危机中的市场
《金融分析师杂志》全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS JOURNAL Global Financial Crisis
危机中的市场
Markets in Crisis
约翰·博格尔与罗德尼·N·沙利文,CFA
John C. Bogle and Rodney N. Sullivan, CFA
在约翰·博格尔最近发表于《金融分析师杂志》的文章《黑色星期一与黑天鹅》中,这位备受尊敬的金融专家谈及了近期金融动荡期间涌现的大量风险。在此背景下,2008 年 10 月,《金融分析师杂志》副主编、特许金融分析师罗德尼·沙利文就全球市场危机及其对全球经济前景的看法采访了博格尔先生。沙利文:我认为可以公允地说,约 20 年前冷战结束后开始的这一结构性牛市已经走到尽头。在这轮牛市期间,我们偶尔也遭遇过几次相当痛苦的波折,这样说大概也没错。而当前的动荡带来了惊人的损失,其影响可能还会持续发酵。你在《金融分析师杂志》文章《黑色星期一与黑天鹅》中所描述的大量风险,似乎已演变成一场黑天鹅事件。请谈谈,是哪些因素促使你在文章中提出,投资者严重低估了风险?
博格尔:正如我在文章中所说,历史对长期低风险溢价之后的投资者并不仁慈。前美联储主席艾伦·格林斯潘曾就此警告过我们。风险不仅存在于金融领域,也存在于我们社会中那些未被承认的风险。这里我指的是诸如社会保障和医疗保险之类的支出及其对赤字的影响,更不用说我们的贸易赤字了。所以,我们低估并淡化了预算赤字。我们在伊拉克和阿富汗的战争上支出了至少 1 万亿美元的巨额费用。还有全球变暖的威胁。这些因素对经济和市场的表现来说是实实在在的,却常常被忽视,我们所面临的这种真正不受约束的全球竞争也是如此。我还在文章中提到了其他更为微妙的风险。想想我们的政治体制:它从未像今天这样明显地被金钱和既得利益集团所支配,美国国会和政府如此专注于短期利益。他们在近期危机中的表现或许稍有改善,但远远不够。我看到的另一个重大经济风险是,最富有阶层——上层精英——与
I n John C. Bogle’s recent Financial Analysts Journal article “Black Monday and Black Swans,” the esteemed financial expert wrote about the plethora of risks that arose during the recent financial turmoil. With this context in mind, in October 2008, the FAJ’s associate editor, Rodney N. Sullivan, CFA, interviewed Mr. Bogle about the global market crisis and his outlook for the future of the global economy. Sullivan: I think it’s fair to say that the structural bull market that began some 20 years ago in the aftermath of the Cold War has come to an end. During this bull market, it’s probably also fair to say “ that we’ve had, on occasion, a few rather painful disruptions. The current disruption has brought with it staggering losses with likely Innovation in lingering effects. The plethora of risks that you describe in your FAJ article “Black Monday and Black Swans” (Bogle 2008a) has seemingly turned into a black swan event. Tell us about some of the factors that the financial field led you to suggest in your article that investors were severely underestimating risks. has, by and large, Bogle: As I said in my article, history has not dealt kindly with investors in the aftermath of protracted periods of low-risk premi- been carried out ums. We were warned about this by former Fed chairman Alan Greenspan. It’s not only the risks in the financial sector but also the to serve the unacknowledged risks that characterize our society. Here, I mean things like Social Security and Medicare payments and their impact on our deficit, not to mention our trade deficit. So, we have underes- innovators and timated and understated our budget deficit. We’ve taken on this huge expenditure of $1 trillion, at least, in wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. not to serve And we have the threat of global warming. Those kinds of things are real in terms of how our economy and markets perform but are often the investors. unacknowledged, and the same thing is true of this truly unfettered, global competition that we’ve been facing. I also noted in the article that other risks are even more subtle. ” Just think about our political system: Never more apparent than today, it is dominated by money and vested interests, with the U.S. Congress and the administration focused so heavily on the short term. Their actions in the recent crisis may be a little improvement on that, but not enough. Another kind of big risk that I see in the economy is the vast chasm between the wealthiest—the upper crust
约翰·C·博格尔是先锋集团的创始人兼前首席执行官,并担任位于宾夕法尼亚州福吉谷的先锋集团博格尔金融市场研究中心总裁。罗德尼·N·沙利文,特许金融分析师,是弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔市 CFA 协会《金融分析师杂志》的副主编。编者注:欲收听基于约翰·C·博格尔文章《黑色星期一与黑天鹅》的网络广播/播客,请访问 www.cfawebcasts.org/cpe/what.cfm?test_id=822。
John C. Bogle is the founder and former chief executive of the Vanguard Group and president of Vanguard’s Bogle Financial Markets Research Center, Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. Rodney N. Sullivan, CFA, is associate editor of the Financial Analysts Journal, CFA Institute, Charlottesville, Virginia. Editor’s Note: For a webcast/podcast based on John C. Bogle’s article “Black Monday and Black Swans,” go to www.cfawebcasts.org/cpe/ what.cfm?test_id=822.
©2009 年 CFA 协会 www.cfapubs.org 17
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金融危机(Global Financial Crisis)
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS J O U R N A L Globa l Fin an c i al Cri si s
如果我们社会的顶层 1%——和底层社会。正如我在文章中指出的,曼哈顿大约 20% 的居民年收入不足 8900 美元。这不是国家成功和增长的模式。这本身就是一个严重的社会问题,而不仅仅是金融市场的问题——我们看重金钱胜过成就,看重魅力胜过品格,看重短暂胜过永恒。我认为领导力的匮乏是我们面临的最后一个重大风险。这些是金融之外的风险,是那种看不见的风险。所以,如我在文章中所写,风险很高,不确定性四伏,当时似乎还抱有一种希望,觉得我们能够勉强撑过去。但事实是,自 2007 年 10 月我第一次在风险管理协会的演讲中讨论这些担忧以来,一年后全球市场已大幅下跌。因此,正如我在文章中总结的,经济放缓和衰退就在前方,我所描述的风险正开始显现为一场黑天鹅事件。所以,即使我们遇不到黑天鹅,或许也会遇到某种深灰色的天鹅。苏利文:彼得·伯恩斯坦把黑天鹅称作“未知的未知”。请谈谈黑天鹅事件的性质。你能预见到它们来临吗?还是说,就其本质而言,它们是随机的、不可预测的事件?博格尔:它们并非永远不可预测,但肯定不在共识的预期之内。它们是突然冒出来的。尼古拉斯·塔勒布的书《黑天鹅》(2007 年)概括了黑天鹅的三个基本特征:第一,它是超出我们常规预期范围的异常值,也就是说,它极少发生。第二,它带来极端冲击。第三,也是最重要的一点,在发生之后,人性使我们能够通过编造解释来接受现实,让事情显得仿佛本可预测,塔勒布称之为“事后可预测性”——也就是说,我们会说早知道会来,尽管当时并没这么说。黑天鹅事件的经典定义就是这三个要素的结合——罕见、极端、具有事后可预测性。我认为这正是我们目前所经历的。苏利文:所有市场泡沫的积聚和破裂是不是都大致以相同的方式发生,以至于有人提出我们“从不吸取教训”?也就是说,当前的危机是独一无二的,还是在某种意义上是过去危机的重演?
