催生当前金融危机之文化

2009 · 演讲 · 原文约 6001 词
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催生当前金融危机的文化

约翰·C·博格尔(John C. Bogle),先锋集团(Vanguard Group)创始人兼前首席执行官

在第七届约翰·M·坦普尔顿二世(John M. Templeton, Jr.)经济自由与宪法年度讲座上的演讲

国家宪法中心(National Constitution Center)

宾夕法尼亚州费城

2009 年 5 月 13 日

我最近收到一位先锋集团股东的来信,他将当前的全球金融危机描述为“一场道德规模的危机”。用“道德”替代“史诗”,不仅是个巧妙的措辞;它准确地将这场崩溃的大部分责任归咎于传统道德标准的普遍滑坡。事实上,《华尔街日报》三周前刊登我的一篇专栏时,就用这句话作为标题。

The Culture That Gave Rise To The Current Financial Crisis Presented by John C. Bogle, Founder and former Chief Executive The Vanguard Group At the Seventh Annual John M. Templeton, Jr., Lecture on Economic Liberties and the Constitution National Constitution Center Philadelphia, PA May 13, 2009 I recently received a letter from a Vanguard shareholder who described the current global financial crisis as “a crisis of ethic proportions.” Substituting ethic for epic is not only a fine turn of phrase; it accurately places a heavy responsibility for the meltdown on a broad deterioration in traditional ethical standards. In fact, The Wall Street Journal retained that phrase as the title of my op-ed essay that was published just three weeks ago.

我们依赖亚当·斯密“看不见的手”——据称,我们的自身利益会推动所在社区的利益——因此,我们的社会在自由企业领域(商业、贸易和金融)越来越不依赖严格的监管来约束行为,而是更多依靠开放竞争和自由市场来创造繁荣与福祉,并为社会增添价值。

Relying on Adam Smith’s “invisible hand,” through which our own self-interest is said to advance the interests of our communities, our society had come to rely less on strict regulation to govern conduct in the field of free enterprise—in commerce, business, and finance—and to rely more on open competition and free markets to create prosperity and well-being, and to add value to our society.

但这种自利行为失控了,并蔓延至我们国家文化的核心。简而言之,我们变成了所谓的“唯利润”社会——进步与成功在很大程度上用金钱来衡量。但我认为,我们的社会衡量错了“底线”:不仅是金钱压倒成就,更是形式压倒实质;声望压倒美德;魅力压倒品格;短暂压倒永恒;甚至财神压倒上帝。金钱已成为新国度的通行货币,而失控的市场力量彻底淹没了历经数百年形成的传统职业行为准则。____________ 本演讲中表达的观点不一定反映先锋集团现任管理层的观点。

But that self-interest got out of hand, and it spread to the very core of our national culture. Simply put, we became what has been called a “bottom line” society, one in which progress and success are largely measured in monetary terms. But our society, I think, is measuring the wrong bottom line: not only money over achievement, but form over substance; prestige over virtue; charisma over character; the ephemeral over the enduring; even mammon over God. Dollars have become the coin of the new realm, and unchecked market forces totally overwhelmed traditional standards of professional conduct, developed over centuries. ____________ The views expressed in this speech do not necessarily reflect the views of Vanguard’s present management.

其结果是我们的社会发生了显著变化。传统的行为准则——"有些事情就是不能做"——让位给了新的准则:"如果别人都在做,我也可以做。"我将这种变化描述为从道德绝对主义向道德相对主义的转变。美德、忠诚、守信、信仰和荣誉这些道德主题已被贬低。商业伦理是这一传统社会价值观转变的重大牺牲品,而职业操守的理念也在混乱中丧失殆尽。

The result has been a marked change in our society. The traditional standard of conduct in which “there are some things that one simply does not do,” took a back seat to a new standard: “if everyone else is doing it, I can do it too.” I would describe this change as a shift from moral absolutism to moral relativism. The moral themes of virtue, loyalty, fidelity, faith, and honor have been debased. Business ethics has been a major casualty of that shift in our traditional societal values, and the idea of professional standards has been lost in the shuffle.

我们似乎忘记了,任何职业的核心驱动力不仅包括它所要求的特殊知识、技能和标准,更包括一种责任——负责任、无私且明智地服务,并在从业者与其所服务的社会之间建立起一种内生的道德关系。过去那种“信任与被信任”的古老观念——曾经不仅是公认的商业行为准则,更是市场成功的关键——逐渐被视为一种过时的遗风,一个早已远去的时代的遗迹。

We seemed to forget that the driving force of any profession includes not only the special knowledge, skills, and standards that it demands, but the duty to serve responsibly, selflessly, and wisely, and to establish an inherently ethical relationship between professionals and the society they serve. The old notion of trusting and being trusted—which once was not only the accepted standard of business conduct, but the key to success in the marketplace—came to be seen as a quaint anachronism, a relic of an era long gone.

当前金融和经济危机的直接原因,通常归咎于宽松信贷;我们的银行家和投资银行家对风险的漫不经心态度;“证券化”割断了借款人与贷款人之间的传统纽带;衍生品证券复杂到令人瞠目结舌,给金融体系注入了极高的杠杆;以及监管者未能履职尽责。但这场危机的更深层原因,是我们未能认识到资本主义本质正在我们眼前发生的巨变。

The proximate causes of the current financial and economic crisis are usually laid to easy credit; the cavalier attitude toward risk of our bankers and investment bankers; “securitization,” in which the traditional link between borrower and lender was severed; the extraordinary leverage built into the financial system by derivative securities of mind-boggling complexity; and the failure of our regulators to do their job. But the larger cause of the present crisis was our failure to recognize the sea-change in the nature of capitalism that was occurring right before our eyes.

“代理者社会”取代了“所有者社会”

这种资本主义的变化,简单来说,就是大型商业公司的崛起——这些公司不再由自己的股东控制,而是由最终所有者的代理人掌控。在美国企业界,问题出在资本主义发生了一种病态变异,而美国投资界对此推波助澜——从传统的所有者资本主义,即投资回报主要流向那些投入资本并承担风险的人,蜕变为一种新生的、危害巨大的管理者资本主义,即资本投资的回报中过高的份额流向了公司管理层和金融中介机构。

The “Agency Society” Displaces the “Ownership Society” That change in capitalism, simply put, was the growth of giant business corporations, controlled not by their own shareholders, but by the agents of the ultimate owners. What went wrong in corporate America, aided and abetted by investment America, was a pathological mutation in capitalism—from traditional owners’ capitalism, in which the rewards of investing went primarily to those who put up the capital and took the risks, to a new and virulent managers’ capitalism, where an excessive share of the rewards of capital investment went to corporate managers and financial intermediaries.

