如此重要的问题,令人难以顾及其他

2008 · article_academic · 原文约 5194 词
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一个如此重要的问题

A Question So Important

这理应很难。

That It Should Be Hard To

想想别的吧

Think About Anything Else

J OHN C. B OGLE

J OHN C. B OGLE

约翰·C. 博格尔:过去 60 年里,金融分析和证券分析领域经历了巨大的增长和日益专业化。然而,投资组合经理和投资顾问所依据的投资原则在许多方面并未改变。想想关于金融分析师职责的建议:我的基本论点——无论过去还是未来——是,一个聪明且训练有素的金融分析师可以为许多不同类型的人提供有用的投资组合顾问服务,从而充分证明自己的价值。他可以通过坚持相对简单的稳健投资原则来做到这一点;例如,债券与股票之间的适当平衡;适当的多样化;选择有代表性的股票清单;劝阻不适合客户财务状况或性格的投机操作——为此,他并不需要成为从股票清单中挑选赢家或预测市场走势的奇才。

虽然那些熟悉我职业生涯中倡导理念的人可能会感到惊讶,但这番话并非出自于我,而是传奇人物本杰明·格雷厄姆在 1963 年 5/6 月《金融分析师杂志》上庆祝纽约证券分析师协会成立 25 周年时写下的。要说我热烈赞同这些关于平衡、多样化和长期关注的简单原则——更不用说对选股者和市场预测奇才总体上能否随时间增值持怀疑态度——那还说得太轻了。事实上,这几乎就是我 1951 年大学毕业论文里写的内容。

在我最近的一本书(《常识投资小书》[2007])中,我专门用一章阐明,鉴于自 1963 年以来我们投资环境的根本变化,格雷厄姆可能会走得更远——他会赞同将股市指数基金作为绝大多数投资者的核心策略。与格雷厄姆密切合作的沃伦·巴菲特不仅亲自向我保证格雷厄姆支持指数化,还亲自为《常识投资小书》撰写了背书。

56 年前我进入共同基金行业——为基金先驱沃尔特·摩根工作,他的惠灵顿基金当时和现在都是这些原则的典范——行业基本上按照格雷厄姆所规定的方式投资。主要股票基金的投资组合很大程度上包含多样化的蓝筹股名单,其投资组合经理进行长期投资。他们回避投机;他们操作

J OHN C. B OGLE I n the past 60 years, the field of financial of May/June 1963, celebrating the 25th is the founder and former and securities analysis has undergone anniversary of the New York Society of Secuchief executive of The enormous growth and ever-increasing rity Analysts. To say that I passionately subVanguard Group and presi- professionalization. Yet the investment scribe to these simple principles of balance, dent of its Bogle Financial Markets Research Center. principles upon which portfolio managers and diversification, and focus on the long term— [email protected] investment advisors operate have in many to say nothing of being skeptical that stockrespects remained unchanged. pickers and market forecasting wizards can, Consider this advice regarding the on balance and over time, add value—would responsibilities of the financial analyst: be an understatement. Indeed, it’s pretty much what I wrote in my college senior thesis “It is my basic thesis—for the future as in 1951. for the past—that an intelligent and I devote a chapter of my most recent well-trained financial analyst can do a book (The Little Book of Common Sense Investing useful job as portfolio adviser for many [2007]) to showing that, given the radical different kinds of people, and thus change in our investment environment since amply justify his existence. Also I claim 1963, Graham would have gone even further; he can do this by adhering to relatively he would have endorsed the stock market simple principles of sound investment; index fund as the core strategy for the vast e.g., a proper balance between bonds majority of investors. Warren Buffett, who and stocks; proper diversification; worked closely with Graham, not only perselection of a representative list; dis- sonally assured me of Graham’s endorsement couragement of speculative operations of indexing but put it in writing in his own not suited for the client’s financial posi- endorsement of the Little Book. tion or temperament—and for this he When I entered the mutual fund industry does not need to be a wizard in picking 56 years ago—to work for fund pioneer Walter winners from the stock list or in fore- Morgan, whose Wellington Fund was and telling market movements.” remains today the exemplar of these principles— the industry invested pretty much in the While it might surprise those who may manner prescribed by Graham. The portfobe familiar with the ideas I’ve advocated during lios of the major equity funds consisted largely my career, these words are not mine but rather of a diversified list of blue-chip stocks, and the words of the legendary Benjamin Graham, their portfolio managers invested for the long as they appeared in the Financial Analysts Journal term. They eschewed speculation; they oper-

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这是一段夹杂着英文原文的翻译任务。但输入文本中英文与中文混排,且段落结构不完整(有拼接痕迹)。我将严格按术语表与格式规则,把它整理成一个完整的段落输出(一个段落对应输入的一个段落)。

1951 年,共同基金行业还恪守着保守的投资原则,而时至今日,这一行业早已面目全非。变化有多大?容我一一数来。我于 1951 年踏入这个行业,如今看到的却已是另一番天地,其间有七大变迁。

1. 规模飞速膨胀。1950 年,共同基金总资产为 20 亿美元;今天,总资产已超过 12 万亿美元,年增速高达惊人的 17%。当年,股票基金仅持有美国股票总量的约 1%;今天,这个数字是令人咋舌的 30%。

2. 投资重心转移。1950 年,近 80% 的股票基金(75 只中有 60 只)在投资级股票上做了广泛分散,基本跟随股市大盘波动,回报率仅因当时较低的管理成本而略微落后。如今,这类大盘混合基金只占全部股票基金的 11%,资产占比也不过约 16%。这 500 只市场贝塔基金,现在被 3100 只其他风格多样化的美国股票基金、另外 400 只集中于各细分市场板块的窄基基金,以及 700 只投资于海外股市(有的广泛分散,有的专注于特定国家)的国际股票基金远远超过。其中一些新基金类别(如全球股市)为投资者带来了不错的回报,另一些则酿成了灾难性后果。不管怎样,对投资者来说,挑选基金的难度已几乎等同于挑选个股。(当然,股票市场指数基金为基金选择难题提供了一个简单的解决方案。)

3. 投资者行为变了。基金投资者不再买了就持有,而是频繁交易。1951 年,基金投资者平均持有份额约 16 年;今天,平均持有期已缩短到那时的四分之一。更糟的是,基金投资者并非因业绩良好而长期持有,业绩不佳便弃船而逃。而且,正如他们的长期记录清楚显示的那样,那些基金管理人很难称得上是“挑选赢家的 wizard(巫师)”。以资产加权计算的回报——即基金投资者实际赚到的——与基金自己报告的时间加权回报相比,落后了一大截——在截至 2005 年 12 月 31 日的十年间,年均落后超过 6 个百分点。

