受托人在高风险金融市场中的角色

2007 · 演讲 · 原文约 6583 词
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受托人在高风险金融市场中的角色

约翰·C·博格(John C. Bogle),先锋集团创始人兼前首席执行官

在费城遗产规划委员会上的演讲

宾夕法尼亚州费城

2007 年 5 月 1 日

我很荣幸受邀在今天下午向费城遗产规划委员会发表演讲,谈两个我自记事以来就一直深藏于心的话题。说实在的,我可以说从 1950 年秋天开始,就一直在思考受托责任与金融市场了——那时我还是普林斯顿大学的大四学生,开始为我的毕业论文着手研究共同基金行业。

The Role of the Fiduciary in Risky Financial Markets Remarks by John C. Bogle Founder & Former Chief Executive, The Vanguard Group Before The Philadelphia Estate Planning Council Philadelphia, PA May 1, 2007 I’m honored to be invited to address the Philadelphia Estate Planning Council this afternoon on two subjects that have been near and dear to my heart for as long as I can remember. Indeed, it’s arguable that I’ve been thinking about fiduciary duty and the financial markets since the autumn of 1950, when, as a Princeton senior, I began the research on the mutual fund industry for my senior thesis.

事实上,半个世纪后——这证明了只要你足够耐心,你写下的任何东西都能被出版——那篇论文由麦格劳-希尔出版,成为我的第三本书《约翰·博格论投资:第一个 50 年》的最后一节。与我今天的话题更相关的是,我的第五本书——《资本灵魂之争》(耶鲁大学出版社,2005 年)——大量聚焦于受托人责任;而我的第六本书——《常识投资小书》(约翰·威利,2007 年)——则聚焦于金融市场。

In fact, a half-century later—proving that if you’re patient enough, anything you write can be published—that thesis was published by McGraw-Hill, the final section of my third book John Bogle on Investing - the First 50 Years. Even more relevant to my subject today, my fifth book—The Battle for the Soul of Capitalism (Yale University Press, 2005)—is heavily focused on fiduciary duty; and my sixth book—The Little Book of Common Sense Investing (John Wiley, 2007)—is focused on the financial markets.

第一部分:充分披露

或许先从我大学毕业论文的故事讲起,你们就能明白,用今天的话说,“我来自哪里”。事实上,我今天关于受托责任和金融市场所秉持的基本价值观,正是在普林斯顿大学读本科期间形成的。大约 58 年前,我偶然读到了 1949 年 12 月的《财富》杂志,第一次了解到____________________

注:这些发言中所表达的观点并不一定代表先锋集团现任管理层的看法。

Part I. Full Disclosure Perhaps if I begin with the story of my senior thesis, you’ll see, in today’s parlance, “where I’m coming from.” The fact is that the fundamental values that I hold today about fiduciary duty and the financial markets were formed during my undergraduate years at Princeton University. There, almost 58 years ago, I happened upon the December 1949 issue of Fortune magazine and learned for the first time ____________________ Note: The opinions expressed in these remarks do not necessarily represent the views of Vanguard’s present management.

就在那时,我才知道世上还有“共同基金行业”这么个东西。当我读到文章用“规模虽小,争议不少”来形容这个行业时,我立刻意识到:这就是我毕业论文的选题——当年(和现在一样)普林斯顿大学文学士学位都要求提交一篇毕业论文。

that something called "the mutual fund industry" existed. When I saw the industry described in the article as "tiny but contentious," I knew immediately that I had found the topic for my senior thesis, then as now, a requirement for the Bachelor of Arts degree at Princeton.

接下来的 15 个月里,我花了无数时间研究这个行业,并撰写论文。当时,这个领域的公开信息少得惊人,总共只有大约 130 家共同基金,资产总和仅 20 亿美元。哈佛的战略大师迈克尔·波特建议考虑未来职业的学生“选个好行业”,运气不错的是,我选论文题目时恰好做到了这一点。自那以后,基金行业的年增长率接近 16%,很可能成为美国增速最快的行业。如今,基金数量超过 8000 只,总资产超过 10 万亿美元。

Over the 15 months that followed, I spent countless hours researching the industry and writing my thesis. Then, remarkably little public information was available about this field, which consisted of only some 130 mutual funds with assets aggregating just $2½ billion. Harvard strategy guru Michael Porter advises students considering their future careers to "pick a good industry," and, as luck would have it, I did exactly that when I chose my thesis topic. With an annual growth rate of almost 16 percent since then, the fund industry may well have enjoyed the fastest growth rate of any business in America. Today, there are more than 8,000 funds, with total assets that exceed $10 trillion.

今天读来,我的论文恐怕只会给您留下还算扎实、或许略带稚嫩的印象,但首先,它堪称不加掩饰的理想主义。一页又一页,我年轻时的理想主义跃然纸上,一次又一次地呼吁共同基金股东利益至高无上。在论文的开篇,我便直截了当地点明核心:共同基金绝不能“以任何方式将股东的利益置于其他经济职能之下。它们的首要责任必须始终是对其股东负责。”(这一受托责任的基本信条,在几年前的市场择时丑闻中显然被完全忽视,当时约有 30 家基金集团与对冲基金经理合谋,损害基金长期股东的利益。)我还主张,“有迹象表明成本过高”,并且“未来行业增长的最大化,应聚焦于降低销售费用和管理费。”(这一建议同样被置若罔闻,尽管行业资产规模实现了跨越式增长,费率实际上反而提高了,而且涨幅相当之大。)

Read today, my thesis would probably impress you as no more than workmanlike, perhaps a bit callow, but above all, shamelessly idealistic. On page after page, my youthful idealism speaks out, calling again and again for the primacy of the interests of the mutual fund shareholder. At the very opening of my thesis, I get right to the point: Mutual funds must not "in any way subordinate the interests of their shareholders to other economic roles. Their prime responsibility must always be to their shareholders." (This basic tenet of fiduciary duty was clearly ignored in the market timing scandals of a few years ago, in which some 30 fund groups conspired with hedge fund managers to subvert the interests of the funds’ long-term shareholders.) I also argued that "there is some indication that costs are too high," and that "future industry growth can be maximized by concentration on a reduction of sales charges and management fees." (That advice also fell upon deaf ears, and despite the quantum leap in industry assets, fee rates have actually risen, and rather sharply at that.)

在分析共同基金业绩后,我得出的结论是,“基金没有资格声称自己优于市场平均水平”——这或许预示了将近 25 年后我决定创立全球首只指数共同基金。论文后面还写道,“基金对公司政策的影响……应始终以股东最佳利益为出发点,而非基金管理人的特殊利益。”(又一次,我的建议被抛在一边,多数基金经理的被动治理政策至今仍让股东深受其害。)

After analyzing mutual fund performance, I concluded that "funds can make no claim to superiority over the market averages," perhaps an early harbinger of my decision to create, nearly a quarter-century later, the world's first index mutual fund. Still later in the thesis, "fund influence on corporate policy . . . should always be in the best interest of shareholders, not the special interests of the fund's managers." (Once again, my advice fell by the wayside, and shareholders remain ill-served by the passive governance policies of most fund managers.)

当我写投资政策的那篇文章时,这个不成熟、毫无经验的大四学生甚至斗胆挑战才华横溢的英国经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯。凯恩斯在他的《通论》中提出,就连“资深专家”也会逐渐把重点从投资(“对公司存续期内现金流的长期卓越预测”)转向投机(“预测大众对公司股票估值的变化”)。

And when I wrote about investment policy, this immature and inexperienced college senior even had the temerity to take on the brilliant British economist John Maynard Keynes. In his General Theory, Keynes argued that even “expert professionals” would gradually focus, not on investment (“making superior long-term forecasts of cash flow over the life of a company”), but on speculation (“forecasting changes in the general public’s valuation of the company’s shares”).

