李录论现代化讨论

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(一篇中文著作的英译本)《文明、现代化与中国》——李录 2014 年 7 月 写于美国加利福尼亚州帕萨迪纳市

目录

第一章 老问题与新历史 …3

第二章 人类文明的轨迹 …9

第三章 人类文明从 1.0、2.0 到 3.0 的演进及第一次伟大跃升 …16

第四章 农业文明的诞生 …25

第五章 农业文明的天花板与三次冲击 …32

第六章 农业文明的思想革命与制度创新 …41

第七章 美洲大陆的发现及其划时代影响 …50

第八章 现代化时代的诞生 …57

第九章 中国能否成为现代化的诞生地? …64

第十章 现代化的传播与不同道路 …73

第十一章 现代化的本质与铁律 …80

第十二章 未来几十年的中国——经济 …87

第十三章 未来几十年的中国——文化 …93

第十四章 未来几十年的中国——政治 …103

第十五章 文明 3.0 时代的东方与西方关系 …111

第十六章 人类共同的命运 …117

第一章 老问题与新历史

引言:为何近代中国与西方之间如此悬殊?中国如何克服这种差距?赶超之后的中国会是什么样,能否重拾昔日的荣耀?今天,借助新史学,以及经济学、生物学等自然科学、中国历史传统的研究,我们可以把中国的现代化置于整个人类文明演化的宏大历程中来审视——这一历程跨越了数万年。由此,我们能够以前所未有的深度理解并回答现代中国人关心的这三大问题。此外,基于这种理解,我们还能对中国的未来做出相对可靠的预测。

(an English translation of the original work in Chinese) a Discussion of Modernization Li Lu July 2014, Pasadena, California, USA Table of Contents Chapter 1 Old Problems and the New History ....................................................3 Chapter 2 The Trajectory of Human Civilization ...............................................9 Chapter 3 Evolution of Human Civilization from 1.0, 2.0, to 3.0, and the First Great Leap of Human Civilization .....................................................................16 Chapter 4 The Birth of Agricultural Civilization ..............................................25 Chapter 5 Agricultural Civilization’s Hard Ceiling and the Three Attempts to Reached It ...........................................................................................................32 Chapter 6 Agricultural Civilization’s Revolution of Thought and Institutional Innovations ..........................................................................................................41 Chapter 7 The Discovery of the American Continent and its Epochal Impact .50 Chapter 8 The Birth of The Modern Age ..........................................................57 Chapter 9 Could China have been the birthplace of modernization? ...............64 Chapter 10 The Spread of Modernization and Competing Paths to Modernization .....................................................................................................73 Chapter 11 The Nature of Modernization and Its Iron Law .............................80 Chapter 12 China in the coming decades – Economics ....................................87 Chapter 13 China in the coming decades - Culture..........................................93 Chapter 14 A Forecast for China in the Coming Decades - Politics...............103 Chapter 15 East-West Relations in the Age of Civilization 3.0......................111 Chapter 16 Humnity’s Common Destiny ........................................................117 Chapter 1 Old Problems and the New History Introduction: Why was there such a vast disparity between China and the West in the modern era? How could China overcome this disparity? What would China look like after it has caught up, and could it recapture its past glory? Today, by using new historiography, together with economics, biology and other natural sciences as well as studies of China’s historical traditions, we can place China’s modernization within the context of the entire course of evolving human civilization, which lasted tens of thousands of years. We can thereby come to an unprecedentedly deep understanding of, and provide answers to, these three major questions of concern to modern Chinese. In addition, we can make relatively reliable predictions about China’s future based on this understanding.

在 1840 年鸦片战争带来的屈辱与挫败中,大多数中国人开始思考三个问题:中国与西方为何差距如此悬殊?中国如何缩小这一差距?赶超之后的中国会是什么模样,它能重拾昔日的辉煌吗?时至今日,这三个问题依然萦绕在中国人的心头,并被各界精英不断探索。

Amidst the anguish of their backwardness and of the beating they took during the 1840 Opium War, most Chinese people began to contemplate these three questions: Why was there such a vast disparity between China and the West? How could China overcome this disparity? What would China look like after it had caught up, and could it recapture its past glory? To this day, these three questions continue to bedevil the minds of the Chinese people, and they have been constantly explored by elites from various circles.

大约 250 年前,在同一历史时期已先行一步的西方精英们,开始思考这种新世界格局背后的原因。当时的西方已经远远领先于世界其他地区,而在接下来的 200 多年里,这种领先优势迅速奠定了西方在全球的主导地位。西方为何能够统治世界?这种统治能否持续?