of our society, if you will, the top 1 percent—and the lower part of our society. As I pointed out in my article, something like 20 percent of Manhattan residents earn less than $8,900 a year. That’s not a formula for national success and national growth. It is very much a societal problem and not merely a financial market problem—we focus on money over achievement, on charisma over character, on the ephemeral over the eternal. And I think a paucity of leadership is the final big risk that we’re facing. These are the nonfinancial risks, the sort of unseen risks. So, the risks are high and the uncertainties are rife, as I wrote in the article, and there seemed to be a hope at the time that we’d be able to muddle through. But the fact of the matter is that one year after first discussing these concerns in a speech to the Risk Management Association in October 2007, global markets are down considerably. So, as I concluded in the article, a business slowdown and recession lay ahead, and the risks I described are beginning to manifest themselves into a black swan event. So, if we don’t have a black swan, maybe we have some sort of dark-gray swan. Sullivan: Peter Bernstein refers to black swans as unknown unknowns. Tell us about the nature of black swan events. Can you see them coming? Or by their very nature, are they random, nonpredictable events? Bogle: They are never not predictable, but they are certainly not expected by the consensus. They come out of the blue. Nicholas Taleb’s book The Black Swan (2007) covers the three basic characteristics of a black swan: First, it’s an outlier beyond the realm of our regular expectations. That is, it occurs rarely. Second, it’s an event that carries an extreme impact. Third and most important, after it occurs, human nature enables us to accept what happens by concocting explanations that make it seem so predictable, which Taleb calls retrospective predictability—that is, we say we knew it was coming even though we didn’t say so at the time. The classical definition of a black swan event is the combination of these three elements—it’s rare, it’s extreme, and it possesses retrospective predictability. I think that is what we are having right now. Sullivan: Is it true that all market bubbles tend to build and burst in much the same way, leading some to suggest that we “never learn from our mistakes”? That is, is the current crisis unique or is it in some sense a repeat of past crises?
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博格尔:每次危机总有重复的成分,这次也不例外。尤其突出的一点是廉价信贷——低利率、宽松的信贷标准——以及没能正确对待风险。投资者不愿承认某些公司或金融工具有极高的风险。于是,我们承担了非常大的风险,某种程度上是在不知不觉中。当然,每次危机也各有不同。确实,众所周知,实际利率大约三年为负。钱实际上等于白拿。所以,负实际利率驱使投资者用借来的钱玩了很多花样。这次非常不同的是,企业发行债券或债券类证券——债务抵押债券——时,信贷标准遭到极大侵蚀。然后,再添上一样以前从未作为重要力量存在过的东西:信用违约互换。这类衍生品让投资者可以赌价格水平或信用违约水平,而且方式不为人知、没有记录、晦暗不明。根据 1999 年的《格雷姆-里奇-比利雷法案》,商品期货交易委员会认定信用违约互换在技术上是商品,因此不受美国证券交易委员会监管,无需遵守报告标准和披露要求。我们一直把这类保障视为社会理所当然的组成部分。可如今它们被忽视了,没人真正了解问题的全部深度。值得注意的是,据说与信贷相关的借款约有 2 万亿美元。但信用违约互换的名义金额高达 62 万亿美元。这意味着,针对企业违约前景的押注规模,是有可能违约的债券本身的 31 倍。而且,问题不仅在于要知道规模有多大,还要知道交易对手是谁。一旦发生违约,他们甚至不知道欠他们钱的那一方是谁,这正是这场金融危机如此极端的原因。这些工具已经散布到全球各地。显然,每个主要国家的公司都参与了其中,这一点与以往的危机不同。还有一个不同之处,体现在证券尤其是股票的所有权从个人投资者转向机构投资者的趋势上。50 年前,个人持有全部股票的 92%,金融机构持有 8%。如今,个人只持有全部股票的 24%,机构持有 76%。我认为一个核心问题在于,这些机构的行为方式并不恰当。
Bogle: There is always an element of repetition, and this present crisis has that. In particular, one element was cheap credit—low interest rates, lax credit standards—and a failure to regard risk properly. Investors refuse to concede that certain firms or financial instruments have very high risk. Therefore, we take very large risks, to some degree unknowingly. But, of course, each crisis has its own differences. Indeed, as we all know, the real interest rate was negative for about three years. Money was, in effect, free. So, we had negative real rates leading to investors playing a lot of games with borrowed money. What is very different this time is the tremendous erosion of credit standards in the corporate issuance of bonds or bondlike securities— collateralized debt obligations. Then, add something that simply hasn’t existed as an important force before: credit default swaps. Such derivatives enable investors to gamble on the level of prices or on the level of credit default and to do so in a way that is unknown, unrecorded, and obscure. Under the Gramm–Leach–Bliley Act of 1999, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission concluded that credit default swaps were technically a commodity and therefore not subject to U.S. SEC regulation, reporting standards, and disclosure. We’ve always taken these safeguards for granted in our society. But here they are being ignored, and nobody really knows the full depth of the problem. Remarkably, there is said to be around $2 trillion of credit-related borrowing. But there is $62 trillion in notional credit default swaps. That means there is 31 times as much betting on the future of corporate defaults as there are bonds that can possibly default. Furthermore, it’s a problem of knowing not only what the volumes are but also who the counterparties are. In the event of a default, they don’t even know who the counterparty is that owes them the money, and that’s what has made this financial crisis so extreme. These instruments have been spread around the globe. Clearly, firms in every major nation have been involved in them, and that is different from previous crises. And another difference is visible in the trend toward ownership of securities and, particularly, stocks by institutional investors rather than individuals. Fifty years ago, individuals owned 92 percent of all stocks and financial institutions owned 8 percent. Today, individuals own only 24 percent of all stocks and institutions own 76 percent. I think a central problem is that these institutions have not behaved in an appropriate manner.
©2009 CFA Institute
©2009 CFA Institute
他们不仅抛弃了投资原则,也抛弃了委托人。后者指的是那些本该由他们代表的投资者。先谈原则。过去的投资原则讲究长期投资的智慧,而不是短期投机的愚蠢。然而,我们正目睹市场上一场投机狂欢,其规模在美国历史上简直闻所未闻。举例来说,1928 年,在旧时投机高潮中,股票年换手率约为 140%。20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代,我刚入这行时,交易所换手率已从那个投机水平降到每年约 30%。2006 年,换手率升至 200%。2007 年,达到 280%。而今年,股票换手率正以 320% 的速度运行。总之,我入行那会儿,一年里股市单日涨跌 2 个百分点或以上的日子,可能只有两三天,或者三四天。自 2007 年 7 月底以来,这样的日子不是两三天或三四天,而是出现了 52 次 2% 的波动——21 次上涨,31 次下跌。所以,如今驱动市场的不是传统长期投资,而是非传统且过度的短期投机。市场由那些押注未来价格的人推动,而不是抱着拥有企业一部分、享受其资本回报的目的去投资。代表投资者委托人利益的投资专业人士——比如养老金受托人和共同基金经理——陷入严重利益冲突。许多这类机构把自己的利益——积累资产、赚取高额费用——摆在投资者利益之前。把投资者利益放在首位,才是受托标准应有的运作方式。所以,我们改变了局面;在近一时期,比方说过去 25 年或 35 年里,我们构建了一个截然不同的世界。传统投资原则的正确性以及服务委托人优先的法律要求并未被完全抛弃,但在今天的投资界,它们无疑已边缘化。萨利文:有人建议,我们应为各类场外市场衍生品设立一个中央清算机构。您认为这是否是向前迈出的一步,至少有助于缓解交易对手风险?