我在论文中引用了凯恩斯的原话,然后竟斗胆与这位伟人唱反调。我曾准确预言,共同基金行业将变得规模庞大得多,投资组合经理们会“为市场提供一种稳健、成熟、明智且具分析性的证券需求[着重号系后加],这种需求根本上基于公司的[内在]表现,而非股票价值的公众评估,即其价格。”可惜啊,我预测的来自行业专业投资者的那种成熟且具分析性的需求并未成为现实。比分记作:凯恩斯 1 分,博格尔 0 分。

I cited those very words in my thesis, and then had the temerity to disagree with the great man. In what I accurately predicted would become a far larger mutual fund industry, portfolio managers would “supply the market with a demand for securities that is steady, sophisticated, enlightened, and analytic [italics added], a demand that is based essentially on the [intrinsic] performance of a corporation rather than the public appraisal of the value of a share, that is, its price.” Alas, the sophisticated and analytic demand that I had predicted from the industry’s expert professional investors failed to materialize. Call the score, Keynes 1, Bogle 0.

直至今日,我依然坚守我在论文中阐述的理念,其结论可概括为:“投资公司的主要职能是管理其投资组合”——聚焦投资而非投机,“其他一切皆为次要。”共同基金的职责是服务——“服务个人和机构投资者的需求……以尽可能高效、诚实、经济的方式服务他们。”

To this very day, nonetheless, I hold fast to the ideals I expressed in my thesis, summarized in its conclusion. “The principal function of investment companies is the management of their investment portfolios”—focusing on investing rather than speculating. Everything else is incidental.” The role of the mutual fund is to serve—"to serve the needs of both individual and institutional investors . . . to serve them in the most efficient, honest, and economical way possible.”

可惜,基金行业的高管们基本无视了当年这位毛头大四学生提出的种种免费建议。但我后来创立先锋集团——一家真正实现“共同化”的共同基金集团,以“成本价”运作,为持有人而非管理层的利益服务——正是对我四分之一世纪前那番“言”的身体力“行”。今天,我可以向你们保证,我年轻时的理想主义毫不动摇。事实上,它不仅毫不掩饰地体现在先锋集团身上,更突出地反映在我最近的两本书里——我对我们国家资本主义制度的价值观、对受托责任这一概念,以及对金融市场运作的日益恶化,表达了深切的忧虑。

All of this gratuitous advice from a callow college senior was, alas, largely ignored by fund industry leaders. But the creation of Vanguard in 1974 as a truly mutual mutual fund group—operated on an "at-cost" basis for the benefit of its owners rather than its managers—was my attempt to walk the walk that I had talked the talk about a quarter-century earlier. Today, I assure you that my youthful idealism remains intact. Indeed, it is shamelessly reflected not only in Vanguard, but especially in my two latest books, which express profound concern about the deterioration in the values of our nation’s capitalistic system, in our concept of fiduciary duty, and in the operation of our financial markets.

第二部分 一种受托人社会

事实是,在这些关键领域已经出了严重的问题。疾病的根源很深,而治愈它所需的药方不会轻易得到。用记者威廉·普法夫的话来说,我们目睹了“资本主义的一场病态突变”。经典体系——所有者资本主义——本基于对服务公司所有者利益的承诺,即最大化其资本投资的回报。但一种新体系发展起来——经营者资本主义——在这种体系中,“公司开始为经营者的利润而运行,这些经营者与会计师及其他公司的管理者沉湎一气,甚至共谋。”为什么会这样?“因为,”用普法夫先生的话说,“市场已经把公司所有权分散到如此程度,以至于不再存在负责任的拥有者。这在道德上是不可接受的,也是对资本主义本身的一种腐化。”

Part II. A Fiduciary Society The fact of the matter is that something has gone profoundly wrong in these critical areas. The root causes of the disease are deep, and the remedies that are required to cure it will not be easy to come by. What we have witnessed, in the words of journalist William Pfaff, is “a pathological mutation in capitalism.” The classic system—owners’ capitalism—had been based on a dedication to serving the interests of the corporation’s owners, maximizing the return on their capital investment. But a new system developed—managers’ capitalism—in which “the corporation came to be run to profit its managers, in complicity if not conspiracy with accountants and the managers of other corporations.” Why did it happen? “Because,” in Mr. Pfaff’s words, “the markets had so diffused corporate ownership that no responsible owner exists. This is morally unacceptable, but also a corruption of capitalism itself.”

当大多数股东要么不愿、要么不会、要么无力捍卫自身权利,当公司董事们忘记了自己代表谁,由此产生的权力真空很快就会被公司管理层填补——这活生生印证了斯宾诺莎那句名言:“自然厌恶真空。” 当首席执行官不仅成为企业的老板,还成了董事会的老板,抹去了常识告诉我们本该存在于管理与治理之间的“清晰界线”时,几乎不太可能带来什么好结果。用我去年春天读到的一句更尖锐的话来说:“当我们拥有强势的管理者、软弱的董事和消极的股东时,掠夺开始的那一刻,别感到意外。”

When most owners either don’t or won’t or can’t stand up for their rights, and when corporate directors lose sight of whom they represent, the resulting power vacuum quickly gets filled by corporate managers, living proof that Spinoza was right when he told us, “nature abhors a vacuum.” Little good is likely to result when the CEO becomes not only boss of the business but boss of the board, erasing the “bright line” that common sense tells us ought to exist between management and governance. Put more harshly, in a quote that I came across last spring, “when we have strong managers, weak directors, and passive owners, don’t be surprised when the looting begins.”

这一有害变革背后有两大推动力:第一,“股东社会”——在这个社会中,我们公司的股票几乎完全由直接股东持有——逐渐丧失了其重要性和效力。自 1950 年以来,个人投资者对美国股票的直接持股比例从 92% 骤降至 30%,而机构投资者的间接持股比例则从 8% 飙升至 70%。我们昔日的股东社会现已消失,而且不会卷土重来。取而代之的是一个新型“代理人社会”,在这个社会中,我们的金融中介机构实际上掌控着美国企业。

There were two major forces behind this baneful change: First, the “ownership society”—in which the shares of our corporations were held almost entirely by direct stockholders—gradually lost its heft and its effectiveness. Since 1950, direct ownership of U.S. stocks by individual investors has plummeted from 92 percent to 30 percent, while indirect ownership by institutional investors has soared from 8 percent to 70 percent. Our old ownership society is now gone, and it is not going to return. In its place we have a new “agency society” in which our financial intermediaries now hold effective control of American business.

但这些新代理人并未按代理人应有的方式行事。我们的企业、养老金管理公司和共同基金管理人,太多时候把自己的经济利益置于那些他们负有受托责任的委托人——即 1 亿个家庭,也就是我们共同基金的持有者和养老金计划的受益人——的利益之上。正如亚当·斯密 200 多年前睿智地指出的:“为他人管理钱财的人(很少)会以照看自己钱财时那种焦虑的警觉性去照看它……他们很容易给自己找个借口。疏忽和挥霍必然盛行。”于是,在当今美国,企业董事和资金管理人的疏忽与挥霍确实盛行。

But these new agents haven’t behaved as agents should. Our corporations, pension managers, and mutual fund managers have too often put their own financial interests ahead of the interests of the principals whom they are duty-bound to represent, those 100-million families who are the owners of our mutual funds and the beneficiaries of our pension plans. As Adam Smith wisely put it 200-plus years ago, “managers of other people’s money (rarely) watch over it with the same anxious vigilance with which . . . they watch over their own . . . they very easily give themselves a dispensation. Negligence and profusion must always prevail.” And so negligence and profusion among our corporate directors and money managers have prevailed in present-day America.

第二个原因是,我们的资本主义体系价值观之所以被贬低,是因为新型的投资代理人不仅似乎无视了他们理应服务的投资委托人的利益,而且还似乎忘记了自己的投资原则。20 世纪下半叶,机构投资策略的主要焦点从长期投资的智慧转向了短期投机的愚蠢。(这正是凯恩斯多年前就警告过我们的,而令我羞愧的是,我当时对此嗤之以鼻。)在最近这个时期,我们进入了预期投资时代,公司盈利的预期增长——尤其是业绩指引及其后续达成(不择手段地达成)——成了投资者的信条。至于那些报告的盈利是否常常是金融工程的产物、服务于公司高管和华尔街证券分析师的短期利益,根本没人在乎。

The second reason for the debasement of the values of our capitalistic system is that our new investor/agents not only seemed to ignore the interests of the investor principals whom they are duty-bound to serve, but they also seemed to forget their own investment principles. In the latter part of the twentieth century, the predominant focus of institutional investment strategy turned from the wisdom of long-term investing to the folly of short-term speculation. (Precisely what Keynes warned us about all those years earlier, and, to my shame, what I dismissed.) During the recent era, we entered the age of expectations investing, where projected growth in corporate earnings—especially earnings guidance and its subsequent achievement, by fair means or foul—became the watchword of investors. Never mind that the reported earnings were too often a product of financial engineering that served the short-term interest of corporate managers and Wall Street security analysts alike.