Beginning around the same time approximately 250 years ago, Western elites, who had moved ahead during the same historical period, began to ponder the causes behind this new world situation. The West was already far ahead of other regions in the world, and over the next 200 or more years, the advantages of this lead resulted in the rapid formation of the West’s global dominance. Why was the West able to rule the world? Can such rule continue?

尽管东西方之辩似乎对不同人群激起了截然相反的情绪反应,但这其实是同一枚硬币的两面。过去两百多年来,东方衰落与西方主导的格局,始终是中西方各界精英的核心关切。围绕这个议题,各种理论学说层出不穷,但至今未能达成共识。现有理论在解释历史和预测未来两方面似乎都力有未逮。它们最大的共同点是审视的历史跨度都相对较短:有的回溯百年,至多不过千年。这个历史视域仍然太过狭窄。1840 年李鸿章(晚清最重要的政治家、军事家、外交家之一)所言中国正面临“三千年未有之变局”,确实是对历史的深刻洞见。然而直至近代,人们研究历史主要依靠文字记载。西方文字已存在 5500 年,中国文字也有 3300 年以上历史。文字记载的历史覆盖了人类整个进化历程的不到百分之一,这显然不足以追溯和阐释人类进化的完整过程。此外,传统史学本身也带有偏见和局限。仅仅依赖文字历史提供的视角,无法让我们充分回答上述问题。幸运的是,过去几十年,随着一系列科学领域的突破为理解更悠久的历史提供了全新工具,传统史学已发生了根本性变革。

While these issues of East and West appear to invoke opposite emotional responses to different group of people, they are in fact two sides of the same matter. The waning of the East and the dominance of the West during the past 200 or more years has consistently been a core concern for world elites from various walks of life both in China and the West. All sorts of theories and doctrines have emerged on this subject, but to this day a consensus has yet to be achieved. Existing theories seem limited both in their ability to explain history and to predict the future. Their greatest commonality is the relatively short historical interval they look at: some go back a hundred years, others at most a thousand years. This field of historical vision is still too narrow. The statement of Li Hongzhang (one of the most important Chinese politician, general and diplomat of the late Qing dynasty) in 1840 that China was facing “changes unseen in three thousand years” was indeed a profound insight about history. Yet until the modern age, people studied history primarily through written records. Writing has existed in the West for 5,500 years and in China for 3,300 or more years. Written historical records cover less than one percent of mankind’s entire evolutionary history, which is clearly insufficient for tracing and interpreting the entire course of human evolution. Moreover, traditional historiography itself has biases and limitations. Merely relying on the perspectives offered by written histories will not allow us to fully answer the above questions. Fortunately, traditional historiography has been fundamentally transformed over the past several decades, as a series of breakthroughs in scientific disciplines have provided completely new tools which enable us to understand a much longer span of history.

放射性碳定年法于 1949 年被正式发现。这项技术使我们能够利用碳同位素的半衰期,以相对较高的精度测定物体的年代。与遗传学相结合,这项新技术使研究文字出现之前的历史时代实现了质的飞跃。自那时起,世界各地不断出土的文物成为比文字记录更为重要的考古证据。自 20 世纪 50 年代以来,DNA 结构的发现引发了生物学的快速发展,推动了分子生物学、遗传生物学和进化生物学等学科的诞生。这些学科与其他学科的融合,使科学家首次对人类自身的进化历史有了相对全面的认识。2012 年,生物学家 E.O. 威尔逊正式提出了一个完整的人类起源理论,并发表在他的著作《地球的社会征服》中。这是自达尔文以来人类进化研究领域最重大的进展之一。

Radio carbon dating was officially discovered in 1949. This technology allows us to use the half-life of carbon isotopes to date an object with relatively high accuracy. Combined with genetics, this new technology has made possible a quantum leap forward in studying the history of the era before the appearance of written languages. Ever since, relics which have been continuously unearthed all around the world have become archeological evidence even more important than written records. Since the 1950s, the discovery of DNA’s structure led to a period of rapid development in biology which hastened the births of disciplines such as molecular biology, genetic biology, and evolutionary biology. The integration of these with other disciplines allowed scientists to have, for the first time, a relatively comprehensive understanding of human evolutionary history itself. In 2012, biologist E.O. Wilson formally suggested a complete theory of human origins, which he published in his work The Social Conquest of Earth. This was one of the greatest developments in the study of human evolution since Darwin.

