.5-6.0% real to give a fair return above cash. If equities were otherwise going to be priced to deliver 5.5-6.0% for those 5 years, then the impact on the fair value of the stock market would be to increase it by a bit over 16%, if you go through the math. Over the following 5 years, valuations should gradually decay back down to the old fair value, with the net effect that returns in that period should average around 3.5% lower than they might otherwise. But there are a couple of important things to note about the increase in the fair value of equities. The first is that it has occurred not because the expected cash flows from equities have risen, but because the discount rate has fallen. And the second is that it doesn’t actually affect any forecast of returns that extends beyond the period of repressed interest rates. Our methodology, which assumes reversion in 7 years, would be unaffected by a 5-year period of repressed interest rates, because the “fair value” that matters is the fair value of the market at the end of 7 years, which would not change.

尽管细节各有不同,但如果超低利率导致资产价格上涨,那不就意味着应该产生财富效应,因为我们的集体投资组合比以前更值钱了吗?略微反直觉的答案是:不会。管理固定收益养老金计划的人可能已经知道这一点,但我们其他人不太习惯从未来支出能力的角度来思考自己的投资组合。不过,让我们花一秒钟算一下这道数学题。你买了价值 100 美元的股票,这些股票将通过增长和收入的某种组合,每年给你带来 5.70 美元的回报,并随通胀上升。现在你持有一项定价为 116 美元的资产,它将通过增长和收入的某种组合,每年给你带来 5.70 美元的回报,并随通胀上升。¹ 购买这项资产的整个目的就是为了获得这一回报流,而回报本身并没有改变。用利率加风险溢价贴现后的这些回报的现值(PV)上升了,但你打算用这些资产来资助的任何负债的现值也同样上升了。在固定收益养老金计划领域之外,我们通常不会考虑这一点,但一家代表机构资助支出的捐赠基金,其资助支出的能力并不比以前更强。一位为退休储蓄的投资者,无法购买比之前更大的年金,如果他们没有选择年金化,也无法在退休后花更多的钱。唯一获得意外收益的投资者,是那些负债期限短于用于资助这些负债的资产期限的人。对于绝大多数投资资金来说,这几乎从来都不是事实。退休储蓄(无论是固定收益还是固定缴款计划)、为资助未来支出而进行投资的捐赠基金和基金会,甚至那些希望为子女和孙辈留下遗产的超级富豪,都有期限非常长的负债需要资助,他们只能希望自己的资产能跟上这些负债现值增加的步伐。

Regardless of the details, though, if ultra-low interest rates have caused asset prices to go up, doesn’t that mean there should be a wealth effect as our collective portfolios are worth more than they were before? The slightly non-intuitive answer is no. Anyone managing a defined benefit pension plan probably already knows this, but the rest of us are somewhat less used to thinking about our portfolios in terms of the future spending they will allow. But let’s just go GMO 18 “Help, Help, I’m Being Repressed!” – November 2012 through the math for a second. You bought $100 worth of stocks, which were going to give you a return, through some combination of growth and income, of $5.70 per year, rising with inflation. You now own an asset priced at $116, which is going to give you, through some combination of growth and income, $5.70 per year, rising with inflation.1 The whole point of buying that asset was to get that stream of returns, and the returns haven’t changed. The present value (PV) of those returns discounted by interest rates plus a risk premium has risen, but so has the present value of whatever liabilities you were intending those assets to fund. Outside of the defined benefit pension plan space we don’t tend to think about it, but an endowment funding spending on behalf of an institution has no greater ability to fund that spending than it did before. An investor saving for retirement cannot buy any larger an annuity than they could before, or afford to spend any more dollars in retirement if they do not annuitize. The only investors who have received any windfall gain are those whose liabilities are shorter term than the assets intended to fund them. This is more or less never the case for the bulk of investment dollars. Retirement savings, both defined benefit and contribution … endowments and foundations investing to fund future spending … even the very wealthy looking to create a legacy for their children and grandchildren, all have very long duration liabilities to fund and can hope only for their assets to have kept up with the increased PV of those liabilities.