但当股票的长期持有者变成了短期租客,当股价瞬间的精确性压倒了公司内在价值永恒的模糊性,公司治理就成了第一个牺牲品。企业董事最重要的单一职责是确保管理层为股东创造价值;然而,当这一目标退居次要地位时,我们的新代理人/投资者们似乎并不在意。尽管这些机构代理人现在持有对企业美国的绝对投票控制权,我们从这些资金管理人那里听到的却只有沉默。这不仅因为他们更可能是短期投机者而非长期投资者,还因为他们掌管着其持股公司的养老金和储蓄计划,因此在涉及争议性代理投票问题时面临严重的利益冲突。这种冲突无处不在,因为正如人们所说,资金管理人不愿得罪的客户只有两类:现有客户,和潜在客户。

But when long-term owners of stocks become short-term renters of stocks, and when the momentary precision of the price of the stock takes precedence over the eternal vagueness of the intrinsic value of the corporation itself, concern about corporate governance is the first casualty. The single most important job of the corporate director is to assure that management is creating value for shareholders; yet our new agent/investors seemed not to care when that goal became secondary. While these institutional agents now hold absolute voting control over corporate America, all we hear from these money managers is the sound of silence. Not only because they are more likely to be short-term speculators than long-term investors, but also because they are managing the pension and thrift plans of the corporations whose stocks they hold, and thus face a serious conflict of interest when controversial proxy issues are concerned. This conflict is pervasive, for, as it is said, money managers have only two types of client they don’t want to offend: actual, and potential.

假如不是看到投资界一些最受尊敬的人物也赞同这种对当代资本主义的严厉控诉,我对自己立场的把握或许会少几分底气。但商界与投资界的重量级领袖们已经挺身而出、公开表态,带来了积极的改变。不妨看看著名金融家、经济学家兼历史学家亨利·考夫曼的见解。他在 2000 年那本非凡的著作《论货币与市场》中写道:“不受约束的金融企业家精神可能变得过度,甚至具有破坏性——导致严重的滥用行为,践踏金融体系的基本法律与道德。此类滥用行为会削弱一个国家的金融结构,动摇公众对金融界的信心……只有改善企业家创新与更传统价值观(审慎、稳定、安全、健全)之间的平衡,我们才能提高经济体系中收益与成本的比率……当金融海盗和失职高管逾越底线时,所有市场参与者都会遭受损害……而金融受托责任的理念往往在这场混乱中被遗忘。”

Had I not found agreement with this harsh indictment of the present-day capitalism from some of the most respected names in investing, I might be a little less certain of my ground. But leaders of great repute in the business community and the investment community have stood up and spoken out, making a positive difference. Consider, for example, the eminent financier, economist, and historian Henry Kaufman. In his remarkable 2000 book On Money and Markets, here’s what he said: “Unfettered financial entrepreneurship can become excessive—and damaging as well— leading to serious abuses and the trampling of the basic laws and morals of the financial system. Such abuses weaken a nation’s financial structure and undermine public confidence in the financial community . . . Only by improving the balance between entrepreneurial innovation and more traditional values—prudence, stability, safety, soundness—can we improve the ratio of benefits to costs in our economic system . . .When financial buccaneers and negligent executives step over the line, the damage is inflicted on all market participants . . . and the notion of financial trusteeship too frequently lost in the shuffle.”

考夫曼博士并非孤例。菲利克斯·罗哈廷,拉扎德投资银行深受尊敬的前董事总经理,是另一位敢于直言华尔街智者。以下是他在《华尔街日报》几年前发表的观点:“我是一个美国人,一个资本家,我相信市场资本主义是人类有史以来最伟大的经济制度。但它必须公平、必须受监管、必须有道德。过去几年已经证明,当金融资本主义和现代技术被滥用,服务于赤裸裸的贪婪时,就会产生过度。只有资本家才能杀死资本主义,但我们的制度无法承受我们最近看到的那种滥用的持续,也无法承受我们今天看到的金融与社会两极分化。”

Dr. Kaufman is not alone. Felix Rohatyn, the widely-respected former managing director of Lazard Freres, is another of the wise men of Wall Street who have spoken out. Here’s what he wrote in The Wall Street Journal a few years ago: “I am an American and a capitalist and believe that market capitalism is the best economic system ever invented. But it must be fair, it must be regulated, and it must be ethical. The last few years have shown that excesses can come about when finance capitalism and modern technology are abused in the service of naked greed. Only capitalists can kill capitalism, but our system cannot stand much more abuse of the type we have witnessed recently, nor can it stand much more of the financial and social polarization we are seeing today.”

事实是,在若干重要方面,资本主义的“看不见的手”辜负了我们。以下是亚当·斯密在《国富论》中写下的那些人们耳熟能详的句子。

The fact is that, in some important respects, the Invisible Hand of capitalism has failed us. Here are the familiar sentences that Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations.

我们期望的晚餐并非来自屠户、酿酒师或面包师的善心,而是出自他们对自身利益的关切。当我们以能使产出达到最大价值的方式引导(自己的)产业时,(我们)意图的只是自己的收益,却被一只看不见的手牵引着,促成了一个并非(我们)本意的结果。

“It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the baker, or the brewer that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own self-interest. By directing (our own) industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, (we) intend only our own gain, and (we are) led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of (our) intention.”

2004 年夏天,诺贝尔经济学奖得主约瑟夫·E·斯蒂格利茨在《代达罗斯》期刊上撰文,将“看不见的手”放在了恰当的位置上。在“完全竞争、完美市场、完美信息”的假设下,“自私被提升为一种道德美德”。但这些假设已被证明是错误的。事实是,无论是公司、市场,还是信息,都远非完美!正如斯蒂格利茨的诺奖同行保罗·萨缪尔森在其经典教科书《经济学:入门分析》(我大二时在普林斯顿读过这本书的第一版)中指出的那样,“完全竞争的问题,就像乔治·萧伯纳曾对基督教说的那样:‘它唯一的麻烦是,从未被尝试过。’”尽管如此,斯蒂格利茨继续说道,“那些拥有高水平信任、忠诚和诚实的社会,实际上比缺乏这些美德的社会表现得更好。经济学家才刚刚开始发现,非经济价值究竟如何提升了经济表现。”

Writing in Daedalus in the summer of 2004, Nobel Laureate (in Economics) Joseph E. Stiglitz puts the Invisible Hand into proper perspective. Under the assumptions of “perfect competition, perfect markets, and perfect information . . . selfishness is elevated to a moral virtue.” But these assumptions have proven to be false. The fact is that neither corporations, nor markets, nor information are perfect. Far from it! As Stiglitz’s fellow Nobel Laureate Paul Samuelson observed in the first edition of his classic Economics: An Introductory Analysis—a textbook that I read at Princeton in my sophomore year—the problem with “perfect competition is what George Bernard Shaw once said of Christianity: ‘the only trouble with it is that it’s never been tried.’” Nonetheless, Stiglitz continues, “societies in which there are high levels of trust, loyalty, and honesty actually perform better than those in which these virtues are absent. Economists are just now beginning to discover how non-economic values actually enhance economic performance.”

那么,该怎么办呢?尽管要恢复信任、忠诚和诚实这些非经济但无比重要的价值观绝非易事,但想象我们需要走的路并不难。如果每一位投资者——不仅是那些直接持股的少数人,还包括数以百万计通过共同基金持股的人——都只关心自己的经济利益,那么,在恢复资本主义正在消失的价值观方面,就能取得巨大进步。

So what’s to be done? While the quest to restore those non-economic but transcendently vital values of trust, loyalty and honesty is hardly for the faint of heart, it’s easy to conceptualize the path we need to follow. If each individual investor out there—not only that minority who hold their stocks directly, but those millions who hold their stocks through mutual funds—would only look after their own economic self-interest, then great progress would be made in restoring the vanishing values of capitalism.