They’ve not only abandoned their investment principles; they’ve also abandoned their principals. In the latter case, these are the investors they’re supposed to be representing. Let me take principles first. Investment principles used to be focused on the wisdom of longterm investing rather than the folly of short-term speculation. Yet, we are witnessing an orgy of speculation in the market, the likes of which we have literally never seen in the United States. For example, in 1928, during the old speculative high, stocks had about a 140 percent annual turnover rate. In the 1950s and 1960s, when I first came into this business, turnover in the stock exchange had dropped from that speculative level to about 30 percent a year. In 2006, it rose to 200 percent. In 2007, it was 280 percent. And this year, turnover of stock is running at 320 percent. In sum, when I came into this business, there might have been two, three, or maybe four days in the course of a year in which the stock market would go up or down by 2 percentage points or more. Since the end of July 2007, there have been not two, three, or four such days; there have been 52 2-percent moves—21 upward and 31 downward. So, what is driving the market now is not traditional long-term investing but untraditional and excessive short-term speculation. The market is being driven by people who are betting on future prices rather than investing with the intent to own part of a business and enjoy the returns it earns on its capital. Investment professionals—for example, pension trustees and mutual fund managers—who represent their investor-principals have been very conflicted. Many of these institutions have put their own interests—accumulating assets and earning large fees—ahead of the interests of their investors. Putting investor interests first is the way fiduciary standards are supposed to work. So, we’ve changed things; we have built a very different world in this recent era, say, over the past 25 or 35 years. The correctness of traditional investment principles and the legal requirement of serving principals first have not been totally abandoned, but they are certainly out of the mainstream of investing today. Sullivan: Some people have suggested that we put into place a central clearinghouse for various OTC market derivatives. Do you think this is a good step forward, at least in helping to mitigate counterparty risks?
January/February 2009
January/February 2009
《金融分析师杂志》全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS JOURNAL Global Financial Crisis
博格尔:是的,这是绝对必要的一步。资本主义和自由市场建立在完全披露的阳光这一前提之上。我们必须知道交易对手是谁,交易量是多少,以及这些市场上的价格是什么。此外,我们必须有办法对这些衍生品进行合理的估值。许多市场参与者不会喜欢这样,但鉴于最近事件的严重性,我们必须忍受一些起初可能不喜欢的东西。沙利文:随着当前弱者的淘汰,我们是否正在见证约瑟夫·熊彼特的“创造性破坏”?最终,我们是否会看到最强者脱颖而出,从而使最近的事件最终成为一个健康的过程?博格尔:我认为金融体系在某种程度上是对熊彼特资本主义传统观念的回溯,即创新的力量——旧去新来。但这有所不同,因为金融领域的创新大体上是为了服务创新者,而不是为了服务投资者。我们总是在共同基金行业、银行业或投资银行业中寻找新产品。如果它更复杂,那就更好;如果根本没人能理解,那就更好了。所以,我认为我们必须以非常不同的视角来看待金融市场的创新。例如,我相信信贷衍生品的创新显然已经造成了伤害。不仅考虑信用违约互换的衍生品,还要考虑标普 500 指数上的衍生品。标普 500 的市值现在约为 10 万亿美元,而标普 500 的未平仓期货和期权合约价值约为 29 万亿美元——大约是指数本身市值的两倍半。这些衍生品、期货和期权,众所周知,不过是赌注。投资这些工具的投资者是在对指数的未来价格进行赌博。诚然——这正是使这个话题特别有趣的地方——这些衍生品可以用来对冲风险。例如,你做多标普 500,同时做空期货。因此,你就从投资组合中消除了股票市场风险。但恰恰相反的情况也存在:你用保证金买入标普 500 期货合约,押注市场将上涨,或者更糟,你卖出标普 500 期货合约,期望或希望价格下跌。那纯粹是裸投机。
Bogle: Yes, it is an absolutely essential step forward. Capitalism and free markets have been built on the premise of the sunlight of full disclosure. We must know who the counterparties are, what the trading volume is, and what the prices are in those markets. Also, we must have a way to put a reasonable valuation on these derivatives. A lot of market participants won’t like it, but given the seriousness of recent events, we’re going to have to put up with some things that we initially might not like. Sullivan: With the current culling of the weak, are we witnessing Joseph Schumpeter’s “creative destruction”? In the end, will we find that the strongest have emerged, thus ultimately making recent events a healthy process? Bogle: I think the financial system is somewhat of a throwback to traditional ideas about Schumpeterian capitalism, the power of innovation—out with the old and in with the new. But this is different because innovation in the financial field has, by and large, been carried out to serve the innovators and not to serve the investors. We’re always looking for a new product in the mutual fund business, the banking business, or the investment banking business. If it’s more complex, so much the better, and if nobody can understand it at all, even better still. So, I think we have to look at financial market innovation in a very different light. For instance, I believe it is clear that the innovation of credit derivatives has hurt. Consider not just derivatives on credit default swaps but also derivatives in the S&P 500 Index. The market capitalization of the S&P 500 is now about $10 trillion, and there are some $29 trillion worth of futures and options outstanding in the S&P 500—approximately two and a half times the amount of the market value of the index itself. Those derivatives, futures, and options, as everybody knows, are simply bets. Investors in these instruments are gambling on the future price of the index. Admittedly—and this is what makes the subject particularly interesting—those derivatives can be used to hedge risks. For example, you’re long on the S&P 500 and you’re short on the futures. Therefore, you’ve eliminated the stock market risk from the list of things that you’re concerned about in your portfolio. But there is the exact opposite side, however, where you buy a Standard & Poor’s futures contract on margin and bet that the market is going up, or even worse, you sell a Standard & Poor’s futures contract with the expectation or the hope that the price will go down. That is just naked speculation.