两大趋势为这一有害变化奠定了基础:第一,旧的“股东社会”在规模和重要性上急剧萎缩。就在半个世纪前,我们公司 92% 的股票由直接股东持有。如今,个人投资者仅持有约 30% 的股票。另一方面,机构持有的美国股票则飙升了七倍以上——从当年的 8% 增至如今的 70% 以上。但在我们新的“代理人社会”中,金融中介作为一个整体已牢牢掌握着美国企业的投票控制权,我们的代理人却没有像所有者那样行事。事实上,在太多情况下,他们将自身利益置于委托人的利益之上,而这些委托人主要是拥有共同基金和受益于养老金计划的那 1 亿个家庭。

Two major trends set the stage for this baneful change: First, the old “ownership society” shrank radically in size and importance. Only a half-century ago, 92 percent of all shares of our corporations were held by direct stockholders. Today individual investors own barely 30 percent of all shares. Ownership of U.S. stocks by institutions, on the other hand, has soared more than seven times over—from 8 percent of shares all those years ago to more than 70 percent today. But in our new “agency society,” with financial intermediaries as a group now holding clear voting control of corporate America, our agents have failed to behave as owners. Indeed, in far too many cases, they have placed their own interests ahead of the interest of their principals, largely those 100 million families who are the owners of our mutual funds and the beneficiaries of our pension plans.

并非没有人警告过我们,违背“一人不能事二主”这一受托人原则会带来怎样的后果。受托责任要求那些受托管理他人财产的人恪守极高的道德标准。事实上,早在 1934 年——距今 75 年前——股市大崩盘之后,最高法院大法官哈伦·菲斯克·斯通就曾警告:所有权与管理权的分离,以及公司结构的发展使得少数群体得以控制大量缺乏信息的小投资者的资源,这使得人们必须重新并且积极地信奉“一人不能事二主”这一原则,现代商业世界才能履行其应有的职能。然而,那些名义上担任受托人、却通过巧妙的法律手段免除了保护其所声称代表利益的义务的人;那些不经股东同意甚至不让股东知晓,就擅自用公司资金为自己发放巨额奖金的公司高管和董事;还有那些在纷繁复杂的运营中,即便考虑也总是把那些向其提供资金者的利益放在最后的金融机构——这些都表明,我们对该原则的必要含义忽视到了何种程度。这些行为给个人造成的损失和痛苦,对建立在商业之上、依赖商业诚信的社会秩序所造成的伤害,是难以估量的。

It’s not that we were not warned about the consequences of our failure to honor the fiduciary principle that “no man can serve two masters,” and that fiduciary duty imposes a high standard of morality upon those entrusted with managing the property of others. Indeed, it was way back in 1934—75 years ago—in the aftermath of the Great Crash in the stock market that Supreme Court Justice Haslan Fiske Stone warned: The separation of ownership from management, the development of the corporate structure so as to vest in small groups control over the resources of great numbers of small and uninformed investors, make imperative a fresh and active devotion to [the] principle [that “no man can serve two masters] if the modern world of business is to perform its proper function. Yet those who serve nominally as trustees, but [are] relieved, by clever legal devices, from the obligation to protect those whose interests they purport to represent; corporate officers and directors who award to themselves huge bonuses from corporate funds without the assent or even the knowledge of their stockholders; [and] financial institutions which, in the infinite variety of their operations, consider only last, if at all, the interests of those who funds they command, suggest how far we have ignored the necessary implications of that principle. The loss and suffering inflicted on individuals, the harm done to a social order founded upon business and dependent upon its integrity, are incalculable.

斯通大法官 1934 年发表于《哈佛法律评论》文章中的这段话,在当今这个历史时刻具有同等的——甚至更强的——现实意义。对当前金融市场崩盘的根源,以及由此给美国和世界带来的经济危机,恐怕再找不到比这更切中要害的分析了。

Justice Stone’s words, excerpted from his 1934 essay in The Harvard Law Review, are equally relevant—perhaps even more relevant—at this moment in history. They could hardly present a more appropriate analysis of the causes of the present-day collapse of our financial markets and the resultant economic crisis now facing our nation and our world.

我们或许不该感到意外:不仅是我们的企业经理人,就连我们的资金经理人也会优先为自己谋利。诚如特拉华州衡平法院副院长小莱奥·E·斯特林所言:“倘若职业资金经理人作为一个阶层,其利用代理权的倾向反而低于那些制造产品、提供服务的公司经理人,那才是咄咄怪事。”在基金行业——迄今为止规模最大的金融中介——这种未能为基金股东利益服务的行为影响深远。讽刺的是,尽管《1940 年投资公司法》明确要求共同基金“应当以股东的利益……而非(基金)顾问的利益为出发点来组织、管理和运营”*,这种失职却依然发生了。† 投机战胜投资 随着美国企业的控制权从所有者转移到代理人手中,我们的机构资金经理人似乎忘记了他们的唯一责任——为委托人工作,那些委托人将自己的储蓄托付给共同基金,将退休保障托付给养老金计划。这些新兴的投资者/代理人不仅忘记了委托人的利益,似乎还忘记了自己的投资原则。机构投资策略的重心,从基于内在企业价值持久创造的长期投资智慧,转向了聚焦于公司股价短暂涨跌的短期投机蠢行。昔日的“买股票”策略,变成了今日的“租股票”策略。

Perhaps we shouldn’t be surprised that not only our business managers but our money managers act first in their own behalf. Indeed, as Vice Chancellor Leo E. Strine, Jr., of the Delaware Court of Chancery has observed, “It would be passing strange if . . . professional money managers would, as a class, be less likely to exploit their agency than the managers of the corporations that make products and deliver services.” In the fund industry—by far the largest of all financial intermediaries—that failure to serve the interests of fund shareholders has wide ramifications. Ironically, the failure has occurred despite the clear language of the Investment Company Act of 1940, which demands that, mutual funds “should be organized, managed and operated in the interests of their shareholders”* . . . “rather than in the interests of (their) advisers.”† The Triumph of Speculation over Investment As control over Corporate America moved from owners to agents, our institutional money managers seemed to forget their duty to act solely in the interest of their own principals, those whose savings were entrusted to mutual funds and whose retirement security was entrusted to pension plans. These new investor/agents not only forgot the interests of their principals, but also seemed to forget their own investment principles. The predominant focus of institutional investment strategy turned from the wisdom of long-term investing, based on the enduring creation of intrinsic corporate values, to the folly of short-term speculation, focused on the ephemeral prices of corporate stocks. The “own-a-stock” strategy of yore became the “rent-a-stock” strategy of today.

在我称之为企业管理者、董事、会计师、投资银行家以及机构持有者与租股者共同参与的“快乐共谋”中,各种匪夷所思的金融工程粉墨登场。管理层成了自身数字的主宰,而我们的公共会计师也大多随波逐流。宽松的会计准则使得凭空捏造所谓盈利成为可能,即便是在公认会计原则(GAAP)标准下也是如此。一个典型的例子——这已在为现在浮现的又一场金融危机埋下伏笔——就是即便对未来回报的理性预期已经恶化,依然夸大养老金计划假设的未来收益率。

In what I’ve called “the happy conspiracy” between corporate managers, directors, accountants, investment bankers, and institutional owners and renters of stocks, all kinds of bizarre financial engineering took place. Management became the master of its own numbers, and our public accountants too often went along. Loose accounting standards made it possible to create, often out of thin air, what passes for earnings, even under GAAP standards. One good example—which is already sowing the seeds of yet another financial crisis that is now emerging—is hyping the assumed future returns earned by pension plans, even as rational expectations for future returns deteriorated.

  • 《1940 年投资公司法》第一条。† 美国证券交易委员会 1981 年 3 月 15 日裁决。
  • Investment Company Act of 1940, Section One. † Securities and Exchange Commission decision, March 15, 1981.