我认为,亚当·斯密的"看不见的手"在此确实能派上用场。因为只要聪明的投资者愿意摒弃短期投机的高昂蠢行,转向长期投资那无可估价(且不设标价!)的智慧——既放下那些背叛稳健投资策略的情绪,也摆脱那些将战胜市场变成一场输家游戏的费用——他们就能实现自己的财务目标。

Here, I think, Adam Smith’s Invisible Hand would in fact be helpful. For if intelligent investors would only move away from the costly folly of short-term speculation to the priceless (and price-less!) wisdom of long-term investing—abandoning both the emotions that betray sound investment strategy and the expenses that turn beating the market into a loser’s game—will they achieve their financial goals.

当他们这样做——而且他们一定会这样做——时,我们的金融中介机构将被迫做出回应,将重心转向对企业的长期投资,而不是对股票的短期投机。

When they do—and they will—our financial intermediaries will be forced to respond with a focus on long term investing in businesses, not short term speculation in stocks.

但我们还需要更多。由于我们的代理社会已将股票的实益所有权如此分散地分摊给 1 亿共同基金股东和养老金受益人,我们还需要从正在消失的股东社会与失败的代理社会中,创建一种新的“受托人社会”。在这个社会中,联邦法律将要求我们的代理人/所有者将委托人的利益放在首位——这是一贯执行且明确要求金融机构承担受托责任、仅服务于受益人利益的公共政策。该责任将明确要求他们有效且负责任地参与上市公司的治理,并敦促我们的机构代理人回归早已迟到的专业管家传统价值观。

But we need more. Since our agency society has so diffused the beneficial ownership of stocks among our 100-million mutual fund shareholders and pension beneficiaries, we also need to create, out of our disappearing ownership society and our failed agency society, a new “fiduciary society.” Here, our agent/owners would be required by federal law to place the interest of their principals first—a consistently enforced public policy that places a clear requirement of fiduciary duty on our financial institutions to serve exclusively the interests of their beneficiaries. That duty would expressly require their effective and responsible participation in the governance of our publicly-owned corporations, and demand the return of our institutional agents to the traditional values of professional stewardship that are so long overdue.

第三部分:专业精神 vs. 商业经营

尽管我们需要为职业基金经理人明确阐明——并强制执行——清晰的受托责任标准,但我们投资专业其他领域的从业者也必须尽到自己的本分。然而,这同样绝非易事。因为在整个社会中,我们都看到了另一种令人不安的变异,就像我前面描述的资本主义本身发生的变异一样:我们的专业协会正变得越来越像商业企业,从昔日那种严谨的传统价值观滑向,嗯,表征我们这个时代的、弹性十足的价值观。这一变化发生在相对晚近的时期。根据《代达罗斯》杂志 1965 年的一篇文章,“在美国生活的各个角落,专业精神都占据着胜利者的地位。”但在随后的四十年里,几乎在我们毫无察觉之际,这种胜利逐渐消融,因为我们的专业领域“受到了一整套全新压力的冲击,从新技术日益广阔的覆盖范围,到赚钱这件事本身重要性的不断上升。”

Part III. Profession vs. Business While we need to articulate—and enforce—clear standards of fiduciary duty for our professional money managers, we in other areas of the investment profession must also do our part. But that too will be no easy task. For throughout our society we have seen another troubling mutation, much like the mutation in capitalism itself that I described earlier: our professional associations are becoming more like business enterprises, moving away from the stern traditional values of yore toward the, well, flexible values that characterize our modern age. This change is of relatively recent vintage. In 1965, according to an article in Daedalus,1 “everywhere in American life, the professions were triumphant.” But in the four decades that followed, almost without our noticing, that triumph had melted away, as our professions were gradually, “subjected to a whole new set of pressures, from the growing reach of new technologies to the growing importance of making money.”

你必须告诉我,这些压力是否影响到了今天在座的各位——用贵组织简介中的话说,你们是“参与遗产规划的专业人士”。那么,让我们退一步想想,当我们谈论职业和专业时,到底指的是什么。《Daedalus》那篇文章将“职业”定义为具有六个共同特征:*Daedalus*,《美国艺术与科学学院学刊》,2005 年夏季号,“今日美国之职业:至关重要却脆弱”,作者为哈佛大学教育学院教授霍华德·加德纳与卡内基基金会主席李·S·舒尔曼,第 13-18 页。

You’ll have to tell me whether these pressures have affected any of you here today in this organization, composed—in the words of your summary description—of “professionals involved in estate planning.” So, let’s step back for a moment and consider what we mean when we talk about professions and professionals. The Daedalus article defined a profession as having six common characteristics: Daedalus, The Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, Summer 2005, “The Professions in America Today: Crucial but Fragile,” by Howard Gardner, Professor at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, and Lee S. Shulman, president of the Carnegie Foundation, pages 13-18.

1. 对客户利益的承诺,尤其是对整体社会福祉的承诺。2. 一套理论或专门知识体系。

1. A commitment to the interest of clients in particular, and the welfare of society in general. 2. A body of theory or special knowledge.

3. 一套该行业独有的专门化职业技能、实践与表现。

3. A specialized set of professional skills, practices, and performances unique to the profession.

4. 在道德不确定性条件下,秉持正直品格做出判断的成熟能力。

4. The developed capacity to render judgments with integrity under conditions of ethical uncertainty.

5. 一种从经验中学习的系统方法——无论是个人经验还是集体经验——从而在实践中生成新知识。

5. An organized approach to learning from experience, both individually and collectively, and thus of growing new knowledge from the context of practice.

6. 发展一个专业社群,负责监督和监控实践领域以及专业教育者的质量。

6. The development of a professional community responsible for the oversight and monitoring of quality in both practice and professional educators.

然后他们加上了这些精彩的言辞:“任何职业的首要特征,就是负责任、无私、明智地服务……并在专业人士与整个社会之间建立一种本质上合乎伦理的关系。”

They then add these wonderful words: “The primary feature of any profession (is) to serve responsibly, selflessly, and wisely . . . and to establish (an) inherently ethical relationship between the professional and the general society.”

按照这个严格的定义,医生、教师、工程师、建筑师和牧师显然都称得上专业人士。至少在理想状态下,律师、会计师、遗产规划师以及他人的受托管理人也是如此。然而,每一个行业,旧的价值观都在被明显侵蚀。我认为,驱动力是我们这个“唯结果论”社会的兴起——在这个社会里,我们认为可以衡量一切重要的东西,而且得出的数字就能告诉我们所有需要知道的东西。爱因斯坦说得很对:“并非所有重要的东西都能被量化,也并非所有能量化东西都重要。”然而,正如普罗泰戈拉 2500 年前所写的,‘人是万物的尺度’,我们却已经从那样的世界,进入了一个‘金钱是人的尺度’的世界。我怀疑这种变化能否被称为进步。

Under this stern definition, it would seem clear that physicians, teachers, engineers, architects, and clergymen would qualify as professionals. At least in the ideal, so would attorneys, accountants, estate planners, and trustees of other people’s money. And yet, profession by profession, the old values are clearly being undermined. The driving force, I think, is the emergence of our “bottom-line” society, in we think we can measure every thing that is important, and that the resultant numbers tell us all we need to know. Einstein surely was on the right track when he said, “Not everything that counts can be counted, and not everything that can be counted counts.” Yet we’ve moved from a world in which, as Protagoras wrote 2500 years ago, “man is the measure of all things,” to a world where “money is the measure of the man.” I doubt that that change can be called progress.