事实上,唯一一类负债期限普遍短于资产的群体,是那些以住房为主要资产、且背负着可再融资按揭贷款的家庭。他们为何特殊?他们的住房是一项资产,与未来住房需求产生的负债大致匹配,但其背后的债务可以随时再融资。当他们再融资时,按揭成本会下降。虽然未来隐含租金的现值上升了,但这只是与房屋的公允价值同步上升。按揭成本的下降确实为他们带来了一种财富效应(或者更准确地说,是一种收入效应)。

In fact, there is only one group whose liabilities are shorter duration than their assets in general, and that is households whose primary asset is a home and who are carrying mortgage debt that they are able to refinance. Why are they special? Their home is an asset, which is fairly well-matched by the future liability of their future housing needs, but the debt behind it can be refinanced whenever they want. The cost of the mortgage drops when they refinance. While the PV of their future implied rent has risen, it has only risen in line with the fair value of the house. The falling cost of the mortgage truly does provide them a wealth effect (or, more properly, an income effect).

好,这有一群人,财富效应朝着正确的方向走,那这难道不该有帮助吗?也许吧,但这个故事还有另一面。如果有人从再融资选择权的价值中受益,那就有人吃亏:老房贷的持有者。虽说某种程度上有种解气的说法——银行手里捏着房贷,让它们都见鬼去吧——但实际情况远比这复杂。那些房贷的持有者包括银行、房利美和房地美,以及其他投资者。银行由投资者拥有,房利美和房地美则归我们纳税人的钱所有。无论哪种方式,我们作为一个整体,都背负着房主们正在行使的再融资选择权的空头,所以并没有净收益——尽管省下钱的房主多花一美元的边际倾向,很可能远远高于失去收入的投资者。

Okay, so here is a group with a wealth effect in the right direction, so shouldn’t that help? Possibly, but there is another side to that story. If someone is benefitting from the value of the refinance option, someone else is losing out: the holder of the old mortgage. And while it would be somewhat satisfying to say that the banks hold the mortgages and to hell with the lot of them, the truth is more complicated than that. The holders of those mortgages are banks, Fannie and Freddie, and other investors. The banks are owned by investors, and Fannie and Freddie are owned by us as taxpayers. One way or another we are collectively short the refinancing option that the homeowners are exercising, so there isn’t a net benefit, although the marginal tendency to spend an extra dollar may well be higher for the homeowners saving money than the investors forgoing income.

因此,整个体系在抵押贷款问题上最终持平,既没有从再融资中获利,也没有受损。这或许意味着不存在净财富效应,无论好坏?别急。事实是,很少有投资者持有期限与负债相当的长久期资产。任何错配都会造成损失,因为只有那些期限足够长、能覆盖利率压制期的资产,其公允价值才会完全上升。在一个简单的世界里,短期利率被维持在零水平 5 年,然后恢复正常,我们看到 5 年期债券、30 年期债券、股票或房地产的公允价值都出现了基本相同的上涨。3 年期债券受益较少,而储蓄账户的价值则完全没有增加。

So the system winds up flat on the mortgage issue, neither winning nor losing from the refinancing. Perhaps that means there is no net wealth effect, good or ill? Not so fast. The truth is that very few investors have quite as many long duration assets as liabilities. Any mismatch hurts, because only assets that are long enough duration to go beyond the period of interest rate repression see their fair values rise by the full amount. In a simple world where short rates are kept at zero for 5 years and then go back to normal, we see the same basic rise in fair value on a 5-year bond, a 30-year bond, equities, or real estate. A 3-year bond is helped less, and it does nothing at all to increase the value of a savings account.

如果我们作为投资者持有超出短期支出需求的现金或短期投资(这是大多数“谨慎”投资者的做法),那我们实际上是净亏损方,因为负债上涨的速度比资产价值的增长更快。那么,我们又如何指望从一个实际上让我们倒退的财富效应中增加支出呢?我们只能寄希望于投资者太过目光短浅,以至于没有注意到:尽管他们的投资报表上数字更高了,但他们实际上并没有变得更富足。

If we as investors have held some cash or short-term investments above and beyond our short-term spending needs (which is the stance of most “prudent” investors), we’re net losers, as our liabilities have risen faster than the value of our assets. So how are we supposed to increase our spending from a wealth effect that has actually taken us backwards? We can only hope that investors are too myopic to have noticed that despite the higher numbers in their investment statements, they actually aren’t any better off.

说到这里,就有点让人伤感了。我认为,我们这些谨慎的投资者——倾向于持有现金和短期投资、指望明天能有更好的买点——真的只能指望大多数投资者都是短视的。如果他们确实短视,并且基于虚幻的财富现在就花钱,那么经济或许会好转,我们就能走出超低利率的时代。如果投资者的反应不如美联储所愿,这项政策就算失败了,但经济持续疲弱的话,超低利率就极有可能长期持续下去,一直伤害着那些“谨慎”的投资者。

And here’s where the slightly sad bit comes in. I think that we, as prudent investors who tend to hold cash and short-term investments in the hopes of better prices tomorrow, really have to hope that investors in general are myopic. If they are and they spend now on the basis of their illusory wealth, maybe the economy will improve and we can move beyond the era of ultra-low interest rates. If investors don’t respond the way the Fed hopes, this policy will have been a failure, but with a continuing weak economy there is every expectation that ultra-low interest rates are here to stay, hurting the “prudent” investor all the while.