再说一次,我们可不能说自己没有被提前充分警告过。在 1958 年全国金融分析师协会联合会大会上发言时,传奇投资家、《聪明的投资者》经典之作的作者本杰明·格雷厄姆描述了“我们在对普通股投资与投机的基本态度上,现在与过去之间一些截然不同的关系。”

Here again, we can’t say that we hadn’t been warned well in advance. Speaking before the 1958 Convention of the National Federation of Financial Analysts Societies, Benjamin Graham, legendary investor and author of the classic, “The Intelligent Investor, described “some contrasting relationships between the present and the past in our underlying attitudes toward investment and speculation in common stocks.”

过去,普通股的投机因素几乎完全存在于公司自身;它们源于不确定性、波动性因素,或行业及公司个体结构的根本弱点……但近年来,一种新的、主要的投机因素从公司外部进入了普通股领域。它来自股票购买公众及其顾问——主要是我们证券分析师——的态度和观点。这种态度可以用一句话概括:把首要重点放在未来预期上……未来前景的概念,尤其是持续增长的概念,促使人们运用高等数学公式来确定热门股票的现值。但精确公式与极不精确假设的结合,可以用来确定——或者说证明——任何想要的、无论多高的价值……只要有了这三个要素:(a)对盈利增长率的乐观假设,(b)将这种增长足够长时间地投射到未来,(c)复利的神奇作用——瞧!证券分析师就得到了一种新的点金石,可以为一只真正“好股票”产生或证明任何想要的估值。数学通常被认为能产生精确可靠的结果;但在股票市场,数学越复杂深奥,我们从中得出的结论就越不确定、越具有投机性……一旦微积分或高等代数登场,你就可以将其视为一个警告信号,表明操作者正试图用理论替代经验,并且通常也是在给投机披上投资那欺骗性的外衣……难道投资者和证券分析师没有吃过那棵分别善恶的知识树上的果子吗?这样一来,他们不是已经永远把自己赶出了那个能以合理价格从灌木丛中摘取有前途普通股的伊甸园吗?

In the past, the speculative elements of a common stock resided almost exclusively in the company itself; they were due to uncertainties, or fluctuating elements, or downright weaknesses in the industry, or the corporation’s individual setup . . . But in recent years a new and major element of speculation has been introduced into the common-stock arena from outside the companies. It comes from the attitude and viewpoint of the stock-buying public and their advisers—chiefly us security analysts. This attitude may be described in a phrase: primary emphasis upon future expectations . . . The concept of future prospects, and particularly of continued growth in the future, invites the application of formulas out of higher mathematics to establish the present value of the favored issues. But the combination of precise formulas with highly imprecise assumptions can be used to establish, or rather to justify, practically any value one wished, however high . . . Given the three ingredients of (a) optimistic assumptions as to the rate of earnings growth, (b) a sufficiently long projection of this growth into the future, and (c) the miraculous workings of compound interest—lo! the security analyst is supplied with a new kind of philosopher’s stone which can produce or justify any desired valuation for a really “good stock.” Mathematics is ordinarily considered as producing precise and dependable results; but in the stock market the more elaborate and abstruse the mathematics the more uncertain and speculative are the conclusions we draw therefrom . . . Whenever calculus is brought in, or higher algebra, you could take it as a warning signal that the operator was trying to substitute theory for experience, and usually also to give to speculation the deceptive guise of investment . . . Have not investors and security analysts eaten of the tree of knowledge of good and evil prospects? By so doing have they not permanently expelled themselves from that Eden where promising common stocks at reasonable prices could be plucked off the bushes?

这个明显的原罪比喻,反映了格雷厄姆对量化不可量化之物(且以虚假精确的方式)的深切担忧。1958 年格雷厄姆发言时,咬下量化投资这颗苹果的后果几乎还看不到。但到了 1990 年代末,这种新型投资行为已成主导力量,并且继续是席卷我们金融市场的证券投机的主要推手。

This obvious reference to Original Sin reflected Graham’s deep concern about quantifying the unquantifiable (and doing so with false precision). The implications of that bite into the apple of quantitative investing were barely visible when Graham spoke in 1958. But by the late 1990s, this new form of investment behavior had become a dominant force that continues to be a major driver of the securities speculation that has overwhelmed our financial markets.

现在请和我一起思考,我所描述的商业行为、价值观和道德的侵蚀,是如何被我们金融市场性质所发生的、深刻且基本未被注意的变化所助长的。这种变化反映了关于投资本质的两种根本对立的观点,可以说是两个截然不同的市场。一个是内在商业价值的真实市场。另一个是瞬时股价的预期市场。英国经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯将这种二分法描述为事业(“预测资产在其整个寿命期间的预期收益”)与投机(“预测市场的心理”)之间的区别。正如凯恩斯所预测的那样,投机压倒了事业,旧的股东社会变成了今天的代理社会,资本主义的价值观被严重侵蚀。

Consider with me now how the erosion in the conduct, values, and ethics of business that I have described has been fostered by the profound—and largely unnoticed—change that has taken place in the nature of our financial markets. That change reflects two radically different views of what investing is all about, two distinct markets, if you will. One is the real market of intrinsic business value. The other is the expectations market of momentary stock prices. The British economist John Maynard Keynes described this dichotomy as the distinction between enterprise (“forecasting the prospective yield of the asset over its whole life”) and speculation (“forecasting the psychology of the markets”). Just as Keynes forecast, speculation came to overwhelm enterprise, the old ownership society became today’s agency society, and the values of capitalism were seriously eroded.

令人惊叹的是,很久以前,这些有先见之明的警告就已发出。斯通大法官在 1934 年警告过我们。约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯在 1937 年警告过我们。本杰明·格雷厄姆在 1958 年警告过我们。难道现在还不是我们听从这三位远见卓识的思想巨人警告的时候吗?难道现在还不是我们站在他们肩膀上,使国家政策摆脱同行行为的道德相对主义、贪婪和短期投机——即对股价预期的赌博——的时候吗?难道现在还不是回归受托责任的道德绝对主义,回归我们注重建立公司内在价值的长期投资传统伦理——审慎、尽职调查、积极参与公司治理——的时候吗?

It is little short of amazing that long ago, these prescient warnings were issued. Justice Stone warned us in 1934. John Maynard Keynes warned us in 1937. Benjamin Graham warned us in 1958. Isn’t it high time for us to heed the warnings of those three far-sighted intellectual giants? Isn’t it high time we stand on their shoulders and shape national policy away from the moral relativism of peer conduct and greed and short-term speculation—gambling on expectations about stock prices? Isn’t it high time to return to the moral absolutism of fiduciary duty, to return to our traditional ethic of long-term investment focused on building the intrinsic value of our corporations—prudence, due diligence, and active participation in corporate governance?

所以,是的,现在是改革的时候了。今天的代理社会未能很好地服务公共利益。我们的资金经理代理人的失败不仅代表了现代资本主义的失败,也代表了现代资本家的失败。正如凯恩斯勋爵警告我们的那样,“当事业变成投机漩涡上的一个泡沫时,资本主义的工作就会做得一团糟。”这就是我们今天所处的位置,后果并不美好。

So, yes, now is time for reform. Today’s agency society has ill-served the public interest. The failure of our money manager agents represents not only a failure of modern-day capitalism, but a failure of modern-day capitalists. As Lord Keynes warned us, “when enterprise becomes a mere bubble on a whirlpool of speculation, the job of capitalism will be ill-done.” That is where we are today, and the consequences have not been pretty.