不加约束的市场力量,不仅对我们的职业构成严峻挑战;在某些情况下,这些力量已完全压倒了花数百年才建立起来的传统职业道德标准。可悲的现实是,在大多数行业中,这种正当性早已遭到侵蚀。“市场能够自我调节、道德自足足以维持职业标准”这种想法,显然已被证明不够用。事实上,正是这种被误导的观念,成了近年来一些重大社会失败的根源——这些实例驳斥了那种看法:专业人士必须怀着使命去完成善举,用自身的精通去践行“一种激发热情的使命,一种超越自我的给予”。

Unchecked, the forces of the market not only constitute a strong challenge to our professions; in some cases, these forces have totally overwhelmed traditional standards of professional conduct that it took centuries to develop. That legitimacy, in sad reality, has already been undermined in most of our professions.2 The idea that “the market is self-regulating and morally self-sufficient” to assure the maintenance of professional standards has clearly proved inadequate. Indeed, that misguided idea lies at the heart of some of our major societal failures of recent years, examples that belie the idea that professionals must accomplish their good works with a commitment to use their mastery to fulfill a “mission that inspires passion, a mission that gives beyond the self.”

本段中的这些想法,受到了同一期《代达罗斯》杂志中其他文章的启发。

The ideas in this paragraph have been inspired by other articles in the same issue of Daedalus.

当然,我们都很清楚——正如又一篇《代达罗斯》文章所表述的那样——“追求崇高使命往往伴随着痛苦……而只有那些真正信仰这一使命、并有足够自知之明对傲慢、自大、错误信念和扭曲判断等危险保持警惕的人,才能避免使命失控。”对金钱的贪恋,又一次让我们出于自身利益而忽视这些危险,这印证了厄普顿·辛克莱的一句评论,这里转述一下:“如果一个人靠一笔不菲的报酬来保持对某件事的不理解,那么这件事他要想弄明白,可就难得出奇了。”

Of course we’re all aware, as yet another Daedalus article expresses it, “that pursuing a noble mission is often painful . . . and that not letting the mission get out of hand is possible only for those who truly believe in the mission and have enough self-perspective to remain wary of dangers such as arrogance, megalomania, misguided beliefs, and distorted judgments.” The love of money, again, leads to our ignoring these dangers in our own self-interest, giving credence to Upton Sinclair’s comment, paraphrased here: “it’s amazing how difficult it is for a man to understand something if he’s paid a small fortune not to understand it.”

总体来看,专业人士与客户之间的关系,越来越被重新定位为商家与顾客之间的关系。还是那句话,你得告诉我这种变化是否影响到了遗产规划这一职业领域。但我可以告诉你,它在共同基金领域已经全面渗透——这个领域曾经在很大程度上是一门管理他人钱财的专业,如今在很大程度上却变成了一门吸纳资产来管理的生意——随之而来的明显后果是,坐在驾驶座上的是基金经理本人,而不是投资者。在一个所有服务使用者都被视为顾客的世界里,每一个服务提供者都变成了销售者。换句话说,当提供者变成一把锤子时,顾客就被当成了钉子。

In all, professional relationships with clients have been increasingly recast as business relationships with customers. Again, you’ll have to tell me whether this change has effected the profession of estate planning. But I can tell you that it has pervaded the mutual fund field—once largely a profession of managing other people’s money, now largely a business of gathering assets to manage— with the obvious consequence of putting the manager rather than the investor in the driver’s seat. In a world where every user of services is seen as a customer, every provider of services becomes a seller. Put another way, when the provider becomes a hammer, the customer is seen as a nail.

请别把我想得太天真。我完全清楚,每个行业都有其商业成分。确实,如果收入无法覆盖支出,任何组织——哪怕是最崇高的信仰机构——都无法长久存续。但在我们国家许多最引以为傲的行业参与者中——包括法律、会计、遗产规划和信托——他们逐渐将传统的平衡从"值得信赖的专业人士,服务于客户和社区利益"转向"商业企业的成员,追求竞争优势",最终受损的是那些依赖这些服务客观性和正直品格的人们。

Please don’t think me naive. I’m fully aware that every profession has elements of a business. Indeed, if revenues fail to exceed expenses, no organization—even the most noble of faith-based institutions—will long exist. But with the participants of so many of our nation’s proudest professions— including the law, accounting, estate planning, and trusteeship—having gradually shifted their traditional balance away from that of trusted professionals serving the interests of the clients and the community and toward that of members of commercial enterprises seeking competitive advantage, the losers are the human beings who rely on the objectivity and the integrity of those services.

几年前,作者罗杰·洛温斯坦也做出了类似的观察,哀叹“加尔文派式的正直”的失落——这种正直植根于“非常旧世界关于诚信、道德和对客户始终不渝的忠诚的观念”。³ 他写道:“美国的行业变得粗俗商业化……会计师事务所赞助高尔夫锦标赛”(他可能还会补上一句,共同基金经理们不仅也这么做,还购买球场的冠名权)。他总结道:“独立之战永远无法获胜。”换句话说,我们已经从“有些事情就是不能做”的观念(我想这是道德绝对主义),转向了“既然别人都这么做,那我也能做”的想法(这无疑是一种道德相对主义)。

A few years ago, the author Roger Lowenstein made a similar observation, bemoaning the loss of the “Calvinist rectitude” that had its roots in “the very Old World notions of integrity, ethics, and unyielding loyalty to the customer.”3 “America’s professions,” he wrote, “have become crassly commercial . . . with accounting firms sponsoring golf tournaments” (and, he might have added, mutual fund managers not only doing the same thing but buying naming rights to stadiums as well). “The battle for independence,” he concluded, “is never won.” Put another way, we’ve moved from a concept that there were certain things that one simply didn’t do (moral absolutism, I suppose) to the idea that since everyone else is doing it, I can do it, too (surely a form of moral relativism).

罗杰·洛温斯坦,《纯粹主义者》,《纽约时报杂志》,2003 年 12 月 28 日,第 44 页。

Roger Lowenstein, “The Purist,” New York Times Magazine, December 28, 2003, page 44.

第四部分:金融市场。在我看来,这些变化对我们的金融市场造成了严重后果。问题之一在于,曾经对长期投资的专注已压倒性地转向短期投机——这是我亲眼目睹的趋势。1950 年(及之后约十五年期间),普通股票型共同基金平均持有其股票长达六年(换手率为 16%);而到了去年,平均持有期已骤降至不到一年(换手率达 105%)。与此同时,金融中介的成本也急剧飙升。去年,我们投资者向股票经纪人、投资银行家、养老金管理者、共同基金经理、对冲基金经理以及理财顾问(连同他们昂贵的配套体系,包括律师、会计师、营销人员等)支付了超过 4000 亿美元。事实上,我们最近得知,如果你去年没能赚到 1.4 亿美元,你就排不进收入最高的 25 位对冲基金经理之列。(排名第一的经理收入高达 15 亿美元。)

Part IV. The Financial Markets These changes, it seems to me, have had dire consequences for our financial markets. Part of the problem is that the one-time focus on long-term investing has turned overwhelmingly toward short-term speculation, a trend that I’ve witnessed first-hand. In 1950 (and for a decade and a half thereafter), the average equity mutual held its average stock for six years (16 percent turnover); by last year, the average holding period had plummeted to less than one year (turnover of 105 percent). It’s also that the costs of financial intermediation have soared. Last year, we investors paid more than $400 billion to our stock brokers, investment bankers, pension managers, mutual fund managers, hedge fund managers, and financial advisers (and all of their expensive infrastructure, including lawyers, accountants, marketers, and so on). Indeed, we recently learned that if you didn’t make $140 million last year, you didn’t rank among the 25 highest-paid hedge fund managers. (The winning manager was paid $1.5 billion.)

为什么我们要支付如此高昂的金融中介成本?原因很简单:作为一个整体,投资者就是市场平均水平。跑赢市场是一个零和游戏。(在一个年回报 8% 的股市里,我们所有人加起来也只能赚 8%。这毫不意外!)但这还是扣除游戏成本之前的数字。一旦扣掉中介费用,跑赢市场就成了一个注定失败的博弈。用布兰代斯大法官的话来说,这就是“朴素算术的无情法则”。

Why should the enormous costs we pay for financial intermediation matter to us? Simply because, as investors as a group, we are average. Beating the market is a zero sum game. (In an 8 percent stock market, together we all earn 8 percent. No surprise there!) But that’s before we deduct the costs of playing the game. After the deduction of intermediation costs, beating the market becomes a loser’s game. Using Justice Brandeis’ formulation, these are “the relentless rules of humble arithmetic.”