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财务分析师杂志 全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS J O U R N A L Globa l Fin an c i al Cri si s
这些衍生品市场加在一起,给我们的社会和金融体系带来了难以估量的风险。不幸的是,我们无法知晓有多少投资者在用这些工具投机,又有多少人在用它们对冲风险。因此,我认为我们必须对金融创新保持高度警惕。大多数共同基金创新根本行不通;它们要么是追逐时尚,要么是追逐业绩,来去匆匆。这并不是说金融领域没有出现过少数好的创新。指数基金就是一项好的创新,不是因为它有什么魔力——任何人都能想明白——而仅仅是因为以极低的成本持有整个市场,按定义你就会跑赢那些以极高成本持有市场的所有人。所以,对某些创新我表示致敬,但大多数创新是出于营销目的。我担心,大多数创新旨在服务于提供者、营销者或创新者的利益,而不是那些被说服买入创新的投资者的利益。沙利文:正如您所说,创新有助于提高市场效率,但另一面是创新可能被误用和误解。投资者对更高回报的渴求推动了快速创新,这似乎催生了更多新颖、复杂且风险更高的产品结构。请谈谈投资者对创新的胃口,以及这与回报和投资者固执地忽视风险之间的关系。博格尔:让我们回到基本原则:在金融市场上,回报并不在我们的掌控之中。例如,债券市场有一个给定的回报。比如,美国国债或优质公司债券的未来回报几乎完全取决于今天的收益率。所以,我认为我们可以相当明确地说,尽管债券市场最近有些风雨飘摇,但未来几年的债券回报将接近今天的收益率。(公司债券存在违约风险,所以这个收益率可能高估了未来回报。)我相信,投资者可以在一个多元化的高质量债券组合(部分政府债,部分优质公司债)上期待大约 5% 的未来回报;这就是市场提供的回报。如果你想追求更高的回报——我从不建议投资者这么做——别以为你能跑赢市场收益率,因为你将承担更多风险,甚至可能是比你预期更难以理解的风险。让我举个简单的例子。假设银行在其债券组合上赚取 6% 的收益,并在这些组合上获得 1% 的利差。如果
Combined, these derivatives markets present our society and financial system with untold risk. Unfortunately, there’s no way of telling how many investors are using these instruments to speculate and how many are using them to hedge risk. Thus, I think we have to be very careful about worshiping financial innovation. Most mutual fund innovations simply don’t work; based on fads or on performance chasing, they come and they go. That’s not to say there have not been a few good innovations in the financial field. The index fund is a good innovation, not because it has any magic—anyone can figure it out—but simply because by owning the market at very low cost you will, by definition, do better than everyone who owns the market at a very high cost. So, hats off to some innovation, but most innovation is done for marketing reasons. Most innovation, I fear, is meant to serve the interests of the providers, the marketers, or the innovators rather than those who are persuaded to buy into the innovation. Sullivan: As you suggest, innovations can help improve market efficiency, but the flip side is that innovations can be misused and misunderstood. Investors’ hunger for higher returns has pressured rapid innovation, which has seemingly led to an expansion of new, sophisticated, and riskier product structures. Discuss investor appetite for innovation as it relates to returns and investors’ stubborn disregard for risk. Bogle: Let’s go back to basic principles: Returns are not within our control in the financial markets. For example, there is a given return in the bond market. The future return on a U.S. Treasury security or high-quality corporate bond, for example, is tied almost entirely to today’s yield. So, we can say with some clarity, I think, that even though the bond market has been a little rough-and-tumble lately, the return on bonds in the years ahead will be close to today’s yield. (There is default risk with corporates, so this yield may overstate future returns.) I believe investors can look for future returns of around 5 percent on a diversified portfolio of high-quality bonds (part government, part highquality corporates); that is the return that the market is offering. If you want to reach for higher return— something I would never advise investors to do—don’t think you can outyield the market because you’re going to be taking more risks and maybe more incomprehensible risks than you expect. Let me give a simple example. Suppose banks are earning 6 percent on their bond portfolios and making a margin of 1 percent on those portfolios. If
20 www.cfapubs.org
20 www.cfapubs.org
这些银行反而可以产生 7% 的回报率,它们的利润率翻倍,从 1% 上升到 2%。这把我们带到了另一个制造了大量风险的领域:投资者——确切地说是投机者,他们如今主导市场——要求企业不断推高盈利增速。这是做不到的。美国企业界有一个自然的增长率。我们应当明白这一点。你只要看看 GDP 数据就会发现,企业利润占 GDP 的比例——税后企业利润占 GDP 的百分比——通常维持在 6% 左右。有时会降到 4%,有时会升到 8%。在 2007 年底接近尾声时,这一比例大约在 10% 至 11% 之间。企业利润占 GDP 的比例几乎必然是一个相当稳定的数字,因为企业无法像工会或劳动者那样,获得不断增长的 GDP 份额。在某个节点上,资本主义竞争的自然法则会发挥作用。关键不在于投机,试图去预测体系的走向。市场回报率是对我们全体而言已确定的。所以,关键在于尽可能降低你的成本,从而获得你能获取的最高市场份额回报。沙利文:有人提出,我们的金融监管框架着眼于解决昨天的挑战,而非明天的挑战。也有人认为监管相当繁琐,因此应该尽量简化。请谈谈你的看法,我们的监管框架能否并且应该在市场中发挥更主动的作用?如果可以,监管能否也促进创新和增长?博格尔:我并不主张严格监管。政府很难比资本主义体系自身做得更好,因为后者有一种亚当·斯密式的“看不见的手”,即追求个人利益最终符合公共利益。但不幸的是,我们的资本主义体系已经失灵。我们现在看到的局面基本上史无前例。创新和增长带来的利润被私有化,但现在发现我们已将风险社会化——无论是联邦国民抵押贷款协会(房利美)和联邦住房贷款抵押公司(房地美),还是整个银行体系。这样是行不通的。你不能让政府投入资本却不承担强有力的监管角色,更不用说强有力的所有权角色了。
these banks can instead generate a 7 percent return, their margins double, from 1 percent to 2 percent. That takes us to still another area that has created a lot of risk: the demand by investors—speculators, really, who dominate the market today—for corporations to keep increasing their earnings growth rate. This cannot be done. There is a natural growth rate in Corporate America. We ought to know this. All you have to do is look at the GDP data and you will see that the corporate share of GDP— corporate earnings after taxes as a percentage of GDP—generally runs about 6 percent. Sometimes, it drops to 4 percent; sometimes, it goes up to 8 percent. Near the end of 2007, it was about 10–11 percent. Corporate earnings’ share of GDP is almost by necessity a very stable number because corporations cannot get an ever-increasing share of GDP any more than labor unions or working people can get an ever-increasing share. At some point, the natural rules of capitalist competition apply. The idea is not to speculate and try to outguess the system. The market return is determined for all of us as a group. So, the idea is to lower your costs as much as possible and thus acquire the highest share of market return that you possibly can. Sullivan: Some people suggest that our financial regulatory framework is geared toward solving yesterday’s challenges rather than tomorrow’s challenges. Some people also suggest that regulation is rather onerous and thus should be minimized. Give us your views on whether our regulatory framework can and should play a more proactive role in the markets, and if so, can regulation also foster innovation and growth? Bogle: I’m not a believer in heavy regulation. The government has a hard time doing things better than the capitalistic system can do for itself because the latter offers a kind of Adam Smithian invisible hand whereby looking after our own interests is, finally, in the public interest. But unfortunately, our capitalistic system has broken down. What we are seeing now is largely without precedent. The profits of innovation and growth are privatized, but it now turns out that we’ve socialized the risk—whether it’s the Federal National Mortgage Association (Fannie Mae) and the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation (Freddie Mac) or the entire banking system. That does not work. You cannot have the government putting up its capital and not taking a strong regulatory role, to say nothing of a strong ownership role.