4. 投资流程变了。1951 年,由投资委员会管理是主流;今天,这已成为例外。如今是组合经理的时代:约 1400 只股票基金由单人管理,其余 2500 只由大约三人组成的小团队(少数情况下是一整串“组合顾问”)打理。委员会管理虽不敢保证能带来超额回报,但这一体系对投资者颇为有益。而单人组合经理制本身并无不妥,但这一演变——堪称一场革命——引发了代价高昂的断层。基金管理人中兴起了一股明星制,伴随着各种炒作,可惜大多数明星最终不过是转瞬即逝的彗星,而且动作过度频繁。组合经理在一只基金的平均任职期为五年。

5. 投资策略变了。1951 年,典型共同基金信奉长期投资的智慧,组合中股票平均持有约六年。今天,主动管理型股票基金中一只股票的平均持有期只有一年。说得客气点,按美元加权计算,平均持有期约为一年半。无论如何,如今的典型共同基金都沉迷于短期投机这种蠢事。

6. 行业使命变了。在过去半个多世纪里,基金业的使命已从管理资产转向聚揽资产,从受托责任转向推销叫卖。我们不再是资产管理行业,而越来越像营销行业,沉迷于疯狂的产品泛滥。我们显然的座右铭是:“只要能卖出去,我们就造出来。”

在 1950 年代和 1960 年代,新成立的股票基金约 240 只;1970 年代和 1980 年代约 650 只;而仅在 1990 年代,就新出现了 1600 只股票基金。遗憾的是,其中大多数是科技、互联网和电信基金;这些基金用当时(以今天的标准看)微不足道的成本运作,却取得了非常成功的交易。因为它们通常追逐微小的回报,却给投资者带来与市场持平的业绩;而且,一旦业绩不佳,投资者便弃船而逃。更糟的是,基金投资者并不长期持有,而是频繁交易。1951 年,基金投资者平均持有份额约 16 年;今天,平均持有期已缩短到那时的四分之一。更糟的是,基金投资者并非因业绩良好而长期持有,业绩不佳便弃船而逃。而且,正如他们的长期记录清楚显示的那样,那些基金管理人很难称得上是“挑选赢家的巫师”。以资产加权计算的回报——即基金投资者实际赚到的——与基金自己报告的时间加权回报相比,落后了一大截——在截至 2005 年 12 月 31 日的十年间,年均落后超过 6 个百分点。

7. 管理原则依旧。尽管惠灵顿基金保守的投资原则至今基本未变,基金行业却已与当年大不相同。

ated their funds at costs that were (by today’s standards) trade very successfully. Because they usually chase minuscule; and they delivered market-like returns to their good performance, and then abandon ship after bad investors. What’s more, as their long-term records clearly performance, the asset-weighted returns—those show, those fund managers were hardly “wizards in picking actually earned by fund investors—have trailed the winners.” time-weighted returns reported by the funds themselves by an astonishing amount—an average lag of AN INDUSTRY CHANGES more than 6% points per year during the ten years ended December 31, 2005. 4 But if the conservative investment principles of the 4. Investment process. In 1951, management by investWellington Fund have remained substantially unchanged ment committee was the rule; today it is the to this day, the fund industry has become a vastly different exception. 5 This is the age of the portfolio manager; creature from all those years ago. How different?—let me some 1,400 equity funds are managed by a single count the ways. Consider these seven changes in the individual, and the remaining 2,500 are run by a industry that I entered in 1951 and the industry that I see team of about three managers, or (in a few cases) a today. 1 whole series of “portfolio counselors.” While committee management was hardly a guar1. Enormous growth. In 1950, mutual fund assets totaled antor of superior returns, the system served $2 billion. Today, assets total more than $12 trillion, investors well. And while a system of individual an astonishing 17% rate of annual growth. Then, portfolio managers is not bad in and of itself, this equity funds held about 1% of all U.S. stocks; today, evolution—really a revolution—has led to costly they hold a stunning 30%. 2 discontinuities. A star system among mutual fund 2. Investment focus. In 1950, almost 80% of stock funds managers has evolved, with all the attendant (60 of 75) were broadly diversified among invest- hoopla, although most of these stars, alas, have ment-grade stocks. These funds pretty much tracked turned out to be comets and hyperactive at that. the movements of the stock market itself, and lagged The average portfolio manager serves a fund for but its returns only by the amount of their then-modest five years. 6 operating costs. Today, such large-cap blend funds 5. Investment strategy. In 1951, the typical mutual fund account for only 11% of all stock funds, although focused on the wisdom of long-term investing, they account for about 16% of stock fund assets. 3 holding the average stock in its portfolio for about These 500 market beta funds are now vastly out- six years. Today, the holding period for a stock in numbered by 3,100 U.S. equity funds diversified in an actively-managed equity fund is just one year. other styles, another 400 funds narrowly diversified More charitably, on a dollar-weighted basis, the in various market sectors, and 700 funds investing average holding period is about one and a half years. in international equities—some broadly diversified, Either way, the typical mutual fund of today is some investing in specific countries. focused on the folly of short-term speculation. Some of these new fund categories (i.e., the global 6. Industry mission. Over the past half-century-plus, the stock market) have served investors well; in others mission of the fund business has turned from manthere have been disastrous consequences. In any aging assets to gathering assets, from stewardship to event, the challenge to investors in picking funds salesmanship. We have become far less of a manhas become almost equivalent to the challenge of agement industry and far more of a marketing picking individual stocks. (The stock market index industry, engaging in a furious orgy of product profund, of course, provides a simple resolution to the liferation. Our apparent motto is: “If we can sell it, fund selection challenge.) we will make it.” 3. Investor behavior. But fund investors no longer just During the 1950s and 1960s, some 240 new equity pick funds and hold them. They trade them. In 1951, funds were formed, and during the 1970s and 1980s the average fund investor held shares for about 16 about 650. But in the 1990s alone, 1,600 new equity years. Today the holding period averages a fourth of funds were created. Most of them, alas, were techthat. To make matters worse, fund investors don’t nology, Internet, and telecommunications funds,

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追逐这些领域的激进增长型基金,随后在 2000–2002 年的熊市中首当其冲。这种产品泛滥引发了预期的反应。20 世纪 50 年代,所有基金中有 13% 倒闭,而本十年来,失败率接近 60%。7. 成本。成本已大幅飙升。按未加权计算,普通基金的费用率翻了一番,从 1951 年的 0.77% 升至去年的 1.54%。7(公平地说,按基金资产加权计算,费用率从 0.60% 升至 0.87%,涨幅较低,但依然惊人,接近 50%。)

and aggressive growth funds focused on these areas, which then took the brunt of the 2000–2002 bear market. Such product proliferation has engendered the expected reaction. While 13% of all funds failed during the 1950s, the failure rate for this decade is running at near-60%. 7. Costs. Costs have soared. On an unweighted basis, the expense ratio of the average fund has doubled, from 0.77% in 1951 to 1.54% last year. 7 (To be fair, when weighted by fund assets, the expense ratio has risen from 0.60% to 0.87%, a lower, but still staggering, increase of nearly 50%.)