成本也很重要。如果市场年回报率为 8%,扣除每年约 2.5% 的成本后,我们共同只能拿到 5.5%,还不到总额的 70%。以 8% 的复利计算一个投资周期(我假设为 50 年),1000 美元会增长到 4.7 万美元——这是复利的魔力。但如果净回报只有 5.5%,投入 1000 美元的投资者,其资本只会增长到 1.4 万美元——这是复利的暴政。投资者承担了 100% 的资本和 100% 的风险,却只拿到了市场总回报的 30%。这绝对不够。

And cost matters. If the market delivers an annual return of 8 percent, when we deduct costs estimated at 2 ½ percent per year, we together earn 5 ½ percent, less than seventy percent of the total. Compounding the 8 percent return over an investment lifetime (I’m assuming 50 years), $1,000 would grow to $47,000—the magic of compounding returns. But with a net return of 5 ½ percent, the investor who puts up $1,000 sees his capital grow to but $14,000—the tyranny of compounding costs. The investor put up 100 percent of the capital and assumed 100 percent of the risk, but captured only thirty percent of the total market return. That’s simply not good enough.

投资成本带来的压迫性影响是永恒且意义重大的,这一点毋庸置疑。但这种影响会随着市场产生的回报水平而变化。所以现在,我们不妨想想:未来几年里,我们可能合理预期多少回报,而过高的中介成本又会从中抽走多少。当然,没人知道未来会怎样,但总有办法建立合理的预期。在讨论这些之前,我想先做一些非常主观的评论。

The oppressive impact of investment costs is eternal and meaningful, to be sure. But that impact varies with the level of returns the markets produce. So now let’s think for a bit what returns we might reasonably expect in the years ahead, and the drain that excessive intermediation costs might impose upon them. Of course no one knows what lies ahead, but there are ways to establish reasonable expectations. Before I discuss them, I’d like to present some very subjective comments.

在我们无所不知的金融市场里——由聪明乃至才华横溢的专业投资者主导,而他们大部分恰好就职于那些拿着别人的钱做投资的金融机构——人们告诉我们:“别以为自己比市场懂得多。没人比市场懂。”然而,我依然相信,继帕斯卡之后,我们不仅应该考虑那些可能出错的事情实际发生的概率,还应该考虑它们的后果。即便我们那些目光短浅、紧盯短期的股市专业人士,并不在意这些问题对他们所服务的投资者的影响,但那些依靠积累资产来度过退休岁月的长期投资者,却绝不敢对它们视而不见。

In our omniscient financial markets—dominated by smart, sometimes brilliant, professional investors—largely employed by financial institutions that just happen to be investing other people’s money—we are told, “Don’t think you know more than the market. Nobody does.” And yet I continue to believe, after Pascal, that we should consider not only the probabilities that the things that might go wrong actually come to pass, but their consequences. Even if our stock market professionals, with their intense focus on the short term, are unconcerned about the impact of these issues on the investors they serve, long-term investors, depending on accumulating assets for their retirement years, cannot afford to ignore them.

正是在这里,我有严重的担忧。(坦诚地说:虽然我是一个永远的乐观主义者,但我也是一个保守的投资者,认为几乎每个投资组合中都应该有一部分固定收益证券以及权益证券。)我几乎难以想象最可怕的后果,例如伊拉克战争、核扩散、脆弱的能源来源、宗教原教旨主义的蔓延、全球变暖、巨大的联邦预算赤字(而政治体制却不愿应对),以及我们的公司、城市和州(更不用说联邦政府)在支付养老金负债方面的潜在巨大缺口。在我们这个“地球是平的”现代世界中,对于像这样的挑战,我们总会以某种方式“勉强应付过去”——这似乎是我们基金经理们普遍抱有的期望。

It is here that I have serious concerns. (Full disclosure: while I’m an eternal optimist, I’m a conservative investor, believing that virtually every portfolio should have a portion in fixed-income securities as well as equity securities.) I can hardly contemplate the most dire consequences of, for example, the war in Iraq, nuclear proliferation, fragile sources of energy, the spread of religious fundamentalism, global warming, enormous federal budget deficits (with a political system unwilling to deal with them), and the massive potential shortfalls in the ability of our corporations, our cities and our states (to say nothing of our federal government) to fund their pension liabilities. That we’ll somehow “muddle through” challenges like these—now on a global scale in our “the earth is flat” modern world— seems to be the prevailing expectation of our money managers.

尽管风险无处不在,但股票的估值实际上已略高于长期平均水平,这反映出投资者的乐观情绪。过去一个世纪中,股票的市盈率约为 14 倍;如今约为 18 倍,体现了市场对未来更为自信的预期。此外,正如我们稍后将看到的,按历史标准衡量,股票相较于债券提供的风险溢价目前极低。正如前美联储主席艾伦·格林斯潘所言:“历史从不善待长期低风险溢价之后的局面。”

While risk abounds, however, stocks are selling at valuations that are in fact somewhat higher than long-term norms, implying optimism on the part of investors. Over the past century, stocks have sold at about 14 times corporate earnings; today they’re selling at about 18 times, reflecting a more confident outlook about what lies ahead. What’s more, as we’ll soon see, stocks currently offer a risk premium over bonds that is extremely low by historical standards. And as former Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan has said, “History has not dealt kindly with the aftermath of protracted periods of low risk premiums.”

不过,无论世界、美国以及我们强劲的经济未来会发生什么,请别忘了这条不变的定律:长期来看,推动股市回报的是企业的现实——即股票的投资回报,它由我们公司产生的股息收益率和盈利增长构成。例如,在过去一百多年里,股票的名义投资回报率为 9.5%,其中包括平均 4.5% 的股息收益率和平均每年 5.0% 的盈利增长。(图 1)投机回报每年仅额外贡献 0.1%,反映了市盈率的小幅上升,从而将股票的年化名义总回报率推高至 9.6%。因此,长期来看,投资回报几乎完全由经济基本面驱动。

But whatever may come to pass in the world, in America, and in our robust economy, please don’t forget this unfailing principle: in the long run it is the reality of business—the investment return on stocks, consisting of the dividend yields and earnings growth generated by our corporations—that drives the returns generated by the stock market itself. Over the past century-plus, for example, the nominal investment return earned by stocks was 9.5 percent, consisting of an average dividend yield of 4.5 percent and average annual earnings growth of 5.0 percent. (Chart 1) Speculative return, which added a mere 0.1 percent per year, reflecting a modest rise in the price/earnings ratio, brought the total nominal return on stocks to 9.6 percent per year. In the long run, then, investment returns are driven almost entirely by economics.

1.

1.

股票总回报:过去与未来

收益增长 股息 市盈率变动 投资回报 投机回报

14%

12.5%

9.6%

12%

2.7%

10%

0.1%

7.0%

8%

5.0%

6.4%

6%

6.0%

4%

2%

4.5%

3.4%

2.0%

0%

-1.0%

-2%

过去 100 年 过去 25 年 未来 10 年

但在较短时期内,情绪——反映在投机回报中——可能会为这些产生长期回报的经济因素增加或减去不少,幅度往往相当显著。例如,在过去 25 年间,美国股市每年获得的投资回报率为 9.8%,与历史常态 9.5% 较为接近。但投机回报又贡献了 2.7 个百分点,这体现为投资者愿意为企业每 1 美元收益支付的价格,从 9 倍市盈率升至 18 倍(基于标普 500 指数过往 12 个月的报告总收益),这是一个长达 25 个百分点的 100% 增幅。(在 2000 年初,市盈率实际上曾达到惊人的 32 倍,随后随着新经济泡沫破裂,骤降至 18 倍。)最终结果:在过去 25 年间,投机回报使市场年度总回报提升了近 30%。

Total Returns on Stocks, Past and Future Earnings Growth Dividends P/E Change Investment Return Speculative Return 14% 12.5% 9.6% 12% 2.7% 10% 0.1% 7.0% 8% 5.0% 6.4% 6% 6.0% 4% 2% 4.5% 3.4% 2.0% 0% -1.0% -2% Last 100 Years Last 25 Years Next 10 Years But in the shorter-run, emotions—reflected in speculative return—can add to, or subtract from those economics that generate long-term returns, often by substantial magnitudes. During the past 25 years, for example, the annual investment return earned in the U.S. stock market was 9.8 percent, relatively close to the historic 9.5 percent historical norm. But speculative return contributed another 2.7 percent, reflected in the willingness of investors to increase the amount they paid for each dollar of corporate earnings from 9 times to 18 times, based on the trailing 12-month reported total earnings of the S&P 500, a 100 percent increase, spread over a quarter century. (Early in 2000, the P/E ratio actually reached an astonishing 32 times, only to plummet to 18 times as the new economy bubble burst.) Net result: during the past 25 years, speculative return enhanced the market’s annual return by nearly 30 percent.