©2009 CFA Institute
©2009 CFA Institute
那么,有没有可能建立一种明智的监管,基于判断而非僵化的规则或流程?我们能否对“监管”的含义形成一种新的视角?如今美国的大银行数量比以往任何时候都少。政府向这些银行注入资本,却不在资本管理方式上发挥作用,这似乎是不可想象的。我认为,纳税人——毕竟那是他们的钱——有权要求参与其中。所以,监管必然存在,且必须由政府来执行,但我希望它能以明智的方式进行——或许可以通过一个准政府机构,类似美联储那样的机构,而非联邦政府本身。我认为,第一步应是设定一定的资本要求、一定的杠杆限制,以及界定金融机构投资组合质量的标准。我们已经毫无疑义地证明,32 比 1 的杠杆率对我们的金融体系来说太高了。显然,更高的杠杆率可以伴随更高的资产组合质量。比如,如果一家公司以 30 比 1 的杠杆率,持有全部由国库券构成的资产组合,就很难说这种杠杆过高。但当资产完全由债务抵押债券组成时,30 比 1 显然就太高了。信贷标准与杠杆之间必须存在某种关联。我并不热衷于政府干预高管薪酬。但政府——如今是所有这类银行的重大非投票股东——不能对高管薪酬这一重大问题视而不见。特别是想想,这么多高管在公司承担巨大风险后拿到巨额金色降落伞。高管们在景气时期风光无限,风险爆发时被解雇,却不用归还任何东西。我认为,我们确实需要适当的监管,而且我希望能通过某种类似美联储那样的准政府监管机构来实施,因为该机构相当受尊敬。不过,我要明确一点,我一直认为美联储是一个质量极高的准政府机构,但它在这一切中也有很多需要负责的地方。至少有一位美联储理事曾强烈指出,抵押贷款公司向无力负担的人出售抵押贷款是荒谬之举。但美联储没有……
So, is there a way to have wise regulation based on judgment rather than firm rules or processes? Can we develop a new perspective on what we mean by regulation? There are now fewer big banks in the United States than ever before. It seems inconceivable that the government can put up capital in these banks and not play a role in how that capital is handled. And I think that taxpayers—whose money it is, after all—have a right to demand to play a role. So, we’re going to have to have regulation. It has to be done by the government, but I hope it is done wisely—maybe by a quasi-governmental organization, a Federal Reserve–type institution, rather than the federal government itself. And I think a first step would be to set certain capital requirements, certain limitations on leverage, and certain quality standards that characterize the investment portfolio of financial institutions. We have now proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that 32 to 1 is too much leverage for our financial system. Clearly, higher leverage can go along with higher portfolio quality. For example, if a firm had 30-to-1 leverage with a portfolio of nothing but Treasury bills, it would be hard to argue that that leverage was excessive. When the assets are composed entirely of a collateralized debt obligation, however, 30 to 1 is clearly too high. There has to be some relationship between credit standards and leverage. I’m not a big believer in government involvement in executive compensation. But the government—now a significant, nonvoting shareholder in all of these banks—cannot let executive compensation go unacknowledged as a major issue. In particular, consider these huge golden parachutes that so many executives receive after taking on substantial risks in their companies. The executives prosper in good times, get fired when the risks come home to roost, and don’t give anything back. I think we definitely need appropriate regulations, and I would hope that it would be through some sort of a quasi-governmental regulatory agency like the Fed, which is quite well respected. I do want to be clear, though, that the Fed, which I’ve always thought of as an unusually highquality quasi-governmental institution, has a lot to answer for in all this. At least one Fed governor argued very strongly about the lunacy of having mortgage banking firms selling mortgages to people who could not afford them. But the Fed did not
January/February 2009
January/February 2009
《金融分析师期刊》全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS JOURNAL Global Financial Crisis
接下来采取措施来缓解问题。此外,美联储赞同那些认为各种信用衍生品是分散风险的好办法的观点,尽管实际上它们是承担过度风险的好办法。我认为我们总能从当前面临的危机所出的问题中吸取教训。当然,下一次危机会有所不同。危机总是各不相同,但反复出现的相似之处通常与宽松信贷、低信贷标准以及经济中充斥着低利率资金有关——所有这些都使得借钱变得过于容易。沙利文:在您看来,我们该怎么做才能纠正错误,重建对全球金融市场的信心?博格尔:我的补救措施会相当极端,其中一些我认为是常识。首要的是华尔街要承认他们欠普通民众一个道歉。如果我们相信——很多人确实相信——忏悔必须先于宽恕,如果华尔街想重新赢得普通民众的信任,那么那些剩下的银行和投资银行的领导者,连同证券交易所和投资协会,应该联合发表一份公开声明,说明金融部门出了什么问题,并承担主要责任。他们还应该说明未来打算如何避免类似问题。对人们来说,道歉可能很难,而关注新闻就会发现,现任领导者似乎认为自己对出错之事毫无责任。如果他们这样想,我会感到惊讶和失望。我认为,稍微自省一下,站起来说:“这是我们出错的地方,我们愿意为此承担责任,这是我们未来将如何纠正的方式,”是一件非常重要的事情。华尔街并非孤例。这场最新的危机在很多方面代表了一个社会问题。我们的社会想要更多——称之为即时满足,甚至贪婪。我在新书《够了:金钱、商业和生活的真正衡量标准》(Bogle 2008b)中讨论了这个问题。我们不想存钱买车、买洗衣机或别的什么;我们想现在就买,延迟一年付利息,在看起来不花钱的时候享受。我们已经变成了一个“即刻”社会,而这在很大程度上助长了投机性金融狂潮,正是这场危机的核心所在。
take the next steps to mitigate the problem. Furthermore, the Fed agreed with those who thought that the various credit derivatives were wonderful ways to spread risk although, in fact, they were wonderful ways to take excessive risk. I think we can always learn from what went wrong in the crisis that we’re now facing today. Of course, the next crisis will be different. They are always different, but there are parallels time after time that usually have to do with easy credit, low credit standards, and the economy being flooded with money at a very low rate—all of which make it too easy to borrow. Sullivan: What can be done, in your view, to right ourselves and to restore faith in the global financial markets? B o g l e : My remedies would be pretty extreme, and some of them, I think, are common sense. First on my list would be Wall Street acknowledging that they owe Main Street an apology. If we believe—and many people do—that repentance has to precede forgiveness and if Wall Street wants to get Main Street’s confidence back, I think the leaders of those banks and investment banks that remain, along with the securities exchanges and investment associations, should join in a public statement describing what went wrong in the financial sector and accept the primary responsibility. They should also describe how they intend to avoid similar problems in the future. It can be pretty tough for people to apologize, and in following the news, it seems that the present leaders think they are free from any blame in what went wrong. It would surprise and disappoint me if they feel that way. I think that having a little introspection, standing up, and saying, “Here is where we went wrong, we want to take the responsibility for it, and here is how we’ll fix this in the future,” is a really important thing. Wall Street is not alone here. This latest crisis, in a lot of ways, represents a societal problem. Our society wanted more—call it immediate gratification or even greed. I discuss this issue in my new book, Enough: True Measures of Money, Business, and Life (Bogle 2008b). We don’t want to save money to buy a car or a washing machine or whatever it might be; we want to buy it now and defer the interest for a year and enjoy it while it seems to cost nothing. We’ve become a “now” society, and that has contributed a lot to the speculative financial binge that lies at the core of this crisis.