然而,无论怎样计算,这种成本上升都构成了拖累基金投资者收益的重大负面因素。自 1951 年以来,尽管行业资产规模增长迅猛,基金管理人却将资金管理领域可获得的巨大规模经济效应据为己有,而非与基金持有人分享这些效益。基金管理人——尤其是主导该行业的巨型金融集团(这些集团如今已拥有 50 家最大基金机构中的 40 家)——似乎将自身资本回报率置于首位,而非为基金股东投资所赚取的回报。资产增长、投资焦点收窄、适得其反的投资者行为、投资组合管理流程、一触即发的投资策略、产品泛滥(必然随之而来的是产品收缩)以及成本飙升,这七重因素交织在一起,对基金投资者构成了严重的损害。或许我不该说得如此直白,但《纽约书评》对《资本主义灵魂之战》一书的评论中有一句话激励了我:“心脏移植十一年后,博格尔退休,过上了全职惹是生非的生活。”我其实并非这么看待自己。套用哈里·杜鲁门总统的话:“我并不是在给他们制造麻烦;我只是在告诉他们真相,而他们认为这就是麻烦。”

However it is calculated, this rise in costs constitutes a major negative for drag on the returns earned by fund investors. Despite the quantum growth in industry assets since 1951, managers have arrogated to themselves the extraordinary economies of scale available in the field of money management, rather than sharing these economies with fund owners. Money managers—especially the giant financial conglomerates that dominate the industry (those conglomerates now own 40 of the 50 largest fund organizations)—seem to hold as their highest priority the return earned on their own capital, rather than the return earned on the capital they are investing for their fund shareholders. This seven-way parlay of asset growth, truncated investment focus, counter-productive investor behavior, portfolio management process, hair-trigger investment strategies, product proliferation (inevitably followed by de-proliferation), and soaring costs has altogether constituted a serious disservice to fund investors. Perhaps I shouldn’t comment so bluntly, but I’m inspired by a sentence in the New York Review of Books review of The Battle for the Soul of Capitalism: “After a heart transplant eleven years ago, Bogle retired to a life of full-time hell-raising.” That’s not really the way I look at it. To paraphrase President Harry Truman: “I’m not giving ’em hell; I’m just telling ’em the truth, and they think it’s hell.”

美国的金融体系

THE U.S. FINANCIAL SYSTEM

共同基金行业在成本飙升方面并非特例。实际上,它是我们国家整个金融中介体系中投资者所承担的不断攀升成本的典型代表。共同基金体系的直接成本(主要是管理费用和运营及

The mutual fund industry is hardly unique in its soaring costs. In fact, it is a sort of poster child for the escalating costs that investors incur all across our nation’s system of financial intermediation. The direct costs of the mutual fund system (largely management fees and operating and

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营销费用)目前每年约 1000 亿美元。此外,基金还向我们的券商和投资银行支付数百亿美元的交易费用,间接地也流向了他们的律师和所有其他中介机构。基金投资者每年还要向理财顾问支付约 100 亿美元的额外费用。这些共同基金费用,加上支付给对冲基金和养老基金管理人、信托公司和保险公司的一切费用,再加上交易成本、投行费用以及图表 1 所示系统内的其他所有成本,2007 年合计约 5280 亿美元。但别忘了,这些成本年复一年地累积。如果当前水平维持不变(我猜测还会增长),未来十年的中介总成本将高达惊人的 5 万亿美元。(想想这些累积成本,对比一下美国股市 16 万亿美元和债市 26 万亿美元的市值。)中介成本的激增对资金管理人来说是不是机会?你大可深信不疑!对投资者来说是不是问题?这一点也得认清。有人说,我们的金融系统之所以昂贵,是因为它给投资者带来了好处,这种说法与系统现实相悖,因为这个系统并非在经典的自由市场条件下运转。实际上,这个系统堪称信息不对称(偏向卖方而非买方)、不完美竞争和非理性选择的典范。

marketing expenses) are currently running at some $100 billion a year. In addition, funds are paying tens of billions of dollars in transaction fees to our brokerage firms and investment bankers and, indirectly, to their lawyers and all those other facilitators. Fund investors are also paying another estimated $10 billion of fees each year to financial advisors. These mutual fund expenses, plus all those fees paid to hedge fund and pension fund managers, to trust companies and to insurance companies, plus their trading costs and investment banking fees and all the other costs of the system shown in Exhibit 1, totaled about $528 billion in 2007. 8 But don’t forget that these costs recur year after year. If the present level holds (I’m guessing that it will grow), aggregate intermediation costs would come to a staggering $5 trillion for the next decade. (Think about these cumulative costs relative to the $16 trillion value of the U.S. stock market and the $26 trillion value of the bond market.) Does this explosion in intermediation costs create an opportunity for money managers? You better believe it does! Does it create a problem for investors? You’d better recognize that too. The argument that our financial system is costly because of the benefits it brings to investors belies the reality of our system, in that it does not operate under classic free market conditions. In fact, the system is a model of information asymmetry (which favors sellers over buyers), imperfect competition, and irrational choices

附表 1:2007 年证券中介服务成本估算(单位:十亿美元)

E XHIBIT 1 Estimated Costs of Securities Intermediation, 2007 (billions)

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情绪而非理智所驱动。此外,股息收益率和盈利增长——我们的资本主义论调所否定的投资基本算术——金融体系创造的一切,那些在金融市场博弈的人,只有在扣除金融中介成本之后,才能捕获那些投资回报。换言之,只要我们的金融体系总体上向投资者交付股票和债券市场慷慨提供的回报,但扣除金融中介成本之后(也就是永远如此),这些巨额成本就会严重削弱那些为退休积累储蓄的公民成功的概率。唉,投资者处于这条昂贵投资食物链的底端。