重要吗?你最好相信确实重要!在整个四分之一个世纪里复利累积,这个提升效果堪称惊人。9.8% 的年化投资回报率产生了 935% 的累计收益,但股票 12.5% 的总年化回报率却增长到了 1800% 的累计收益。那看似微不足道的每年 2.7% 的额外投机回报,为股票投资者带来了高达 865% 的超额收益。

Did it matter? You better believe that it did! Compounded over the full quarter-century period, that enhancement was little short of astounding. The annual investment return of 9.8 percent produced a 935 percent cumulative gain. But the total annual return of 12.5 percent on stocks grew to a cumulative return of 1,800 percent. That seemingly modest incremental speculative return of 2.7 percent per year produced an extra enhancement of 865 percent for equity investors.

但这样的意外红利不可能年年重现。因为这套简单的分析方法告诉我们,股票市场正面临一个回报低迷的时代。首先,当前股票的股息收益率并非 4.5%(历史常态),而是略低于 2%。因此,股息收入对投资回报的贡献每年将产生 2.5 个百分点的净损失。其次,假设企业盈利将持续增长(就像长期以来通常表现的那样),增速大致与我国经济名义增长率相当——未来十年每年约 6%(这可能略显乐观)。如果这些假设成立,那么股票最可能的投资回报率将在 8% 左右。

But we can’t count on a recurrence of this remarkable bonus. For this simple methodology tells us that we’re facing an era of subdued returns in the stock market. First, today’s dividend yield on stocks is not 4.5 percent (the historical norm), but slightly below 2 percent. Thus we can expect a dead-weight loss of 2.5 percentage points per year in the contribution that dividend income makes to investment return. Next, let’s assume that corporate earnings will continue to grow (as, over time, they usually have) at about the pace of our economy’s nominal growth rate, say 6 percent per year over the coming decade. (That may be a bit optimistic.) If these assumptions are correct, then the most likely investment return on stocks would be in the range of 8 percent.

现在我们来考虑未来十年的投机回报部分。目前股票的市盈率大约为 18 倍。如果十年后市盈率仍维持在当前水平,那么投机回报既不会增加也不会减少那 8% 的潜在投资回报。我的猜测(也仅是猜测而已)是,市盈率可能会小幅回落至 16 倍左右,这将使市场年回报率降低约 1 个百分点,降至 7%。(你不必同意我的看法。如果你认为市盈率会跃升至 25 倍,那就在 8% 的投资回报上加上 3 个百分点,使股票总回报率达到 11%。如果你认为市盈率会跌至 12 倍,那就减去 4 个百分点,使股票总回报率降至 4%。)

Now let’s consider speculative return in the coming decade. The present price/earnings multiple on stocks now looks to be about 18 times. If the P/E ratio remains at the present level a decade hence, speculative return would neither add to nor detract from that possible 8 percent investment return. My guess (it is little more than that) is that the P/E might ease down to about 16 times, reducing the market’s return by about 1 percentage point a year to an annual rate of 7 percent. (You don’t have to agree with me. If you think the P/E will leap to 25 times, add 3 percentage points to the investment return of 8 percent, bringing the total return on stocks to 11 percent. If you think the P/E will drop to 12 times, subtract 4 percentage points, reducing the total return on stocks to 4 percent.)

现在来看看债券。债券的计算要容易得多。债券的长期回报,绝大部分(如果不是全部的话)来自它们产生的利息支付。与盈利和股息不同,债券的利息支付是固定的,而投机性回报——体现在利率水平的变化上——无论短期多么重要,长期来看影响要小得多。(例如,十年期美国国债在到期时会按面值赎回。)因此,当前利率水平被证明是随后十年回报的极佳预测指标,其历史相关性高达惊人的 0.91——几乎完美。这一关系在 1980 年代(初始利率 10.4%,随后十年回报率 11.9%)、1990 年代(7.8% 和 7.2%)以及 21 世纪头十年(6.3% 和 6.1%)都清晰成立。(图 2)鉴于目前十年期国债收益率为 4.6%,合理的预期表明这类债券未来十年的回报很可能在 4.6% 左右。

Now let’s look at bonds. Here the arithmetic is much easier. The long-term returns on bonds are largely—if not entirely—produced by the interest payments that they generate. Unlike earnings and dividends, the interest payments on bonds are fixed, and speculative return—reflected in the change in the level of interest rates—however important in the short-term, has far less impact over time. (A ten-year U.S. Treasury bond for example, is retired at par at the end of the period.) As a result, the current interest rate proves to be an excellent predictor of returns in the subsequent decade, with an historic correlation of an astounding 0.91—almost perfect. This relationship clearly prevailed in the 1980s (initial interest yield 10.4 percent, subsequent 10-year return, 11.9 percent), in the 1990s (7.8 percent and 7.2 percent), and so far in the first decade of the 21st century (6.3 percent and 6.1 percent). (Chart 2) With the yield on the 10-year Treasury currently at 4.6 percent, reasonable expectations suggest a likely return in the range of 4.6 percent for such bonds over the coming decade.

2.

2.

原件此处是表格,PDF 抽取时列结构已丢失,下面只剩按列读出的数字,行列对应关系无法还原。核对数据请打开来源正文。

债券的总回报*:过去与未来

初始收益率 14% 11.9%

随后时期的回报 12% 10.4%

10% 7.8%

8% 7.2%

6.3% 6.1%

6% 4.6%

4.6%

4%

估计值

Total Returns on Bonds*, Past and Future 14% 11.9% Initial yield 12% 10.4% Return over following period 10% 7.8% 8% 7.2% 6.3% 6.1% 6% 4.6%4.6% 4% Est.

2% 0% 20 世纪 80 年代 20 世纪 90 年代 2000–2006 年 未来 10 年 *美国中期政府债券。

2% 0% 1980s 1990s 2000 - 06 Next 10 Years *Intermediate-term U.S. Government Bonds.

是的,在这些(很可能出现的)情况下,持有股票相对于美国国债的风险溢价每年仅有 2.4%,仅为长期年化风险溢价 4.6%(股票 9.6%;债券 5.0%)的大约一半。但当理性预期与历史经验相悖时,引领方向的必须是当下的现实。(正如凯恩斯勋爵所写:“事实改变时,我就改变想法。您会怎么做?”)

Yes, under these (likely) circumstances, the risk premium for holding stocks vs. Treasuries would be just 2.4 percent annually, only about one-half of the long-term annualized risk premium of 4.6 percent (9.6 percent for stocks; 5.0 percent for bonds). But when rational expectations belie historical experience, it is current reality that must lead the way. (As Lord Keynes wrote: “when the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do?”)

现在,我们假设股票市场未来名义回报的理性预期是 7%,债券市场是 4.6%。那些替金融服务公司募集资产的人,出于自身利益,可以无视通胀的现实,用名义美元来做销售演示——但投资者没有这种奢侈。除非我们关注扣除通胀后的实际回报,否则我们未来的财务安全将面临严重风险。金融市场告诉我们,未来十年通胀预期大约在 2.3%。因此,股票的实际回报平均为 4.7%。

Now, let’s assume that 7 percent is a rational expectation for future nominal returns in the stock market, and 4.6 percent in the bond market. While the marketers whose job it is to gather assets for their financial services firms can afford—in their own self-interest—to ignore the reality of inflation and do their sales presentations using nominal dollars, investors have no such luxury. Unless we focus on real, inflation-adjusted returns, we will seriously jeopardize our future financial security. The financial markets are telling us that inflation is expected to be about 2.3 percent over the coming decade. Thus, the real return on stocks would average 4.7 percent.