总的来说,我们如今占据主导地位的资金管理行业,其焦点已经从我们公司企业所创造、生产、分销的商品和服务的内在价值的持久本质,转向公司股票的短暂价格——感知战胜了现实。我们生活在一个吹捧公司股价远比建立公司自身内在价值容易得多的世界里。而且我们似乎已经忘记了本杰明·格雷厄姆关于短期感知的短暂性与长期现实的持久性之间对比的含蓄告诫:“从短期看,股市是一台投票机;从长期看,它是一台称重机。”

In all, our now-dominant money management sector has turned its focus away from the enduring nature of the intrinsic value of the goods and services created, produced, and distributed by our corporate businesses, and toward the ephemeral price of the corporation’s stock—the triumph of perception over reality. We live in a world in which it is far easier to hype the price of a company’s stock than it is to build the intrinsic value of the corporation itself. And we seem to have forgotten Benjamin Graham’s implicit caution about the transience of short-term perception, compared to the durability of long-term reality: “In the short run, the stock market is a voting machine; in the long run it is a weighing machine.”

共同基金行业 我关于现代资本主义失败的强烈论断,体现在以下几个方面:过高的高管薪酬;金融工程;盈利“指引”,以及若未能实现则估值大幅下跌;机构投资者之间巨大的、赌场式的交易;由巨额竞选捐款带来的惊人政治影响力;以及在金融领域,财富向交易员和管理者的过度转移,与他们为投资者财富所增加的价值完全不成比例。事实上,金融部门实际上是在从我们的社会中抽取价值。

The Mutual Fund Industry My strong statements regarding the failure of modern day capitalism are manifested in grossly excessive executive compensation; financial engineering; earnings “guidance,” with massive declines in valuations if it fails to be delivered; enormous, casino-like trading among institutional investors; staggering political influence, borne of huge campaign contributions; and, in the financial arena, bestowal of wealth to traders and managers that is totally disproportionate to the value they add to investors’ wealth. Indeed, the financial sector actually subtracts value from our society.

金融是经济学家所称的“寻租”行业,其中我们的中介机构——资金经理、经纪人、投资银行家——充当着每笔交易双方的代理人。我们的中介机构使一方与另一方对立,因此,原本为零和博弈的游戏变成了输家的游戏,仅仅是因为各种赌场管理员抽取了中介成本。(其他寻租者的例子包括赌场、法律体系和政府。想想看!)

Finance is what is known to economists as a “rent-seeking” enterprise, one in which our intermediaries—money managers, brokers, investment bankers—act as agents for parties on both sides of each transaction. Our intermediaries pit one party against another, so what would otherwise be a zero-sum game becomes a loser’s game, simply because of the intermediation costs extracted by the various croupiers. (Other examples of rent-seekers include casinos, the legal system, and government. Think about it!)

我对金融体系的运作方式有所了解,因为在我 58 年的职业生涯中,我一直身处其中。共同基金行业正是资本主义出问题的典型例证。以下仅举几例,说明众多基金经理在多大程度上背离了“一个人不能侍奉两个主”的基本受托原则,尽管 1940 年法案要求,主要的主人必须是共同基金股东:1. 基金董事会由同时担任控制基金的 management companies 高级管理人员的董事长和首席执行官所主导,这明显存在利益冲突,并违背了受托人标准。

I know something about how the financial system works, for I’ve been part of it for my entire 58-year career. The mutual fund industry is the paradigm of what’s gone wrong with capitalism. Here are just a few examples of how far so many fund managers have departed from the basic fiduciary principle that “no man can serve two masters,” despite the fact that the 1940 Act demands that the principal master must be the mutual fund shareholder: 1. The domination of fund boards by chairmen and chief executives who also serve as senior executives of the management companies that control the funds, an obvious conflict of interest and an abrogation of the fiduciary standard.

2. 专注于短期投机而非长期投资,预期投资最终压倒了实业投资,给基金经理和经纪人带来了巨大的财务收益,同时也给基金投资者带来了相应的巨大成本。

2. Focusing on short-term speculation over long-term investment, the ultimate triumph of expectations investing over enterprise investing, resulting in great financial benefits to fund managers and brokers, and commensurately great costs to fund investors.

3. 未能对基金投资组合中所选证券进行充分的尽职调查研究和分析,使得公司管理者能够从事各种形式的盈利管理和投机行为,而专业投资界在很大程度上对此不加约束。

3. Failure to exercise adequate due diligence in the research and analysis of the securities selected for fund portfolios, enabling corporate managers to engage in various forms of earnings management and speculative behavior, largely unchecked by the professional investment community.

4. 未能行使公司所有者的权利并承担相应责任,普遍忽视公司治理问题,并允许公司管理者将自己的财务利益置于股东利益之上。5. 基金费用飙升。随着 1980 年代和 1990 年代基金资产飙升,基金费用的增长甚至更快,这反映了更高的费率,以及管理者未能将管理资金所获得的巨大规模经济效应充分与基金股东分享。例如:1960 年规模最大的十只基金的平均费用率从 0.51% 上升到 2008 年的 0.96%,增长了 88%。(惠灵顿基金是唯一一只费用率下降的基金。剔除惠灵顿后,增幅为 104%。)

4. Failure to exercise the rights and assume the responsibilities of corporate ownership, generally ignoring issues of corporate governance and allowing corporate managers to place their own financial interests ahead of the interests of their shareowners. 5. Soaring fund expenses. As fund assets soared during the 1980s and 1990s, fund fees grew even faster, reflecting higher fee rates, as well as the failure of managers to adequately share the enormous economies of scale in managing money with fund shareholders. Example: the average expense ratio of the ten largest funds of 1960 rose from 0.51 percent to 0.96 percent in 2008, an increase of 88 percent. (Wellington Fund was the only fund whose expense ratio declined. Excluding Wellington, the increase was 104 percent.)

6. 向管理者所控制的共同基金收取的费用,远高于在竞争激烈的养老金管理领域收取的费用。例如,三家最大的顾问公司向其养老金客户收取的平均费率为资产规模的 0.08%,而向基金收取的费率为 0.61%,这导致养老金基金的年度费用仅为 60 万美元,而类似规模的共同基金(假设两个投资组合持有相同的股票)的年度费用则高达 5600 万美元。

6. Charging fees to the mutual funds that managers control that are far higher than the fees charged in the competitive field of pension fund management. Three of the largest advisers, for example, charge an average fee rate of 0.08 percent of assets to their pension clients and 0.61 percent to their funds, resulting in annual fees of just $600,000 for the pension fund and $56 million for the comparable mutual fund (and presumably holding the same stocks in both portfolios).

7. 允许对冲基金经理从事“跨时区”交易,从而稀释长期投资者持有的基金股份价值。这场几乎波及整个行业的巨大丑闻于 2003 年曝光。涉及约 23 家基金经理,其中包括该领域许多最大的公司——这实际上是共同基金经理和对冲基金经理之间为欺诈普通基金股东而达成的共谋。

7. Diluting the value of fund shares held by long-term investors, by allowing hedge fund managers to engage in “time zone” trading. This vast near-industry-wide scandal came to light in 2003. It involved some 23 fund managers, including many of the largest firms in the field—in effect, a conspiracy between mutual fund managers and hedge fund managers to defraud regular fund shareholders.