这并不是说我们的金融体系只产生成本。它为社会创造了可观的价值。它促进了资本在各种使用者之间的最优配置;它使买卖双方高效对接;它提供了非凡的流动性;它增强了投资者利用未来现金流折现价值的能力,也让他人得以获取这些现金流权利;它创造了金融工具(所谓衍生品,尽管往往复杂得令人难以置信),使投资者能够通过将各种风险转移给他人来规避风险。

不,问题不在于体系未能创造收益。问题在于,总体上,获取这些收益的成本是否已经高到压倒收益本身的程度。

无论收益如何,我们投资体系成本对投资回报造成的巨大损耗,不仅引发了关于该投资体系有效运作的严重质疑,也关乎我们整个社会的运作。过去两个世纪里,我们的国家从农业经济转向制造业经济,再到服务业经济,如今主要成为金融经济。但我们在金融经济中承担的成本,从定义上讲,从生产性企业创造的价值中扣除。

想想看。当投资者——无论个人还是机构——进行的交易远远超过市场效率和充分流动性所需,且不可避免地相互交易时,他们集体成了自己最大的敌人。而企业所有者享受着

标普 500 指数金融板块占比,1980—2007 年

来源:标普公司。

金融板块与实体经济

年份金融板块占标普 500 盈利比重
19805%
199210%
199720%
200727%

来源:标普公司。

金融板块的崛起是近些年鲜少被讲述的故事之一。二十五年前,金融公司仅占构成标普 500 指数的 500 家大型企业盈利的约 5%(表 2)。十五年前,金融板块占比升至 10%,1997 年达到 20%,2007 年升至接近峰值的 27%。

但 27% 这一数字严重低估了金融板块的重要性,因为它排除了大型制造业企业中金融关联企业的盈利。(想想通用电气资本,或通用汽车和福特的汽车融资部门。)包括这些盈利,可能会使金融板块在标普 500 年度盈利中的占比超过三分之一。但即便不计这些盈利,金融板块如今也已成为我国企业利润的最大来源,甚至超过了庞大的能源和医疗保健板块利润总和,几乎是工业或信息技术板块的三倍(表 3)。

当然,金融板块的增长在某种程度上不仅反映了对金融服务需求的上升。(共同基金行业就是一个很好的例子。)

driven by emotions rather than reason. Further, that dividend yields and earnings growth that our capitalistic argument defies the elemental arithmetic of investing: system creates, those who play in the financial markets Gross return in the financial markets, minus the costs of the capture those investment gains only after the costs of finansystem, equals the net return actually delivered to investors. cial intermediation are deducted. To put it another way, as long as our financial system Thus, while investing in American business is a windelivers to our investors in the aggregate whatever returns ner’s game, beating the stock market before those costs— the stock and bond markets are generous enough to for all of us as a group—is a zero-sum game. And after deliver, but only after the costs of financial intermedia- intermediation costs are paid to the market’s croupiers, tion are deducted (i.e., forever), these enormous costs beating the market becomes a loser’s game. seriously undermine the odds in favor of success for cit- The rise of the financial sector is one of the seldomizens who are accumulating savings for retirement. Alas, told tales of the recent era. Twenty–five years ago, finanthe investor feeds at the bottom of the costly food chain cial corporations accounted for only about 5% of the of investing. earnings of the 500 giant corporations that compose the This is not to say that our financial system creates Standard & Poor’s 500 Stock Index (Exhibit 2). Fifteen only costs. It creates substantial value for our society. It years ago, the financial sector share had risen to 10%, then facilitates the optimal allocation of capital among a variety to 20% in 1997, and to a near-peak level of 27% in 2007. of users; it enables buyers and sellers to meet efficiently; But that 27% figure substantially understates the it provides remarkable liquidity; it enhances the ability of importance of the financial sector, for it excludes the investors to capitalize on the discounted value of future earnings of the financial affiliates of our giant manufaccash flows and other investors to acquire the right to those turers. (Think General Electric Capital, 9 or the auto cash flows; it creates financial instruments (so-called deriv- financing arms of General Motors and Ford.) Including atives, if often of mind-boggling complexity) that enable these earnings would likely bring the financial sector’s investors to divest themselves of a variety of risks by trans- share to more than one-third of the annual earnings of ferring those risks to others. the S&P 500. But even without those earnings the finanNo, it is not that the system fails to create benefits. cial sector is now by far our nation’s largest generator of The question is whether, on the whole, the costs of corporate profits, larger even than the combined profits of obtaining those benefits have reached a level that over- our huge energy and health care sectors, and almost three whelms them. times as big as either industrials or information technology (Exhibit 3). 10 THE FINANCIAL SECTOR To some degree, of course, the growth of the finanAND THE ECONOMY cial sector reflects not only the rise in demand for financial services. (The mutual fund industry is a good Whatever the benefits, the tremendous drain on investment returns represented by the costs of our investment system raises serious questions about the efficient E XHIBIT 2 functioning not only of that investment system but also Financial Sector’s Share of S&P 500 Earnings, 1980–2007 of our entire society. Over the past two centuries, our nation has shifted from an agricultural economy, to a manufacturing economy, to a service economy, and now to what is predominantly a financial economy. But the costs that we incur in our financial economy, by definition, subtract from the value created by our productive businesses. Think about it. When investors—individual and institutional alike—engage in far more trading, inevitably with one another, than is necessary for market efficiency and ample liquidity, they become, collectively, their own worst enemies. While the owners of businesses enjoy the Source: Standard & Poor’s Corporation.

98 一个如此重要的问题,以至于它应该让你难以顾及其他任何事情 2008 年冬

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附件 3 2006 年标普 500 指数各行业盈利(单位:十亿美元)

E XHIBIT 3 2006 Earnings of S&P 500 Sectors (billions)

来源:标普公司。

Source: Standard & Poor’s Corporation.