金融产品的销售者太容易只顾盯着股票市场的历史回报,而不去向前看;太容易忽视通胀的影响,也忽视投资成本的影响,仿佛我之前谈到的那些毫不留情的朴素算术法则并不存在。但当我们考虑的是预期回报、进而考虑实际回报时,共同基金的成本就具有了全新的重要意义。按照目前估计的年均 2.5% ——包括费率、销售佣金以及大规模年度组合换手所隐含的成本——基金成本将消耗掉股票市场预期实际回报 4.7% 的一半以上,使未来十年每年的实际净回报只剩下 2.2%。(图 3)(在这个税收效率低下的行业里,我甚至不敢提及税收成本。)

It’s all too easy for sellers of financial products to focus on historical stock market returns rather than looking ahead, to disregard the impact of inflation, and to ignore the impact of investment costs, pretending that those relentless rules of humble arithmetic that I earlier discussed do not exist. But when we think in terms of prospective returns, and then real returns, mutual fund costs take on a whole new level of significance. At their present estimated annual level of 2.5 percent—including expense ratios, sales loads, and the hidden costs of that huge annual portfolio turnover—fund costs would consume more than 50 percent of that projected real return of 4.7 percent for the stock market, leaving a net real return of just 2.2 percent a year during the coming decade. (Chart 3) (I haven’t even dared to mention the cost of taxes, in an industry where tax-inefficiency is rife.)

3.

3.

费用与通货膨胀对 7% 股票回报率的影响

名义回报率8.0%
通货膨胀7.0%
费用6.0%
实际净回报2.2%

类似的算术法则,当然也适用于债券市场。未来回报将低于过去,通货膨胀会蚕食收益,而费用则会将剩余回报吞噬殆尽。按每年 2.3% 的通胀率计算,通货膨胀将没收债券市场 4.6% 名义回报率中的整整 50%,留给债券市场的实际回报率为 2.3%。而普通债券共同基金每年至少 1.5% 的估算成本(费用加销售佣金),又进而会没收该实际回报的近 70% (!),将其降至每年勉强 0.8%。 (图 4)

The Impact of Expenses and Inflation on 7% Equity Return 8.0% 7.0% 7.0% Nominal Return 6.0% 2.3% Inflation 5.0% 4.0% 2.5% Expenses 3.0% 2.0% 1.0% 2.2% Net Real Return 0.0% Similar arithmetic, of course, prevails in the bond market. Prospective returns will be lower than in the past, inflation will take its toll, and costs will overpower the return that remains. At 2.3 percent per year, inflation would confiscate exactly 50 percent of the bond market’s nominal return of 4.6 percent, leaving a real bond market return of 2.3 percent. And estimated annual costs of at least 1.5 percent for the average bond mutual fund (expenses plus sales loads) would, in turn, confiscate nearly 70 percent (!) of that real return, reducing it to barely 0.8 percent per year. (Chart 4) 4.

费用及通胀对 4.6% 债券回报的影响

5.0%

4.0%

3.0%

2.0%

1.0%

0.0%

4.6% 名义回报

2.3% 通胀

1.5% 费用

0.8% 净实际回报

正是在这一点上,金融专业人士和投资受托人的角色与这些投资现实产生了交集。投资专业人士——包括遗产规划专业人士——在多大程度上有理由向客户提供高成本的“产品”?我们机构化管理的养老金计划的受托人,以及我们共同基金的董事和经理,在多大程度上专注于确保他们的计划受益人和基金股东能够公平地分享金融市场未来产生的回报——未来的实际回报?

The Impact of Expenses and Inflation on 4.6% Bond Return 5.0% 4.6% Nominal Return 4.0% 2.3% Inflation 3.0% 2.0% 1.5% Expenses 1.0% 0.8% Net Real Return 0.0% It’s at this point that the role of the financial professionals and investment fiduciaries intersects with these investment realities. To what extent is it appropriate for investment professionals—including estate planning professionals—to offer high cost “products” to their clients? To what extent are the trustees of our institutionally-managed pension plans and the directors and managers of our mutual funds focused on providing their plan beneficiaries and fund shareholders with their fair share of the future returns—future real returns—earned in our financial markets?

至少看起来,股票基金和债券基金都应该把重点放在极低的成本上、进行广泛分散以防范我先前描述的那些潜在危险后果、尽量降低投资组合换手率及其伴随的成本,并且考虑减少或取消销售手续费。(颇有我普林斯顿论文的影子!)此外,在我们这个金融中介体系中,参与者在选择你决定提供给客户的那些基金时,也应该把这些特性放在首位。

At a minimum, it would seem that stock and bond funds alike should be focused on very low costs, be broadly diversified against the potential hazardous consequences that I described earlier, minimize portfolio turnover and its attendant costs, and be considering the reduction or elimination of sales loads. (Shades of my Princeton thesis!) In addition, participants in our system of financial intermediation should bring these attributes to the fore in choosing the funds that you determine to offer to your clients.

有人提醒我,提指数基金在座各位未必都爱听,但在未来股票回报率可能降低的环境里,我别无选择。因为被动管理、低费用、广泛分散且节税的无佣金指数基金,其相对回报优势——相比于主动管理型股票基金——将比过去四分之一个世纪里已取得的巨大优势还要大。不管你喜欢与否,指数基金依然是我斗胆借用我的新书《小手册》副标题所说的,“唯一能保证你拿到应得份额”的方式——无论未来市场慷慨地提供多少回报。

I was warned that mentioning index funds would not be universally popular with this audience, but in a likely future environment of lower returns on equities, I have no choice. For the passively- managed, low-cost, broadly-diversified, and tax-efficient no-load index fund would provide even higher real returns relative to those earned by actively-managed equity funds than the enormous advantage it has achieved over the past quarter century. Like it or not, the index fund remains, if I may take the liberty of citing the subtitle of my new Little Book, “the only way to guarantee your fair share” of whatever returns our markets are generous enough to provide in the years ahead.

最后,我重申一个主题:受托责任与金融市场之间的联系不仅牢不可破,而且在如今高风险的投资世界里,比以往任何时候都更为重要。信托责任、受托义务和专业标准,绝非空洞的口号。它们代表着优良商业的精髓——合乎道德的行为、公平交易、“公正且公平的交易原则”(用美国证券交易商协会的术语来说)——其中,为客户服务,乃至为社会服务,是最高的价值准则。哈佛商学院教授拉凯什·库拉纳在《耶鲁管理学院季刊》春季刊中,就职业义务撰文提出如下严苛标准,作为真正专业人士的箴言:“我要为社会创造价值,而非从中攫取价值。”

I conclude by reiterating my theme that the link between fiduciary duty and financial markets is not only an unbreakable one, but that in today’s risky investment world, it is more important than ever. Trusteeship, fiduciary duty, and professional standards are not just idle phrases. They represent the very essence of good business—ethical conduct, fair-dealing, “just and equitable principles of trade” (in the lexicon of NASD regulations)—in which service to clients, and for that matter, service to society, is the paramount value. Writing about professional obligations in the spring edition of the Yale School of Management Quarterly Review, Harvard Business School professor Rakesh Khurana suggests this stern standard as the watchword of the true professional: “I will create value for society, rather than extract it.”

市场终归是市场,而朴素算术的无情法则确实是——嗯,朴素算术的无情法则——我们的金融服务业不仅变成了一个抽取型行业,而且至少在我漫长职业生涯所涉及的领域里,已经丧失了传统的职业方向感。我今天把想法坦诚地摆在你们面前,是希望你们不仅在自己的职业生涯中追求更高的职业操守水准,而且还要把关于投资的真相传播开去,不仅仅告诉你们的同事,更要告诉你们的客户——那些人的资本能否成功保值增值,最终将定义你们自己在职业生涯和人生中能取得怎样的成就。

Markets being markets, and the relentless rules of humble arithmetic being, well, the relentless rules of humble arithmetic, our financial services industry turns out to be not only an extractive industry, but, at least in the part of it which I have spent my long career, one that has lost its traditional professional bearings. I lay my ideas on the line with you today in the hope that you will not only seek ever higher levels of professional conduct in your own careers, but spread the truth about investing not only to your colleagues, but to your clients, those human beings whose success in preserving and enhancing their capital ultimately defines the success you will achieve in your own careers and lives.