8. 与经纪人签订“付费进场”的销售协议,其中基金顾问使用基金经纪佣金(“软美元”)来资助股票销售,而这主要使顾问受益。

8. “Pay-to-play” distribution agreements with brokers, in which fund advisers use fund brokerage commissions (“soft dollars”) to finance share distribution that benefits primarily the adviser.

9. 花费巨额资金进行广告宣传——仅在过去两年就花费了近 5 亿美元——以吸引新的基金投资者,而所用资金来自现有基金股东。

9. Spending enormous amounts on advertising—almost a half-billion dollars in the last two years alone—to bring in new fund investors, using money obtained from existing fund shareholders.

10. 创建奇特的、未经检验的“产品”,这些产品被证明拥有极其短暂的营销吸引力,而非持久的投资诚信。

10. Creating exotic and untested “products” that have proved to have far more ephemeral marketing appeal than enduring investment integrity.

这十种做法中的每一种,似乎都明确构成了对受托原则的违反。

Each one of these ten practices, it seems clear, represents a violation of the fiduciary principle.

一段往事 尽管绝大多数金融机构的运营主要为了其管理者/代理人的利益,并以牺牲其委托人的利益为代价,但并非所有机构都如此。我现在要介绍一个例外,再次引用我在共同基金行业的个人经历。早在 38 年前,我就对基金行业的性质和结构表达了深切的担忧。仅仅三年后,我的信念就化为了行动,而在 35 年前的这个九月,我创立了一家公司,尽我所能,旨在践行受托原则。

A Piece of History While the overwhelming majority of financial institutions are operated primarily in the interests of their manager/agents and at the expense of their principals, not quite all do so. I now present one exception to this rule, drawing again on my personal experiences in the mutual fund industry. As far back as 38 years ago, I expressed profound concern about the nature and structure of the fund industry. Only three years later, my convictions led to action, and 35 years ago this September, I founded a firm designed, to the best of my ability, to honor the fiduciary principle.

我在 1971 年 9 月向威灵顿管理公司的合伙人阐述这一原则时——1971 年!——这明显违背了我自身的利益。我引用了之前提到过的斯通大法官的原话,接着补充道:我赞同这一观点,同时透露一个我由来已久的偏见:综合考虑……专业企业让公众持有股票是不可取的。这一约束既适用于资金管理者,也适用于医生、律师、会计师或建筑师。在他们的情况中,就像在我们身上一样,很难看出公众投资者能为企业带来什么独特贡献。他们通常不增加资本,不增加专业知识,也不为我们客户的福祉做贡献。事实上,可以设想一些情况,公众所有权带来的盈利及盈利增长压力,与专业组织的负责任运作是相悖的。尽管资金管理领域兼具两种属性,但商业与职业之间毕竟存在差异。

I expressed this principle when doing so was distinctly counter to my own self-interest. Speaking to my partners at Wellington Management Company in September 1971—1971!—I cited the very same words of Justice Stone which I cited earlier in these remarks. I then added: I endorse that view, and at the same time reveal an ancient prejudice of mine: All things considered . . . it is undesirable for professional enterprises to have public stockholders. This constraint is as applicable to money managers as it is to doctors, or lawyers, or accountants, or architects. In their cases, as in ours, it is hard to see what unique contribution public investors bring to the enterprise. They do not, as a rule, add capital; they do not add expertise; they do not contribute to the well-being of our clients. Indeed, it is possible to envision circumstances in which the pressure for earnings and earnings growth engendered by public ownership is antithetical to the responsible operation of a professional organization. Even though the field of money management has elements of both, there are, after all, differences between a business and a profession.

我的坦诚——威灵顿管理公司当时主要由公众投资者持有——很可能在我 1974 年 1 月被解雇为威灵顿管理公司首席执行官的过程中起到了推波助澜的作用。虽然这是一个复杂到今晚无法详述的故事,但我的解雇给了我一生难得的机会——为我们的基金创建一种以受托人为核心的新结构。我向威灵顿基金的董事们提出了这样一个结构。当然,威灵顿管理公司强烈反对我的努力。

My candor—Wellington Management was then owned largely by public investors—may well have played a supporting role in my dismissal as chief executive of Wellington Management Company in January 1974. While it’s a saga too complex to detail this evening, my firing gave me the chance of a lifetime—the opportunity to create a new fiduciary-focused structure for our funds. I proposed just such a structure to the directors of the Wellington funds. Wellington Management Company, of course, vigorously opposed my efforts.

尽管如此,经过数月研究,基金的董事们接受了我的建议,将基金自身的活动与其顾问和分销商分离,以便基金能够完全按照基金股东的利益运作。我们的新结构涉及创建一家新公司,于 1974 年 9 月 24 日注册成立,名为“先锋集团投资公司”,由基金拥有,雇用自己的高级管理人员和员工,并按“成本价”运营,这在该领域是独一无二的,是一个真正的共同基金组织。

Nonetheless, after months of study, the directors of the funds accepted my recommendation that we separate the activities of the funds themselves from their adviser and distributor, so that the funds could operate solely in the interests of our fund shareholders. Our new structure involved the creation of a new firm, incorporated on September 24, 1974, The Vanguard Group of Investment Companies, owned by the funds, employing their own officers and staff, and operated on an “at-cost” basis, would be unique in the field, a truly mutual mutual fund organization.

尽管先锋集团起步时的权限有限——仅为基金提供行政服务——但我意识到,如果我们想掌控自己的命运,还必须为我们的基金提供投资咨询和营销服务。因此,几乎在先锋集团于 1975 年 5 月开始运营后,我们立即开始行动,争取对这两项基本职能的实质性控制权。到年底,我们创建了世界上第一只指数共同基金,由先锋集团管理。

While Vanguard began with a limited mandate—to provide only administrative services to the funds—I realized that, if we were to control our own destiny, we would also have to provide both investment advisory and marketing services to our funds. So, almost immediately after Vanguard’s operations commenced in May 1975, we began our move to gain substantial control over these two essential functions. By year’s end, we had created the world’s first index mutual fund, run by Vanguard.

1977 年初,我们放弃了威灵顿自 1928 年以来一直运营的、由供给驱动、基于佣金的经纪商分销体系,转而采用由我们自主掌控的、由买方驱动的“免佣”模式。同年晚些时候,我们创建了有史以来第一批确定期限的债券基金系列,分为短期、中期和长期期限,专注于高投资品质。然后,在 1981 年,先锋集团承担起为我们新的固定收益基金以及已有的货币市场基金提供投资咨询服务的责任。(你可以想象,这些举措没有一项是没有争议的!)

Early in 1977, we abandoned the supply-driven, commission-based, broker-dealer distribution system that had been operated by Wellington since 1928, in favor of a buyer-driven, “no-load” approach under our own direction. Later that year, we created the first-ever series of defined-maturity bond funds, segmented into short-, intermediate-, and long-term maturities, focused on high investment quality. Then, in 1981, Vanguard assumed responsibility for providing the investment advisory services to our new fixed-income funds as well as our established money market funds. (As you can imagine, none of these moves was without controversy!)