举个例子。)这还反映出,许多私营企业已转为上市,包括投行、共同基金管理公司、曾是互助式的保险公司,甚至我们的证券交易所。1989 年,标普 500 指数金融板块有 56 只股票,其中 28 家是银行;如今有 92 只,但银行仅剩 26 家。上市与盈利增长相结合,效果惊人。比如,从 1981 年到 2007 年,基金管理公司 T. Rowe Price 的利润暴涨超过 150 倍——从 400 万美元增至估计 6.5 亿美元。我们似乎正走向一个不再制造任何东西的国家。我们只是在互相倒腾纸片、来回交换股票和债券,而庄家——用赌场的比喻——赚得盆满钵满。我们还通过创造越来越复杂的金融衍生品,给金融体系埋下巨大而深不可测的风险,进一步推高成本。太多金融创新对创造者和推销者有利可图,却对购买这些设计得无比绕人的产品的投资者财富,带来危险和破坏。正如抵押贷款支持债务担保凭证引发的日益严重的危机所证明的,这些风险开始显现恶果。在此背景下,值得回味伟大的英国经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯约 70 年前的敏锐洞见,他警告说:“当企业变成纯粹的投机泡沫”

example.) It also reflects the fact that many privately owned firms have become publicly owned, including investment banking firms, mutual fund managers, oncemutual insurance companies, and even our stock exchanges. In 1989, there were 56 stocks in the S&P financial sector, including 28 banks; today there are 92 stocks, but only 26 banks. The combination of public ownership and earnings growth has been dramatic. For example, from 1981 to 2007 earnings of fund manager T. Rowe Price soared more than 150 times over—from $4 million to an estimated $650 million. We’re moving, or so it seems, toward becoming a country where we’re no longer making anything. We’re merely trading pieces of paper, swapping stocks and bonds back and forth with one another, and the house, to use a gambling casino metaphor, reaps a veritable fortune. We’re also adding even more costs by creating ever-more complex financial derivatives that build huge and unfathomable risks into our financial system. Far too many financial innovations are profitable to their creators and marketers, but have proved to be hazardous and destructive to the wealth of those who purchase these devilishly convoluted products. As evidenced by the growing crisis in mortgagebacked collateralized debt obligations, these risks are starting to come home to roost. In this context, it’s worth considering the keen insight of the great British economist John Maynard Keynes, who some 70 years ago warned that “when enterprise becomes a mere bubble

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“在投机的漩涡之上,”后果可能不堪设想。“当一个国家的资本发展沦为赌场活动的副产品时,(资本主义)这份工作恐怕做不好”【1936 年,第 156 页】。曾经,资金管理行业是服务于商业的,如今这一领域大体已变成商业凌驾于专业之上的行当。哈佛商学院教授拉凯什·库拉纳的这句话道出了真正专业人士的行为准则,他说得对:“我将为社会创造价值,而非从中攫取”【2007 年,第 15 页】。然而,资金管理,就其定义而言,正是从我们企业所赚取的回报中攫取价值。沃伦·巴菲特的睿智搭档查理·芒格【1998 年】直言不讳:

on a whirlpool of speculation,” the consequences may be dire. “When the capital development of a country becomes a by-product of the activities of a casino, the job (of capitalism) is likely to be ill-done” [1936, p. 156]. Once a profession in which business was subservient, the field of money management has largely become a business in which the profession is subservient. Harvard Business School Professor Rakesh Khurana is right when he defines the standard of conduct for a true professional with these words: “I will create value for society, rather than extract it” [2007, p. 15]. And yet money management, by definition, extracts value from the returns earned by our business enterprises. Warren Buffett’s wise partner Charles Munger [1998], lays it on the line:

“多数赚钱的金融活动(即资金管理)带有极其反社会的效应……随着高成本模式日益流行,这种活动加剧了当前的危害趋势——美国越来越多有道德操守的年轻才智被吸引到高薪的资金管理及其伴随的现代摩擦之中,而非投身于为他人创造更大价值的工作。”

“Most money-making [i.e., money management] activity contains profoundly antisocial effects ... . As high-cost modalities become ever more popular ... the activity exacerbates the current harmful trend in which ever more of the nation’s ethical young brainpower is attracted into lucrative money-management and its attendant modern frictions, as distinguished from work providing much more value to others.”

然而,就在我撰写本文之际,我读到这类才智正以惊人的速度涌入金融服务领域。如今,特许金融分析师的人数已达到创纪录的 78,000 人,《巴伦周刊》最近报道,“来自世界各地的申请者不少于 140,000 人——同样创下历史新高——正排队等候参加考试,考试将把梦寐以求的[CFA]认证授予其中的幸运儿。”从某种意义上说,这种激增令人欣喜,表明我们的专业头衔备受推崇。但这同时也引发了严肃的担忧,即该领域将变得愈发拥挤,把金融中介的成本推至更高的水平。我并不全然排除这种可能性:这批训练有素的专业投资顾问的涌入,或许能帮助个人投资者做出比以往更明智的选择。但金融顾问的过往记录令人沮丧,表明他们实际上是在削减投资者的回报。伯格斯特雷瑟、查默斯和图法诺[2006]的一项研究发现,顾问的资产配置并不比投资者自行配置更优,顾问会追逐市场趋势,而他们所服务的投资者还支付了更高的前期费用。

Yet even as I write this article, I read that this brainpower is pouring into financial services at a breath-taking rate. Today, the number of chartered financial analysts is at a record high of 78,000, and Barron’s recently reported that “no fewer than 140,000 new applicants—also a record high—from every corner of the earth are queued up to take the exams that will confer on the lucky ones the coveted [CFA] imprimatur.” In one sense this explosion is wonderful, suggesting that our professional designation is highly valued. But it also raises serious concerns that the field will become more and more crowded, pushing the costs of financial intermediation to even higher levels. I don’t dismiss out-of-hand the possibility that this influx of trained professional investment advisors might help individual investors make better choices than they have in the past. But the record of financial advisors is discouraging, suggesting that they subtract value from investor returns. A study by Bergstresser, Chalmers, and Tufano [2006] finds that advisor asset allocations were no better than allocations those investors made on their own, that advisors chased market trends, and that the investors whom they advised paid higher up-front charges. The