实际上,在前 5 年里,随着超低利率持续期越来越短的影响减弱,估值下降会部分抵消那 5.70 美元。这是一种价格变化,而非收入与增长的长期回报驱动因素——后者才决定投资所能提供的长期可持续支出。

1 And actually, in the first 5 years, that $5.70 will be partly countered by a fall in valuations as the impact of the shorter and shorter period of ultra-low rates lessens. That is a change in price as opposed to the long-term return generators of income and growth, which will determine the long-term sustainable spending available from the investment.

GMO 19《救命啊,救命,我正被压制!》——2012 年 11 月

那么,这对我们在 GMO 的资产配置组合意味着什么呢?基本与此前相同。在那些允许配置短久期资产的账户里,我们持有了大量此类资产,同时意识到:利率被压制得越久,这些持仓的机会成本就越大。我们之所以这样做,是因为如果假设低利率会提升长久期资产的价值而贸然买入,一旦政策持续时间不如投资者预期的那么长,我们将更容易蒙受损失。在“无限量 QE”宣布前的几个月里,股市及其他长久期资产的大幅上涨,或许可以基于美联储“长期维持低利率”的承诺而“说得通”,但买入那些仅靠低折现率支撑价格的资产,本质上是一种危险的投资方式。我们对此的回应是,在允许的资产配置组合中适度降低了股票权重。如果美联储言行一致、通胀没有突然爆发,并且各种令人不快的事件(中国硬着陆、欧元区崩盘、财政悬崖等)要么不发生、要么造成的麻烦比我们担心的要小,那么我们在资产估值乏善可陈时“审慎”持有短久期资产的做法,最终将让我们和客户付出代价。

GMO 19 “Help, Help, I’m Being Repressed!” – November 2012 So where does that leave us with our asset allocation portfolios at GMO? Pretty much where we were before. We own significant amounts of short duration assets in accounts where such assets are an option, with the recognition that the longer rates are repressed, the greater the opportunity cost of those holdings. We are doing this because the risks around jumping into long duration assets under the assumption that low interest rates make them more valuable leaves us more vulnerable to taking losses if that policy winds up not lasting as long as investors assume it will. The strong move in equities and other long duration assets in the months up to the announcement of QE infinity may be “justified” on the basis of a promise from the Fed of low rates for longer, but buying assets whose prices are only justified by low discount rates is an inherently dangerous way to invest, and we responded by taking down our equity weights modestly in asset allocation portfolios where permitted. If the Fed is true to its word, inflation does not flare up, and the various nasty events out there (China hard landing, euro blow-up, fiscal cliff, etc.) either don’t happen or cause less trouble than we fear they might, our “prudent” holding of short duration assets in the face of uninspiring asset valuations will wind up costing us and our clients money.

因此,我们保持谨慎乐观——尽管心存疑虑,但还是希望美联储的政策真的能奏效,因为那样我们就能回到一个不必面对这种糟糕念头的世界:即那些预期实际回报率只有 2% 的股票,竟然可能被视为“定价合理”。但如果投资者看穿了美联储玩的把戏,那我们就可能要等上很长一段时间了。

So, our fingers are crossed that, despite our reservations, Fed policy actually works, because we can then go back to a world where we aren’t faced with the ugly idea that stocks priced to deliver 2% real might be “fairly priced” after all. If investors see through the game the Fed is playing, however, we could be in for a long wait.

英克先生是资产配置部门的联席主管。

Mr. Inker is the co-head of asset allocation.

免责声明:此处表达的观点系本·英克(Ben Inker)截至 2012 年 11 月 20 日的看法,并可能随时因市场及其他状况而发生变化。本文并非对任何证券的买入或卖出要约或招揽,也不应被如此解读。

Disclaimer: The views expressed herein are those of Ben Inker as of November 20, 2012 and are subject to change at any time based on market and other conditions. This is not an offer or solicitation for the purchase or sale of any security and should not be construed as such.

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Copyright © 2012 by GMO LLC. All rights reserved.

GMO 20 “救命,救命,我被压制了!”——2012 年 11 月

GMO 20 “Help, Help, I’m Being Repressed!” – November 2012