让我给你讲讲这些变化的重要性。自成立以来,先锋基金的总资产已从 10 多亿美元增长到如今约 1 万亿美元。其中约 82% —— 8200 亿美元 —— 由我们先锋集团自行管理、分销和提供咨询的被动管理型指数基金、债券基金和货币市场基金构成。大约 25 家外部投资顾问为我们其余的(主动管理型)基金提供服务,其中威灵顿管理的资产占最大份额。(这些基金大多有多位顾问,以便更好地缓解相对于同类基金表现不佳的风险。)

Let me give you some sense of the importance of those changes. Since our formation, the assets of the Vanguard funds have grown from $1 billion-plus to some $1 trillion today. Some 82 percent of that trillion—$820 billion—is represented by our passively-managed index funds, bond funds, and money market funds that we at Vanguard manage, distribute, and advise. Some 25 external investment advisers serve our remaining (actively-managed) funds, with Wellington advising by far the largest portion of those assets. (Most of these funds have multiple advisers, the better to mitigate the risk of underperformance relative to their peers.).

顺便提一句,这一连串的商业决策是在先锋集团的存亡长期悬而未决的时期做出的。因为美国证券交易委员会最初拒绝批准先锋集团承担营销和分销职责。经过长达六年(漫长无比!)的斗争,SEC 才改变了立场。1981 年 2 月,委员会一致投票宣布:先锋集团的计划符合(1940 年投资公司法)的条款、政策和宗旨。它实际上推进了该法的目标……增强了基金的独立性……在合理的公平范围内使每只基金受益……(带来了)顾问费削减带来的大量节约(以及)规模经济……并促进了一个健康且可行的共同基金综合体,使每只基金都能更好地繁荣发展。

More than parenthetically, that long string of business decisions was made during a long period in which Vanguard’s very existence was in doubt. For the Securities and Exchange Commission had initially refused to approve Vanguard’s assumption of marketing and distribution responsibilities. Only after a struggle lasting six (interminable!) years did the SEC reverse itself. In February 1981, by unanimous vote, the Commission declared that: The Vanguard plan is consistent with the provisions, policies, and purposes of the (Investment Company Act of 1940). It actually furthers the Act’s objectives . . . enhances the funds’ independence . . . benefits each fund within a reasonable range of fairness . . . . . . (provides) substantial savings from advisory fee reductions (and) economies of scale . . . and promotes a healthy and viable mutual fund complex in which each fund can better prosper.

A Prescient SEC?

A Prescient SEC?

确实如此!SEC 的这番话现在看来很有先见之明。事实上,用“最佳地(而非更好地)繁荣发展”会更准确。根据晨星公司基于同行的评级体系——将每只基金与其他具有明显可比政策和目标的基金进行比较——先锋集团在 40 家最大的基金综合体中业绩排名第一。主要由于我们为基金股东带来的有竞争力的回报,我们在长期基金(股票和债券基金)资产中的市场份额,已从我们早期占行业资产的 4% 上升到现在的 15%。

Indeed! The SEC’s words now seem prescient. In fact, “can best (rather than better) prosper” would have been more accurate. Measured by Morningstar’s peer-based rating system— comparing each fund with other funds having distinctly comparable policies and objectives— Vanguard ranked first in performance among the 40 largest fund complexes. Largely because of the competitive returns that we’ve delivered to our fund shareholders, our market share of the assets of long-term funds (stock and bond funds) has risen from 4 percent of industry assets in our early years to 15 percent today.

顾问费削减和规模经济?再次,确实如此。先锋集团的低成本堪称传奇,是该领域内最低的。去年,总体而言,我们的运营费用率占平均资产的 0.20%,而普通共同基金为 1.30%。这 1.1 个百分点的节省,应用于 1 万亿美元的资产,现在每年为我们的股东平均节省 110 亿美元。低成本重要吗?当然重要!正如投资界终于开始认识到的那样,低成本是预测卓越基金业绩的最可靠单一指标。是的,正如我们在荷马的《奥德赛》中所读到的那样,“公平交易最终会带来更多利润。”

Advisory fee reductions and economies of scale? Once again, indeed. Vanguard’s low-costs are legendary, by far the lowest in the field. Last year, over all, our operating expense ratio came to 0.20 percent of average assets, compared to 1.30 percent for the average mutual fund. That 1.1 percentage point saving, applied to one trillion of assets, now gives our shareholders an average savings of $11 billion annually. Do low costs matter? Of course they do! As the world of investing is at last beginning to understand, low costs are the single most reliable indicator of superior fund performance. Yes, as we read in Homer’s The Odyssey, “fair dealing yields more profit in the end.”

如果你愿意接受——基于这些可靠数据——先锋集团既取得了商业上的成功(资产增长和市场份额),也取得了艺术上的成功(卓越的业绩和低成本),你一定会奇怪,为什么在成立近 35 年后,没有其他公司选择效仿我们这种以股东为导向的结构。(一个特别具有讽刺意味的结果,因为我选择先锋这个名字,部分原因正是其常规定义“新潮流的引领者”。)我认为答案可以简洁地概括:在我们的成本结构下,所有该死的利润都流向了基金股东,而不是管理者,从而解决了困扰共同基金行业的重大利益冲突。无论如何,这位引领者,可以说,至今还没有找到第一个追随者。

If you are willing to accept—based on that solid data—that Vanguard has achieved both commercial success (asset growth and market share) and artistic success (superior performance and low costs), you must wonder why, after nearly 35 years of existence, no other firm has elected to emulate our shareholder-oriented structure. (A particularly ironic outcome since I chose the name Vanguard in part because of its conventional definition as “leader in a new trend.”) The answer, I think, can be expressed succinctly: under our at-cost structure, all of the darned profits go not to the managers, but to the fund shareholders, resolving the transcendent conflict of interest that besets the mutual fund industry. In any event, the leader, as it were, has yet to find its first follower.

为了重建金融世界 先锋集团代表了我在既定受托责任原则下,将基金投资者和基金管理者的利益保持一致的最佳努力。我让比我更聪明——当然也更客观——的人来评估我是否夸大或渲染了我们所取得的成就,即使我坦承我们的成就归功于三个简单的原则:该公司(1)在结构上是正确的(因为我们由基金投资者拥有);(2)在数学上是正确的(因为投资中产生的成本越低,回报越高,这是一个重言式);(3)在伦理上是正确的(因为我们的存在完全依赖于从股东那里赢得远超任何同行的信任和忠诚)。根据独立研究公司反复进行的忠诚度评估,我们第一的位置根本没有接近的竞争者。请对这个自利的主张持适当的怀疑态度,但看看数据。在 2007 年的一项调查中,一个这样的团体得出结论:“先锋集团产生的忠诚度远超任何其他公司。”* 创建和重组先锋集团绝非易事。没有决心、专业知识、运气、时机以及少数几个人所扮演的关键角色,这一切根本不可能发生。所以,当我建议我们现在必须超越重组单一公司的性质和价值观,转而重组整个资金管理行业的性质和价值观时,我非常清楚完成这项宏大任务将有多么困难。

To Build the Financial World Anew Vanguard represented my best effort to align the interests of fund investors and fund managers under established principles of fiduciary duty. I leave it to wiser—and surely more objective—heads than mine to evaluate whether or not I overstate or hyperbolize what we have accomplished, even as I freely acknowledge that we owe our accomplishments to the three simple principles: the firm is (1) structurally correct (since we are owned by our fund investors); (2) mathematically correct (since it is a tautology that the lower the costs incurred in investing, the higher the returns); and (3) ethically correct (since we exist only by earning far greater trust and loyalty from our shareholders than any of our peers). Measured by repeated evaluations of loyalty by independent research firms, there’s simply no close rival for our #1 position. Please be appropriately skeptical of that self-serving claim, but look at the data. In a 2007 survey, one such group concluded, “Vanguard Group generates far more loyalty than any other company.” Creating and restructuring Vanguard was no easy task. Without determination, expertise, luck, timing, and the key roles played by just a handful of individuals, it never could have happened. So when I suggest that we must now go beyond restructuring the nature and values of a single firm to restructuring the nature and values of the entire money management business, I am well aware of how difficult it will be to accomplish that sweeping task.