投资组合管理期刊 99

T HE J OURNAL OF P ORTFOLIO M ANAGEMENT 99

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研究结论:依赖顾问的投资者所持有的 E XHIBIT 5 基金(扣除所有预付或赎回时收取的费用)的加权平均净资产收益率仅为每年 2.9%,而自行管理投资的投资者则获得了 6.6% 的年收益率。这并不是说当今卓越的年轻一代中的聪明人不应该进入资金管理行业。而是说,那些进入这一领域的人应该睁大眼睛,认识到任何从客户身上攫取价值的行业,在比现在更困难的时期,可能会发现自己作茧自缚。虽然华尔街有句老话叫“金钱没有良心”,但这个行业的未来领导者绝不能让这句老话使他们忽视自己的良心,或改变自己的行为和品性。过去 25 年辉煌的 12.5% 回报率不仅包括了 3.4% 的股息收益率和 6.4% 的盈利增长(远高于 5.0% 的长期常态),还包括了平均每年 2.7% 的投机回报,这源于市盈率从 9 倍翻倍至 18 倍。收益率的急剧下降,以及我认为今天的 18 倍市盈率不仅不会再次翻倍,反而会在未来十年内下降几个百分点的可能性,意味着我们可能将经历约 7% 的未来股票回报率。更糟糕的是,金融中介的沉重成本很可能在股票回报率下降的时代出现。简而言之,股票 100 年 9.6% 的年回报率包括了 4.5% 的股息收益率(图表 4)。今天 2.0% 的收益率代表了未来投资回报中 2.5 个百分点的净损失。同样地,我厚着脸皮坚持认为,对于普通共同基金,预计 4.5% 的名义净年回报率还要扣除预计 2.3% 的年通货膨胀率,使其降至仅仅 2.2% 的实际年回报率(图表 5)。显然,降低投资成本是我们国家家庭——我们储蓄基础的脊梁——积累他们理应追求的财富的关键所在。

未来股票回报率会降低吗? 11

年度基金成本——销售费用、费用比率和隐藏的换手成本——目前约为 2.5%,这将使股票的名义 7.0% 回报率降至普通共同基金的 4.5%。图表 4 股票过去和未来的总回报

study’s conclusion: The weighted average return of equity E XHIBIT 5 funds held by investors who relied on advisors (excluding Equity Fund Returns Over the Coming Decade all charges paid up-front or at the time of redemption) averaged just 2.9% per year, compared with 6.6% earned by investors who took charge of their own affairs. This is not to say that bright people in today’s remarkable younger generation should not enter the profession of money management. Rather, it is to say that those who enter the field should do so with their eyes wide open, recognizing that any endeavor that extracts value from its clients may, in times more troubled than these, find that it has been hoist by its own petard. While it is said on Wall Street that money has no conscience, the future leaders of this profession must not let that truism cause them to ignore their own consciences, or to alter their own conduct and character. glorious 12.5% return of the past 25 years included not Indeed, I expect that these future leaders will bring to only a 3.4% dividend yield and 6.4% earnings growth (well the operation of our system of financial intermediation above the 5.0% long-term norm), but also a speculative a level of honest introspection that I find too often lacking return averaging 2.7% per year, borne of a price-earnings among today’s leaders, as well as a return to our tradi- ratio that doubled from 9 times to 18 times. tional focus on fiduciary duty, on service to others before The sharp drop in yields, and the likelihood (in my service to self. view) that today’s price-earnings ratio of 18 will not only not redouble, but will rather decline by a few points in the coming decade, means that we are likely to experience a LOWER EQUITY RETURNS IN PROSPECT? 11 future return on stocks of about 7%. What’s more, the burdensome costs of financial inter- Annual fund costs—sales loads, expense ratios, and mediation are all too likely to occur in an era of falling returns hidden turnover costs—now running at about 2.5%, on equities. Briefly put, the 100-year return of 9.6% annu- would reduce a nominal 7.0% return on stocks to 4.5% ally on stocks included a 4.5% dividend yield (Exhibit 4). for the average mutual fund. Shamelessly, I persist in Today’s 2.0% yield represents a dead-weight loss of 2.5 % reducing that likely nominal net annual return of 4.5% for points in future investment returns. By the same token, the the average fund by the expected 2.3% annual rate of inflation, slashing it to a humble real return of just 2.2% per year (Exhibit 5). 12 Clearly, reducing investment costs E XHIBIT 4 is at the crux of the ability of our nation’s families—the Total Returns on Stocks, Past and Future very backbone of our savings base—to accumulate the wealth to which they properly aspire.

无关紧要的事

A MATTER OF INDIFFERENCE

然而,大多数经济学家对金融部门成本问题的态度一直是不温不火。有个例外是罗纳德·科斯,他在 1937 年发表了一篇关于交易成本的具有开创性意义的论文《企业的性质》。他在文中提出,企业家是选择在公司内部组织活动,还是依赖市场上的交易,取决于交易成本的水平。但这一观点并未

Yet most economists have been indifferent as to the issue of costs in our financial sector. One exception is Ronald H. Coase, who produced his seminal work on transaction costs, “The Nature of the Firm,” in 1937. His paper postulates that the entrepreneur’s choice between organizing activities within the firm vs. relying on an exchange transaction in the marketplace depends on the level of transaction costs. But it was not

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直到 1991 年——半个多世纪之后——科斯才获得诺贝尔经济学奖。同年,墨菲、施莱弗和维什尼(1991 年)论证道:当超额回报流向寻租者——其收益来自财富的再分配而非财富的创造,作者特别点名政府、法律和金融服务(包括股票交易员和资金管理者)——经济就会受损。这些作者将此类寻租者与工程师等财富创造者进行对比。但矛盾的是,大学工科专业中增长最快的并非传统工程——航空、电气、机械之类——而是“金融工程”,面向那些追求对冲基金经理和华尔街“宽客”职业的人。格罗斯曼和哈特(1983 年)也探讨了交易成本问题。他们指出,涉及委托人和代理人的交易会影响可在双方之间分配的资金总额,并发展出一套分析代理人不同行动成本与收益的方法。他们认为,所有者(委托人)很少监督管理者(代理人)的行为,而是观察结果。但所有者并不清楚管理者的业绩究竟源于技能还是运气——这与共同基金行业如出一辙。管理费和交易成本在这两种情况中都是问题的核心。更近一些,2000 年奥布斯特费尔德和罗格夫在国际宏观经济理论背景下讨论了交易成本问题。他们得出结论说,正是相对交易成本阐明了一系列难题,包括为什么商品和服务的贸易更多是国内而非国际,以及为什么投资者在投资组合中存在本国偏好(例如,美国投资者 90% 的股票持仓为美股)。当交易成本接近于零时,这些问题会消退;但当它们达到交易价值的 25% 时,负面动态就高度可预期。那么,审视金融中介成本(广义而言,就是交易成本)这一显然类似问题的影响,必将有助于阐明市场回报与投资者实际所得回报之间的差距。尽管这一问题显而易见地重要,但据我所知,没有任何一项学术研究系统性地尝试计算我们的金融体系从投资者所得回报中抽取的价值,而且(就我所知)也没有一篇相关文章出现在专业期刊上,无论是《金融经济学杂志》……