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《金融分析师期刊》 全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS J O U R N A L Globa l Fin an c i al Cri si s
华尔街公开道歉之后,我认为他们应该拥抱明智的联邦监管。他们应当呼吁监管。幸存下来的公司应当接受我谈到的资产负债表上的种种限制,提高透明度,改善市场价格,规范衍生品交易——诸如此类的事。让充分披露的阳光照亮他们在期货、期权以及我们尚未追踪的无数其他领域的每一笔操作。拥抱联邦监管。这或许很难做到,但有时候,你不得不放下一点自尊。
其次,我认为华尔街的商业模式已经破碎。要重建公众信心,我们必须修复华尔街的商业模式。任何靠说服投资者频繁交易来获取收入的体系,按定义就会专注于短期投机。我们要做的是建立一个聚焦长期投资的模式;那才是赢家策略。短期投机,按数学定义,是必输的策略。所以,我们应该基于赢家策略来构建模式,激励不建立在交易量上,而是建立在个人金融服务、资产配置、广泛分散化以及对风险成本的控制上。
我们还得修复共同基金的商业模式。共同基金经理是华尔街不可或缺的一部分。主动型基金的换手率每年大约 80%——这种换手率跟长期投资毫不沾边。我刚开始干这行的时候,换手率每年大约 16%——年复一年——对应的是六年的持有期。现在换手率到了 80%,许多基金甚至超过 100%,持有期大约只有 15 个月。于是我们形成了一种“租股票”的心态,如果你只是租股票而不是真正拥有它,你就放弃了公司治理的责任。共同基金的商业模式必须修复;需要少一点营销,多一点管理和信义义务。
接着,我相信我们必须制定并执行联邦标准的信义义务。像我前面提到的,资金管理者/代理人把自己的利益放在了委托人——他们的养老金受益人和基金股东——的利益前面。但他们负有服务委托人的义务,所以我们必须用一套带强力牙齿的国家标准,来补充联邦和各州机构那种疲软无力的信义义务执行。
After Wall Street’s public apology, I think they ought to embrace wise federal regulation. They ought to call for it. The surviving firms should accept the limitations that I have talked about on their balance sheets and improve transparency, market prices, and trading with derivatives—those kinds of things. Let the sunlight of full disclosure shine on every single thing they do in futures and options and the myriad other things that we aren’t yet tracking. Embrace federal regulation. It may be hard to do, but sometimes, you have to swallow a little pride. Next, I think Wall Street’s business model is broken. To rebuild public confidence, we must fix the Wall Street business model. Any system whose revenue depends on persuading investors to trade actively is, by definition, going to be focused on short-term speculation. What we want to do is build a model that is focused on long-term investment; that is the winning strategy. Short-term speculation is, by mathematical definition, a losing strategy. So, we should build a model based on a winning strategy whereby incentives are not based on trading volume but on personal financial service, asset allocation, broad diversification, and control of the risks and the costs. We have to fix the mutual fund business model, too. Mutual fund managers are an integral part of Wall Street. Turnover among active funds is about 80 percent a year—that level of turnover doesn’t have anything to do with long-term investing. When I got started in this business, the turnover was around 16 percent a year—year after year after year—which represents a six-year holding period. Now that turnover is 80 percent and many funds are over 100 percent, the holding period is about 15 months. So, we’ve had a “rent-a-stock” mentality, and if you rent stocks rather than own them, you abdicate your responsibility for corporate governance. The mutual fund business model must be fixed; it needs less focus on marketing and more focus on management and fiduciary duty. Next, I believe we have to enact and enforce a federal standard of fiduciary duty. As I mentioned earlier, money manager/agents have put their own interests ahead of the interests of their principals—their pension beneficiaries and fund shareholders. But they’re duty-bound to serve them, so we have to supplement this sort of flaccid enforcement of fiduciary duty by federal and state agencies with a national standard with powerful teeth in it.
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最后,我认为应当考虑对全市场的投机性交易征收一项税。金融机构管理的大部分投资组合都体现为递延纳税的养老金和储蓄计划资产。所有这些交易活动仅受佣金和交易成本的制约,这些成本按单位计算已下降,但按总量计算却大幅攀升。因此,我们需要通过征税增加一项摩擦成本,针对极短期收益。我们应当考虑对所有投资账户的短期收益征税,无论其是否享有税收递延待遇,这样,我们才能让投资而非投机占据核心位置,这是它应有的地位。我们应对这场危机的许多方式取决于危机的严重程度。我认为这是一场非常严重的危机,而这一严重性意味着我们必须采取比原本可能设想的更强有力的新措施。沙利文:在这个节骨眼上,全球经济衰退是否是最可能的结果?博格尔:我相信我们现在正处于全球衰退之中。我们界定衰退的标准很奇怪,即实际 GDP 连续两个季度下降。在我看来,衰退是一段普遍增长极为缓慢甚至负增长的时期,而不以时间长短来定义。美国现在就处于这一状态,而且它无疑正蔓延到全球各地。我认为美国经济将展现出很强的韧性,比大多数人认为的还要强,所以我很乐观。不过,度过这一阶段需要时间。这是一个非常严重的问题,如果非要我猜的话,我会说经济停止下滑或极慢增长并重新回到更强劲增长阶段,大概需要一到两年时间。我想强调一个非常重要的区别:股市的表现将与经济对危机的反应大不相同。也就是说,在金融市场上,黑天鹅事件还算常见,当投机成分巨大时,会以相当规律的周期出现。但黑天鹅在实体经济中很少发生——比如在 GDP 方面。是的,我们在 1929–1933 年间经历了一次,那是相当罕见的一次。我们当然也有过衰退,但黑天鹅通常是市场因素而非经济因素。沙利文:财政部已寻求一些资产管理公司协助指导救助方案。您是否认为资产管理公司支持财政部的救助计划存在利益冲突?
Finally, I think we should consider a tax on speculative trading across the board. Most of the portfolios managed by financial institutions are represented by tax-deferred pension and thrift plan assets. All of this trading activity is constrained only by commission and transaction costs, which have decreased on a per unit basis but soared on a total basis. So, we need to add the frictional cost of a tax on very short-term gains. We should be thinking about a tax on short-term gains by all investment accounts, whether they are tax deferred or not, and then, we could get investment rather than speculation front and center, where it deserves to be. A lot of how we respond to this crisis depends on how serious the crisis is. I think it is a very serious crisis, and the seriousness means we have to demand new measures that are stronger than we might otherwise have thought about. Sullivan: Is a global recession the most likely outcome at this juncture? Bogle: I believe we’re in a global recession right now. We have this odd standard for defining a recession as two consecutive quarters of a decline in real GDP. A recession, in my view, is a general period of very slow growth or even negative growth, undefined in terms of time. We have one now in the United States, and it is certainly spreading around the globe. I think the U.S. economy is going to prove to be very resilient, more resilient than most people believe, and so I’m hopeful. It will take time to get through it, though. This is a very serious problem, and if I had to guess, I’d say it will take somewhere between one and two years before the economy stops its decline or very slow growth and moves back into a phase of stronger growth. I want to make the very important distinction that the action of the stock market will be quite different from the way the economy responds to the crisis. That is, in financial markets, black swans are somewhat common, occurring with reasonable periodicity when a huge element of speculation exists. But black swans rarely occur in the real economy—in GDP, for example. Yes, we had one in 1929–1933, and that was a pretty rare one. We’ve had recessions, of course, but the black swan is usually a market factor rather than an economic factor. Sullivan: The Treasury has sought out some asset management firms to help guide the rescue package. Do you believe a conflict of interest exists with asset management firms supporting the Treasury’s bailout rescue package?