  • Cogent Research 数据,据《华尔街日报》2007 年 3 月 15 日报道。我们的忠诚度得分(强烈支持者百分比减去强烈反对者百分比)为 +44;排名第二的公司得分为 +21。基金行业的得分是可怜的 -12。

 Cogent Research data, as reported in The Wall Street Journal, date March 15, 2007. Our loyalty score (percentage of strong supporters minus strong detractors) was plus 44; the number two firm was rated at plus 21. The fund industry scored a pathetic minus 12.

我们必须做的是发展一种新的受托人社会,它应保证我们的最终所有者——那些共同基金股东和养老金计划受益人,他们的储蓄岌岌可危——作为投资委托人的权利。这些权利必须包括:(1)有权要求他们的资金管理者/代理人完全代表他们行事。简而言之,客户必须是国王。

What we must do is develop a new fiduciary society which guarantees that our last-line owners—those mutual fund shareholders and pension fund beneficiaries whose savings are at stake—their rights as investment principals. These rights must include: (1) The right to have their money-manager/agents act solely in their behalf. The client, in short, must be king.

(2)有权依赖我们的资金管理者和证券分析师履行应有的勤勉和高专业标准,他们负责评估我们投资组合中的证券。(3)有权确保我们的代理人将作为负责任的企业公民,将股票所有权的被忽视的权利归还给他们的委托人,并要求公司董事和管理者履行他们对自身股东的受托责任。(4)有权要求我们提供的共同基金和金融“产品”具备某种纪律性和诚信。

(2) The right to rely on due diligence and high professional standards on the part of our money managers and securities analysts who appraise securities for our portfolios. (3) The assurance that our agents will act as responsible corporate citizens, restoring to their principals the neglected rights of ownership of stocks, and demanding that corporate directors and managers meet their fiduciary duty to their own shareholders. (4) The right to demand some sort of discipline and integrity in the mutual funds and financial “products” that we offer.

(5)建立顾问费结构,使其满足“合理性”标准,该标准不仅基于费率,还要基于美元数额,以及这些费用与管理者其他客户可获得的费用和结构之间的关系。

(5) The establishment of advisory fee structures that meet a “reasonableness” standard based not only on rates but dollar amounts, and their relationship to the fees and structures available to other clients of the manager.

(6)总之,要达到 1940 年法案的标准,即基金事实上是“为了股东的利益而组织、运营和管理的”,通过消除所有可能阻碍实现这些目标的利益冲突。

(6) In all, measuring up to the 1940 Act standard that funds are in fact “organized, operated, and managed in the interest of their shareholders,” by eliminating of all conflicts of interest that could preclude the achievement of these goals.

我应该指出,这最后一条规定似乎会排除金融集团对资金管理公司的所有权,而金融集团目前是共同基金行业的主导组织形式。在当今最大的 40 家基金综合体中,只有 6 家仍为私人持有。其余 34 家包括 13 家股份由公众直接持有的公司,以及总数惊人的 21 家由美国及国际金融集团拥有或控制的基金管理公司——包括高盛、美国银行、德意志银行、ING、约翰·汉考克和加拿大永明金融。尽管这样的分离可能令人痛苦,但金融集团对资金管理公司的所有权是最公然违反“一人不能侍二主”这一原则的行为。

I should note that this final provision would seem to preclude the ownership of money management firms by financial conglomerates, now the dominant form of organization in the mutual fund industry. Among today’s 40 largest fund complexes, only six remain privately-held. The remaining 34 include 13 firms whose shares are held directly by the public, and an astonishing total of 21 fund managers owned or controlled by U.S. and international financial conglomerates—including Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Deutsche Bank, ING, John Hancock, and Sun Life of Canada. Painful as such a separation might be, conglomerate ownership of money managers is the single most blatant violation of the principle that “no man can serve two masters.”

当然,这需要联邦政府采取行动,来促成我所设想的这个新型受托人社会的诞生。首要之事是,必须毫不含糊地表明政府有意愿、也有能力执行托管与受托责任的标准,让资金管理人以服务于受益人(主要是共同基金份额持有者和我们养老金计划的受益人)的唯一目的独家利益来运作。正如企业改革家罗伯特·蒙克斯准确指出的那样:“没有所有者的资本主义将走向失败。”我们早该着手改革这项任务了。

Of course it will take federal government action to foster the creation of this new fiduciary society that I envision. Above all else, it must be unmistakable that government intends, and is capable of enforcing, standards of trusteeship and fiduciary duty under which money managers operate with the sole purpose and in the exclusive benefit of the interests of their beneficiaries—largely the owners of mutual fund shares and the beneficiaries of our pension plans. If, as corporate reformer Robert Monks accurately points out, “capitalism without owners will fail,” it’s high time we began the task of reform.

政府的角色 完成这项任务不能指望那些胆小怕事的人,很可能需要任命一个由我们最睿智、最受尊敬、最见多识广的公民组成的全国委员会。自从我们国家的开国元勋将公司注册权授予各州以来,我们的公司一直依据各州的法律注册成立。联邦政府很可能需要(至少部分地)取代这些互不相同的州法律。虽然我们大多数人珍视这样一种信念:经济与国家分离,对于资本主义和自由而言都至关重要;但我们也理解,人民政府必须时不时地介入,努力解决新奇而复杂的问题。现在就是这样的时刻。

The Role of Government The accomplishment of that task cannot be left to the fainthearted, and will likely require the appointment of a national commission composed of our wisest, most respected, and best-informed citizens. The federal government will likely need to preempt, at least in part, the multiple state laws under which our corporations have been chartered ever since our nation’s founders granted that power to the individual states. While most of us cherish the belief that the separation of the economy from the state is as essential for capitalism as it is for liberty, we also understand that from time to time the people’s government must step in and work to solve novel and complex problems. This is one of those times.

传统上,美国的政党在哲学上存在分歧:一方是所谓的自由主义传统,主张利用国家政府来促进平等和社会正义;另一方是所谓的保守主义传统,以保护自由、个人自由和个人责任为名,主张限制国家政府。然而,据《纽约时报》的大卫·布鲁克斯称:“在美国历史的大部分时期,始终存在着第三种传统(如今已沉寂),它信奉的是以社会流动和国家统一为名,建立一个有限但积极有为的政府。这第三种传统由亚历山大·汉密尔顿创立,由亨利·克莱继承,被亚伯拉罕·林肯发扬光大,并由西奥多·罗斯福带入了 20 世纪……汉密尔顿出身卑微,他的政治生涯致力于创造一个尽可能多的人都能复制他非凡成功的世界。[他]在独立后环视四周,看到了一个注定成为地球上最伟大帝国的国家,并试图解放和激励美国人去充分利用他们全部的能力。”

Traditionally, America’s political parties have been philosophically divided between a so-called liberal tradition favoring the use of the national government to foster equality and social justice, and a so-called conservative tradition favoring limited national government in the name of protecting liberty, freedom, and personal responsibility. According to David Brooks of The New York Times, however: Through much of American history there has always been a third tradition, now dormant, which believed in limited but energetic government in the name of social mobility and national union. This third tradition was founded by Alexander Hamilton, embraced by Henry Clay, taken up by Abraham Lincoln and brought into the 20th century by Theodore Roosevelt. . . . Hamilton came from nothing and spent his political career trying to create a world in which as many people as possible could replicate his amazing success. [He] looked around after independence and saw a country destined to become the greatest empire of the earth, and sought to liberate and stir Americans to exploit the full range of their capacities.