until 1991—more than a half-century later—that Coase received the Nobel Prize in Economics. In that same year, Murphy, Shleifer, and Vishny [1991] argued that when excessive rewards go to rentseekers whose returns come from the redistribution of wealth rather than the creation of wealth—the authors single out government, law, and financial services (including stock traders and money managers)—the economy suffers. The authors contrast these rent-seekers with wealth creators such as engineers. But paradoxically, the fastest growth among college engineering majors is not in traditional engineering—aeronautical, electrical, mechanical, and the like—but in “financial engineering” for those seeking careers as hedge fund managers and Wall Street “quants.” 13 Grossman and Hart [1983] also explore the issue of transaction costs. They point out that transactions involving a principal and an agent affect the total amount of money that is available to be divided between the two parties, and develop a method for analyzing the costs and benefits of different actions to the agent. They argue that the owner (the principal) rarely monitors the actions of the manager (the agent), but rather observes the outcome. Yet it is not clear to the owner whether the manager’s results are the product of skill or luck—just as in the mutual fund industry. Management fees and transaction costs are at the heart of the issue in both instances. More recently, in 2000 Obstfeld and Rogoff discussed the issue of transaction costs in the context of international macroeconomic theory. They conclude that it is relative transaction costs that illuminate a wide range of puzzles, including why trading in goods and services is more national than international and why investors have a home bias in their portfolios (e.g., U.S. investors have 90% of their equity holdings in U.S. stocks). When trading costs are close to zero, these problems recede, but when they reach 25% of the value of trade, the negative dynamics are highly predictable. Surely an examination of the impact of the distinctly similar issue of financial intermediation costs (which are, broadly stated, simply trading costs) would illuminate the discussion of the gap between market returns and the returns that investors actually earn. Despite the obvious importance of this issue, I know of not a single academic study that has systematically attempted to calculate the value extracted by our financial system from the returns earned by investors, nor (as far as I know) has a single article on the subject ever appeared in the professional journals, not the Journal of

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《金融学》期刊,或《金融经济学期刊》,或《投资组合管理期刊》,或《金融分析师期刊》。也许,纪念本杰明·格雷厄姆遗产的最佳方式——以及他通过对我们投资体系的深刻洞察所创造的价值——是让我们的行业与学术界携手,最终着手解决投资成本这一关键问题,以及它们与高效资本形成体系带来的益处之间的关系。只有到那时,我们才能开始思考改善该体系的适当途径,可能通过教育、信息披露、监管以及结构和法律改革的某种组合来实现。2007 年 6 月,普林斯顿大学致告别辞的毕业生代表、经济学专业学生格伦·韦尔这样描述他对知识探究的热情(他将这些话归功于诺贝尔奖得主罗伯特·卢卡斯):有些问题如此重要,以至于让人难以或理应难以分心去想其他事。我们国家金融中介体系的高效运作正是这样一个问题。现在不仅到了思考它的时候,也到了深入探究它、计算其成本与收益、并最终要求它为了国家公共利益和投资者利益而比今天发挥出更高效能的时候了。

Finance, or the Journal of Financial Economics, or The Journal of Portfolio Management or the Financial Analysts Journal. Perhaps the best way to honor the legacy of Benjamin Graham—and the value he created by his incisive view of our investment system—would be for our profession to join with academia and at long last tackle this vital issue of investment costs and how they relate to the benefits of an efficient system of capital formation. Only then can we begin to consider appropriate ways to improve the system, likely by some combination of education, disclosure, regulation, and structural and legal reform. In June 2007, Princeton’s valedictorian, economics major Glen Weyl, described his passion for intellectual inquiry this way (he attributes the words to Nobel Laureate Robert Lucas): There are questions so important that it is, or should be, hard to think about anything else. The efficient functioning of our nation’s system of financial intermediation is just such a question. It’s high time not only to think about it, but also to study it in depth, to calculate its costs and its benefits, and ultimately to demand that it function far more effectively in the national public interest and in the interest of investors than it does today.

ENDNOTES

ENDNOTES

本文基于 2007 年 6 月 12 日在费城 CFA 协会为庆祝 CFA 学院成立 60 周年所做的演讲。作者感谢威廉·伯恩斯坦、乔纳森·克莱门茨、史蒂夫·加尔布雷思、凯文·劳克林、伯顿·马尔基尔和格伦·韦尔的有益评论。¹ 我的这些评论主要局限于股票基金,它们目前约占共同基金资产的 70%。尽管并非所有基金都屈从于这些普遍趋势,但例外者寥寥无几。² 根据美联储委员会和投资公司协会的数据估算。³ 晨星分类基于九个风格箱,矩阵的一轴是三个市值类别(大盘、中盘、小盘),另一轴是三个投资目标(成长、价值、混合)。⁴ 1996 至 2005 年间,现金流入最多的 200 只股票基金的累计十年回报率为 133%,而其投资者实际获得的回报率仅为 27%。资料来源:博格尔金融市场研究中心。⁵ 颇具讽刺意味的是,委员会管理的道奇与考克斯公司竟然是业内表现最出色的公司之一。⁶ 根据晨星数据。自大约十年前开始收集这些数据以来,平均任期一直维持在这一水平左右。

This article is based on a speech to the CFA Society of Philadelphia on the 60th Anniversary of the CFA Institute, June 12, 2007. The author thanks William Bernstein, Jonathan Clements, Steve Galbraith, Kevin Laughlin, Burton Malkiel, and Glen Weyl for helpful comments. 1 I’m confining these remarks largely to equity funds, which now represent about 70% of mutual fund assets. While not all funds have succumbed to these pervasive trends, the exceptions are quite few. 2 Estimated from Federal Reserve Board and Investment Company Institute data. 3 The Morningstar categories are based on nine style boxes, with three market cap categories (large, medium, and small) set on one axis of the matrix and three investment objectives (growth, value, and blend) on the other. 4 Cumulative ten-year return reported by the 200 equity funds with the largest cash inflows: 133%; return earned by their investors: 27%, for the years 1996–2005. Source: Bogle Financial Markets Research Center. 5 Ironically, committee-managed Dodge and Cox is among the industry’s most accomplished performers. 6 According to Morningstar. Since these data began to get collected about a decade ago, average tenures have remained at about that level.