©2009 CFA Institute
©2009 CFA Institute
博格尔:首先,我认为这代表了一个非常严重的问题。我不确定有哪些可行的解决方案,因为华尔街的人对体系有着海量的知识,对各种金融工具有着丰富的专门技能。华尔街有一些才华横溢的人。然而,我认为我们现在意识到,并非一切都能被量化。在我的新书(Bogle 2008b)中,我引用了一句出自阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦办公室标牌上的绝妙引语:“并非所有重要的东西都能被计算,也并非所有能被计算的东西都重要。”我们有些人擅长数字,但可能不擅长判断。另一个问题是——我认为这一点已经相当明显——投资银行家会以投资银行家的视角来面对这些问题。这有什么新鲜的呢?你或许能把孩子从投资银行家身边带走,但没法把投资银行家从孩子身上剥离。正因如此,我认为财政部最初提出的计划在要求银行拿出回报方面相当高效——让政府持有股本权益的股份。我喜欢那个计划的原因是它让银行专注于自身问题。我们有投资者试图从当下的困境中获利——这听起来可能有点反常,但其实是好事,最终,这些市场会解冻。会有人试图“窃取”那些低评级的债务抵押债券,银行必须决定是否值得让这些人以低价买走它们。我们会看到一种针对这些资产的市场逐渐形成。结果会比没有华尔街的人试图给某样东西定值要好得多,因为我们这一生唯一能真正确定的价值,就是买方在公开市场上愿意支付的价格。按市值计价是个严苛的监工。它在我们的银行家中不太受欢迎,他们想要大量的宽限。他们不想告诉人们账面上那些工具的估计市场价值。我不怪他们不想这样做,因为这会带来严重后果,比如债务契约方面。但迟早,任何资产的价值都只取决于别人愿意付多少钱。我们应该正视这个事实。
Bogle: First of all, I think this represents a very serious problem. I’m not sure what the available solutions are, because people on Wall Street have a tremendous amount of knowledge about the system and expertise about the various kinds of financial instruments being used. Some brilliant people work on Wall Street. I think we now realize, however, that not everything can be quantified. In my new book (Bogle 2008b), I cite a wonderful quote from a sign in Albert Einstein’s office that said, “Not everything that counts can be counted and not everything that can be counted counts.” We have people who are very good at quantities but maybe not so good at judgment. The other problem is—and I think it has been quite apparent—that investment bankers are going to come to these problems with the perspective of an investment banker. What else is new? You may be able to take the child out of the investment banker, but you can’t take the investment banker out of the child. For that reason, I think the original plan proposed by the Treasury was remarkably efficient in demanding something in return from the banks—to have the government take a stake in equity capital. The reason I like that plan is that it lets the banks focus on the problems themselves. We have investors who are trying to make money off of today’s troubles—and that, as perverse as it may sound, is a good thing, and eventually, these markets will unfreeze. We will have people trying to “steal” these low-rated collateralized debt obligations, and the banks will have to decide whether it is worth letting these people have them at a low price. We will have a kind of market that will emerge for these assets. The result will be much better without Wall Street people trying to put a value on something because the only value we can really establish in this life is the value a buyer is willing to pay in an open market. Mark-to-market is a stern taskmaster. It is not very popular among our bankers, and they want a lot of relief. They don’t want to tell people the estimated market values of the instruments on their books. I don’t blame them for not wanting to do that, because it has serious consequences in terms of debt covenants, for example. But sooner or later, any asset is only worth what somebody else will pay for it. We should face up to that fact.
January/February 2009
January/February 2009
《金融分析师杂志》全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS JOURNAL Global Financial Crisis
萨利文:这么说,您是市值计价会计的支持者?博格尔:是的,我支持。我理解其中的风险,也明白为什么有人不喜欢它,但归根结底还是那句老话:你愿意相信什么——是我说的,还是你自己亲眼清楚看到的东西?我站在后者一边。萨利文:投资者的行为和心态在当前的市場环境中扮演了什么角色,我们作为投资者,今后又该如何避免这些认知上的判断失误?博格尔:这是个好问题,回答起来可不容易,因为仔细想想,这些行为偏差的净影响其实为零。也就是说,在 1990 年代末,资金纷纷涌入以科技和互联网为主题的共同基金,这确实相当愚蠢,因为人们是在往回头看。他们在憧憬“新经济”和可能创造出来的一切财富。但有人把那些证券卖给了这些投资者,所以如果买家是愚蠢的——行为上有缺陷、行为上受制约,随便用什么词——其他投资者在卖出那些证券时,则是理性或聪明的。就那场特定的泡沫而言,卖家往往是互联网创业者或互联网公司的高管。新股发行规模非常大,在市场上被大量卖给共同基金的投资者。此外,“旧经济”公司的管理层也在卖出他们通过期权获得的股票。期权把管理层利益与长期股东利益绑在一起的说法,根本站不住脚。记录说得很清楚:期权行权的那一天,就是大多数管理层抛出这些股票的那一天。我们面对这种反常的局面:一边是管理层在卖出股票,另一边公司却在回购股票以避免稀释。这在成熟市场——比如纽交所——是非常普遍的做法,蓝筹公司的管理层频繁干这种事。“旧经济”公司在回购股票,以抵消向管理层发行股票造成的稀释。所以,市场的行为面在学术上是个很有趣的课题,因为投资者确实会犯可怕的行为错误。但每当我犯下一个错误,在交易另一头的你,做出来的事就相当漂亮。
Sullivan: So, you are a proponent of markto-market accounting? Bogle: Yes, I am. I understand the risks, and I understand why people don’t like it, but you just come down to that old sentiment: What are you going to believe—me or what you can clearly see with your own eyes? I’m in the latter group. Sullivan: How have investor behavior and psychology played into the current market environment, and what can we do as investors to avoid these cognitive lapses in judgment from now on? Bogle: That is a great question, and it is not so easy to answer, because when you think about it, the net impact of these behavioral aberrations is zero. That is to say, during the late 1990s, investments were flowing into mutual funds focused on technology and the internet, which was really stupid because people were looking backward. They were dreaming about the “new economy” and all that wealth that might be created. But someone was selling those securities to those investors, so if the investors were dumb—behaviorally deficient, behaviorally handicapped, whatever phrase one wants to use—to do that, other investors were behaving rationally or intelligently in selling those securities. In the case of that particular boom, the sellers were often internet entrepreneurs or executives of internet companies. The new issues were very large, and they were sold heavily in the market to mutual fund investors. In addition, executives of “old economy” companies were also selling the stock they acquired through options. The notion that stock options tie the interests of management to the interests of longterm shareholders is simply not true. The record is very clear: The day the options vest is the day that most executives get rid of those shares. We have this perverse situation: While the executives are selling these shares, the companies are buying their shares back to avoid dilution. This was a very common practice in the established markets—e.g., the NYSE—where executives of blue-chip corporations frequently did exactly that. The “old economy” companies were buying back the shares to avoid dilution from the issuance of shares to their executives. So, the behavioral side of markets is a very interesting subject academically because investors do make terrible behavioral mistakes. But for every mistake that I make, you, on the other side of the trade, have done something quite brilliant.