汉密尔顿相信,通过政府来促进更公平的竞争,可以增强市场的活力。他相信政府可以有效地推动社会革命……拒绝接受今天过于常见的公式:你只能在政府与市场之间选一个,不能两者都选。他将创业自由、有限但积极的联邦权力以及国家的伟大视为密不可分的品质。汉密尔顿心中最重要的始终是美国所代表的事业——普世自由——它激发个人的主动性,也将这种能量的成果汇聚到国家伟大的事业中。

Hamilton believed in using government to enhance market dynamism by fostering more equitable competition. He believed government could usefully promote social revolutions . . . rejecting the formula, assumed too often today, that you can be for government or for the market, but not for both. He saw entrepreneurial freedom, limited but energetic federal power, and national greatness as qualities that were inextricably linked. It was always the cause America represents—universal freedom—that was uppermost in Hamilton’s mind, spurring individual initiative, but also gathering the fruits of that energy in the cause of national greatness.

如果亚历山大·汉密尔顿今天还活着,我简直无法想象他会不同意这样的观点:是时候恢复我们资本主义体系的诚信了,也是时候反思国家的投资流程了。在当今这种错误的资本主义版本中,企业管理者掌控着我们的商业财富,几乎不受传统看门人的制约;而投资界又过于关注短期股价,对挑战管理者的地盘缺乏动力,因为他们对长期的企业内在价值关注太少。我相信,联邦层面的受托责任标准将在扭转这一关注点上发挥重要作用。

Were Alexander Hamilton alive today, I simply cannot imagine that he would not agree with the notion that it’s high time to restore the integrity of our system of capitalism, and high time to rethink the nation’s investment process. In today’s wrongheaded version of capitalism, corporate managers are in charge of our business wealth, almost unchecked by traditional gatekeepers; and the investment community is too heavily focused on short-term stock prices and too lightly focused on long-term intrinsic corporate values to challenge their domain. I believe that a federal standard of fiduciary duty would play a major role in reversing that focus.

由于公司(在相当程度上)表现得好像它们自己就是所有者,这种恶性循环已经形成,我们的投资中介机构也证明了自己不愿动用其潜在权力。此外,即使是对于那些有动力行使权力的中介机构来说,那些过时得无可救药的代理投票规则也束缚了这种权力的行使。而在一扇僵化的监管大门上哪怕打开一条小缝隙——这扇门拒绝让所有者合理接触到公司代理声明,从而剥夺了他们的所有者权利——其前景也显得越来越暗淡。随着共同基金管理者牢牢地坐在基金自身治理的驾驶座上,我们成了一个体系的俘虏:在这个体系里,公司的董事和基金的董事似乎不仅不愿意、而且没有能力去承担看门人作为受托人的角色和责任——即把股东的利益作为自己最高优先级的受托人。

Given the vicious circle in which corporations, in important degree, act as if they own themselves, our investment intermediaries have proven reluctant to use their latent power. Further, even for those intermediaries who have the motivation to exercise it, hopelessly archaic proxy rules serve to handcuff the exercise of that power. And the prospects seem increasingly dim for opening even a tiny crack in the rigid regulatory doorway that precludes owners from their rights of ownership by denying them reasonable access to corporate proxy statements. With mutual fund managers firmly ensconced in the driver’s seat of the governance of the funds themselves, we are captives of a system in which both corporate directors and fund directors seem not only unwilling but unable to take on the role and responsibility of the gatekeeper as a steward, one who holds the interests of the shareholder as his highest priority.

总结 所以,我——很不耐烦地——等待着卡多佐大法官多年前如此精彩描述的标准回归,摘录如下:那些受受托关系约束的人……(被要求)遵循比市场道德更严格的标准……一条坚定且根深蒂固的传统……不仅要求诚实,还要求对荣誉最敏锐的恪守……一种行为标准……高于芸芸众生所践行的层次。

Summing Up So I await—with no great patience!—the return of the standard so beautifully described by Justice Cardozo all those years ago, excerpts from his words: Those bound by fiduciary ties . . . (are) held to something stricter than the morals of the marketplace . . . a tradition unbending and inveterate . . . not honesty alone but the punctilio of an honor the most sensitive . . . a level of conduct . . . higher than that trodden by the crowd.

我所倡导的游戏规则变更——对机构资金管理人施加联邦层面的受托责任标准,要求其对客户负责——其设计目的是,反过来迫使这些管理人利用其所有者地位,要求那些他们投资了其股份的企业,其管理者和董事也同样尊重对其股东所负有的受托责任。最终,正是这两大群体共同承担着审慎管理托付给他们的公司资产和投资证券的责任。这不仅仅是改革当今有缺陷且充满冲突的模式,而是要发展一种新的模式,这种模式至多能恢复传统的道德风尚。

The change in the rules of the game that I advocate—applying to institutional money managers a federal standard of fiduciary duty to their clients—would be designed in turn to force these managers to use their own ownership position to demand that the managers and directors of the business corporations in whose shares they invest also honor their own fiduciary duty to the holders of their shares. Finally, it is these two groups that share the responsibility for the prudent stewardship over corporate assets and investment securities alike that have been entrusted to their care, not only reforming today’s flawed and conflict-ridden model, but developing a new model that, at best, will restore traditional ethical mores.

我以《圣经》中的一段话(约翰福音 10: 11-13)作为结尾:“我是好牧人;好牧人为羊舍命。若是雇工,不是牧人,羊也不是他自己的,他看见狼来,就撇下羊逃走;狼抓住羊,赶散了羊群。雇工逃走,因他是雇工,并不顾念羊。”

I close with a Biblical quotation (John 10: 11-13): I am the good shepherd: the good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep. But he that is a hireling, and not the shepherd, whose own the sheep are not, seeth the wolf coming, and leaveth the sheep, and fleeth: and the wolf catcheth them, and scattereth the sheep. The hireling fleeth, because he is an hireling, and careth not for the sheep.”

这个寓言提醒我们,我们的金融雇工并没有保护我们这群羊免受制造这场金融危机的狼群侵害,要么是因为他们没有看到狼群的到来,要么是看到了并决定逃离资本主义的牧场。因此,我们必须努力发展一种新的文化,一种道德文化,在这种文化中,我们做自己的牧羊人,并要求我们的受托人——那些雇工——将我们的利益放在首位。

This parable reminds us that our financial hirelings didn’t protect us sheep from the wolves that created this financial crisis, either because they didn’t see them coming, or saw them and decided to flee the pastures of capitalism. So we must work to develop a new culture, an ethical culture, in which we act as our own shepherds, and demand that our fiduciary-hirelings place our interests first.