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第 7 条来源:威森伯格投资公司年鉴,——。“投资公司的经济角色”,战略洞察公司,及实证研究联合公司。普林斯顿大学论文,1951 年。发表于约翰·博格尔《投资:最初五十年》。纽约:麦格劳-希尔,2001 年。博格尔金融研究中心根据证券业协会、理柏分析服务公司及实证研究联合公司的数据估算。科斯,罗纳德·H。“企业的性质。”《经济学》,第 4 卷,第 8 条:截至 2007 年 9 月 30 日的九个月内,金融服务为通用电气贡献了 42%(520 亿美元)的总收入(1240 亿美元)。第 16 期(1937 年)。格雷厄姆,本杰明。“金融分析的未来。”《金融分析师期刊》(1963 年 5/6 月),第 65–70 页。第 9 条来源:标准普尔公司。2006 年标普 500 指数成分公司的经营利润总额为 7870 亿美元。第 10 条:请将这些数字视为粗略估计。我将收益率四舍五入到 2.0%;盈利增长很容易回归 5.0% 的长期均值;而谁又能真正对 2018 年股市的市盈率抱有十足信心?第 11 条:这可能是最乐观的情形。虽然我忽略了税收,但大多数基金投资者无法忽视它们。我还忽略了基于本文前述历史经验的一种可能性,即基金投资者的年回报率将持续远低于普通基金预期的 2.2% 净实际年回报率。第 12 条:例如,在普林斯顿大学,2000 届毕业生中有 148 名传统工程专业学生和 25 名金融工程专业学生。到了 2009 届,传统工程专业学生为 122 名(下降 17%),金融工程专业学生为 68 名(上升 172%)。第 13 条:蒙格,查尔斯·T。基金会财务官团体演讲。加利福尼亚州圣莫尼卡,1998 年 10 月 14 日。墨菲,凯文,安德烈·施莱弗,及罗伯特·W·维什尼。“人才的配置。”《经济学季刊》(1991 年 5 月)。参考文献

7 Source: Wiesenberger Investment Companies Yearbook, ——. “The Economic Role of the Investment Company,” Strategic Insight, and Empirical Research Associates. Princeton University thesis, 1951. Published in John Bogle on 8 Bogle Financial Research Center estimates based on data Investing: The First 50 Years. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001. from Securities Industry Association, Lipper Analytical Services, and Empirical Research Associates. Coase, Ronald H. “The Nature of the Firm.” Economica, Vol. 4, 9 For the nine months ended September 30, 2007, finan- No. 16 (1937). cial services produced 42% ($52 billion) of General Electric’s total revenues ($124 billion). Graham, Benjamin. “The Future of Financial Analysis.” Finan10 Source: Standard & Poor’s Corporation. The 2006 oper- cial Analysts Journal (May/June 1963), pp. 65–70. ating earnings of the S&P 500 totaled $787 billion. 11 Please consider these numbers crude estimates. I’ve Grossman, Sanford J., and Oliver D. Hart. “An Analysis of the rounded the yield to 2.0%; earnings growth could easily revert Principal-Agent Problem.” Econometrics, Vol. 51, No. 1 (Janto the long-term mean of 5.0%; and who can really be confi- uary 1983). dent about the stock market’s price-earnings multiple in 2018? 12 That may be a best-case scenario. While I’ve ignored Keynes, John Maynard. The General Theory of Employment, Interest taxes, most fund investors cannot ignore them. I’ve also ignored and Money. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1936. the likelihood, based on the past experience described earlier in this article, that the annual return of the fund investor will con- Khurana, Rakesh. “Q1.” Yale School of Management, 2007. tinue to fall far short of the net annual real return of 2.2% expected for the average fund. Lardner, James. “The Specter Haunting Your Office.” The New 13 For example, at Princeton University there were 148 tra- York Review of Books, June 14, 2007. ditional engineering majors and 25 financial engineering majors in the Class of 2000. In the Class of 2009, there are 122 tradi- Munger, Charles T. Speech before Foundation Financial Offitional engineering majors (down 17%) and 68 financial engi- cers Group. Santa Monica, CA, October 14, 1998. neering majors (up 172%). Murphy, Kevin, Andrei Shleifer, and Robert W. Vishny. “The REFERENCES Allocation of Talent.” Quarterly Journal of Economics (May 1991).

阿贝尔森,艾伦。“分析师蜂拥。”《巴伦周刊》,2007 年 5 月 28 日,第 5 页。奥布斯特菲尔德,莫里斯,和肯尼斯·罗戈夫。“国际金融中的六大谜题:是否存在共同根源?”《NBER 宏观经济学年刊》,第 15 期(2000 年)。伯格斯崔瑟,丹尼尔,约翰·M·R·查默斯,和彼得·图法诺。“评估共同基金行业中经纪人的成本与收益。”在 2006 年 AFA 会议上提交,2007 年 1 月 16 日。韦尔,格伦。普林斯顿大学告别演讲,2006 年 6 月 5 日。可在 SSRN 获取:http://ssrn.com/abstract=616981。

Abelson, Alan. “Swarm of Analysts.” Barron’s (May 28, Obstfeld, Maurice, and Kenneth Rogoff. “The Six Major Puz2007), p. 5. zles in International Finance: Is There a Common Cause?” NBER Macroeconomics Annual, 15 (2000). Bergstresser, Daniel, John M.R. Chalmers, and Peter Tufano. “Assessing the Costs and Benefits of Brokers in the Mutual Fund Weyl, Glen. Princeton University valedictory address, June 5, Industry.” Presented at the AFA 2006 Meetings, January 16, 2007. 2006. Available at: SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=616981

博格尔,约翰·C.《资本主义灵魂的争夺战》。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2005 年。如需转载本文,请联系杜威·帕尔米耶里,邮箱:[email protected],或电话:212-224-3675。

Bogle, John C. The Battle for the Soul of Capitalism. New Haven: To order reprints of this article, please contact Dewey Palmieri at Yale University Press, 2005. [email protected] or 212-224-3675

——. 《常识投资小书——确保你获得股票市场公平回报的唯一途径》。纽约:约翰·威利父子出版社,2007 年。

——. The Little Book of Common Sense Investing—The Only Way to Guarantee Your Fair Share of Stock Market Returns. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2007.

2008 年冬天,一个如此重要的问题,以至于让人难以思考其他任何事情。

102 A Q UESTION S O I MPORTANT THAT IT S HOULD B E H ARD TO T HINK ABOUT A NYTHING E LSE W INTER 2008