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《金融分析师》杂志 全球金融危机
FINANCIAL ANALYSTS J O U R N A L Globa l Fin an c i al Cri si s
萨利文:您还有什么最后的想法吗?博格尔:我们都在谈论行为问题。例如,市场上涨时,投资者似乎认为它会永远涨下去。同样重要的一点是,市场下跌时,人们似乎认为它会一直跌下去。这是一种大众心理,把当前趋势外推到未来。但趋势总有一天会逆转,所以我认为今天我们应该看到乐观的一面。比如,根据股市表现,美国企业的价值从 2007 年 10 月的大约 18 万亿美元跌到 2008 年 10 月的大约 9 万亿美元,跌幅达 50%——这是个巨大的下挫。有谁真的相信美国企业的价值在过去一年里缩水了 9 万亿美元?我不信。我认为在当前的衰退中,股市对企业价值的下跌反应过度了,这种价值最终会重新体现出来。我之前提到过债券回报,以及它们相对容易预测。我一直坚信,在过去的市场过热之后,股市回报会非常低迷,因为股市回报的来源表明,与过去水平相比,未来回报会相当温和。但随着近期股价大幅下跌,股息率升到了大约 3.5%。自 1990 年代初以来,我们还没见过 3.5% 的股息率。2000 年高点时只有 1%,所以股息率自那时起已经涨了不止三倍,现在将成为股市未来投资回报的重要贡献因素。在这些相当低迷的盈利水平上,我认为这将会——
Sullivan: Do you have any final thoughts? Bogle: We all talk about behavioral issues. For example, when the markets are going up, investors seem to think they will go up forever. By the same token but equally important, when markets are going down, people seem to think they will continue going down forever. It is a sort of mass psychology that extrapolates today’s trends into the future. At some point, those trends break, so I think we should be looking at the optimistic side of things today. For example, according to the stock market, the value of U.S. business has dropped from about $18 trillion in October 2007 to about $9 trillion in October 2008, which is a 50 percent decline—a huge drop. Does anyone really believe that the value of U.S. business has dropped by $9 trillion over the past year? I don’t believe it has dropped by $9 trillion. I think that in the present recession, the stock market has overdone the decline in corporate value, which will ultimately reassert itself. I mentioned bond returns earlier and how they are relatively easy to forecast. I have been a great believer in talking about the likelihood of very subdued returns on stocks following the excessive levels of the past era simply because the sources of the stock market’s returns suggested they would produce modest returns compared with past levels. But with the recent sharp decline in stock prices, the dividend yield rose to about 3.5 percent. We haven’t had a 3.5 percent yield in the stock market since the early 1990s. It was only 1 percent at the high in 2000, so the yield has more than tripled since then and will now be a significant contributor to future investment returns on stocks. From these rather depressed earnings levels, I think it would
References
References
约翰·C·博格尔,2008a,《黑色星期一与黑天鹅》,《金融分析师杂志》,第 64 卷,第 2 期(3 月/4 月):30-40。———,2008b,《够了:金钱、商业和生活的真正衡量标准》,新泽西州霍博肯:约翰·威利父子出版社。
Bogle, John C. 2008a. “Black Monday and Black Swans.” Financial Analysts Journal, vol. 64, no. 2 (March/April):30–40. ———. 2008b. Enough: True Measures of Money, Business, and Life. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
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24 www.cfapubs.org
有理由预期,未来十年盈利增速不是传统的 5%(我们经济的增速),而是可能达到 7%。那么,3.5% 的股息收益率加上约 7% 的盈利增长,合计能带来股票 10.5% 的未来投资回报。动态已经改变,回报来源随市场下跌而成比例增加。所以,我觉得我们可以对未来稍微乐观一些。这就是我看到的概率分布。最后,我想用彼得·伯恩斯坦讲的一个关于帕斯卡赌注的小故事来收尾,提醒大家概率问题要谨慎——帕斯卡赌的是上帝是否存在。一个选择是赌上帝不存在,然后过一种放浪形骸的生活。等你死了,发现上帝确实存在,那你就得永远待在地狱里。这可不是个好结果。如果你赌上帝存在,你就会过敬畏上帝的生活,成家立业,为社区做好事。要是上帝不存在呢?那又怎样?对你来说根本无关紧要。你已经为世界做了贡献。所以,帕斯卡想告诉我们的是,这不仅仅是概率问题——上帝存不存在?——而是如果你押错了,后果会有多严重。那么,我想说,在当前金融市场里,概率是有利的。但如果糟糕结果对你来说后果不堪设想,那你就得对这些市场格外小心。对大多数人来说,我认为,只要做好资产配置——高度分散、成本极低——现在不是逃离股市的时候,也不是逃离债市的时候。
be reasonable to expect earnings to grow not at the traditional rate of 5 percent (the rate of our economy) but maybe at a rate of 7 percent for the coming decade. So, a 3.5 percent dividend yield and perhaps 7 percent earnings growth would combine to produce a 10.5 percent future investment return on stocks. The dynamics have changed, and the sources of return have increased in direct proportion to the market’s decline. So, I think we can look a little bit more optimistically to the future. These are the probabilities as I see them. I want to conclude with a little caution about probabilities by citing one of my favorite stories, told by Peter Bernstein, about Pascal’s wager on whether God does or does not exist. One option is to bet that God doesn’t exist and live a kind of hellraising life. When you die, you find that God does exist, and there you are in hell for eternity. Not a good outcome. And if you bet that God does exist, you live a God-fearing life, raise a family, and do the right things for your community. And if God doesn’t exist? Well, so what? It doesn’t really matter to you. You’ve made a contribution to the world. So, what Pascal is telling us is that it is not just a question of probabilities—does God exist or not?—but of the consequences of that decision if you are wrong. So, I’d say that in the current financial market, the probabilities are favorable. But if the consequences of having bad results are dire for you, you had better be very careful of these markets. For most of us, I think, with a good asset allocation—very diversified, very low cost—this is not a time to flee the stock market or, for that matter, the bond market.
这篇文章可获得 0.5 学分(CE credit)。
This article qualifies for 0.5 CE credit.
塔勒布,纳西姆·尼古拉斯。2007 年。《黑天鹅:极不可能事件的影响》。纽约:兰登书屋。
Taleb, Nassim Nicholas. 2007. The Black Swan: The Impact of the Highly Improbable. New York: Random House.
©2009 CFA Institute
©2009 CFA Institute