1919 年,塞尔维亚地球物理学家米卢廷·米兰科维奇提出了米兰科维奇循环理论。该理论最终在 20 世纪 70 年代得到证实,数学证明表明,与地球自转轴角度及其进动相关的离心力影响了地球与太阳之间的距离。这使得地球大气层产生了长期大周期,每个周期大约持续 10 万年。这一理论首次帮助人类理解了冰河期的成因和时间,并能够预测在一个大周期内未来冰河期何时出现。2004 年,科学家在南极钻了一个两英里深的洞,从多年积雪形成的冰层中收集了过去 74 万年的气候数据,以及同期人类活动对大气影响的数据。这些数据还复原了过去数万年间人类活动在大气中留下的一些痕迹。

In 1919, the Serbian geophysicist Milutin Milankovitch proposed Milankovitch cycles. This theory was finally verified in the 1970s, and it was mathematically proven that the centrifugal force related to the earth’s angle of rotational axis and its precession influenced the distance between the earth and the sun. This creates long-term major cycles in the earth’s atmosphere, each lasting approximately 100,000 years. This theory helped people to understand for the first time the cause and timing of the ice age, as well as to predict when future ice ages would occur within a major cycle. In 2004, scientists drilled a two mile deep hole at the South Pole, and from the ice sheet formed by snow accumulated over many years they collected climate data from the past 740,000 years, as well as data on the impact of human activity on the atmosphere during this period. These data also recovered some of the traces left by human activities in the atmosphere over the past tens of millennia.

1987 年,在美国遗传学家丽贝卡·卡恩领导下,科学家们得出了一个当时令人震惊的结论:所有女性都拥有一位共同的祖先,她生活在非洲。她被称为非洲夏娃,大约出生于 20 万年前。此后,这一结论不断被各种研究所证实,但夏娃出现的时间被推前到了大约 15 万年前。不久之后,科学家们还发现了非洲亚当,即所有男性的共同祖先。这一重大发现证明,所有现代人类都源于同一祖先。在任何大型群体中,诸如智力、勤奋、创造力、利他倾向等人类特质,其分布都极为相似。这一结论对传统观点构成了巨大挑战,也粉碎了任何以种族或文化差异为基础来论证西方或东方优越性的理论。

In 1987, scientists led by American geneticist Rebecca Cann came to a conclusion that astounded people at the time: all females share a common ancestor who lived in Africa. She was called the African Eve, and was born approximately 200,000 years ago. This conclusion has since been continuously verified by various studies, but the time during which Eve appeared has been pushed forward to approximately 150,000 years ago. Soon thereafter, scientists also discovered the African Adam, the ancestor of all males. This major discovery proved that all present-day humans originated from the same ancestors. In any large groups, human traits such as intelligence, diligence, creativity, and altruistic tendencies show extremely similar distributions. This conclusion posed a huge challenge to traditional views and shattered any theories which took racial or cultural differences as the basis to explain the superiority of either the West or East.

正是各学科的重大发展,为新史学(new historiography)的出现奠定了基础。新史学是一种方法论,它利用各领域的前沿科学进展,构建了对人类漫长历史的跨学科新解读。其重大突破在于,能够研究远早于文字记载的历史时期,而不受仅凭书面记录的局限。

It was the major developments in various disciplines which laid the groundwork for the appearance of the new historiography. The new historiography is a methodology which constructs a new interdisciplinary interpretation of humankind’s long history by utilizing cutting edge scientific developments in various fields. Its great breakthrough is its ability to study much earlier periods in history without the limitation of only using written records.

生物学家兼地理学家贾里德·戴蒙德,或许可以被称为运用新史学的第一人。在其 1997 年出版的《枪炮、病菌与钢铁》中,他通过追溯农业的起源,首次指出地理位置对人类历史发展具有决定性影响。他的研究不仅回顾了人类过去一万年的历史,而且第一次全面、有力且准确地解释了为何欧洲会在 16 世纪彻底征服美洲。正如新大陆的发现与美洲的征服在人类历史进程中具有划时代意义,戴蒙德的发现和这本书在史学领域也是一项重大突破。

Biologist and geographer Jared Diamond might be called the first person to use the new historiography. In his 1997 publication Guns, Germs, and Steel, he was the first to point out the decisive impact of geographical location on human historical development by tracing the origins of agriculture. Not only did his research look back over the past 10,000 years of human history, but it also for the first time fully, powerfully and accurately explained why Europe thoroughly conquered the Americas in the sixteenth century. Just as the discovery of the New World and the conquest of the Americas had epochal significance in the course of human history, so too were Diamond’s discoveries and this book a major breakthrough in the field of historiography.

新编史学的另一位实践者是考古学家、古典学家、历史学家兼斯坦福大学教授伊恩·莫里斯(Ian Morris)。他利用现有科学工具,描绘了人类文明在过去数万年间的基本演化轨迹。他发现人类发展的规律,并借助这些规律解释了现代东西方之间的差距,同时预测了人类社会的未来。莫里斯在其 2010 年的著作《西方为何至今统治世界》以及 2013 年的姊妹篇《文明的度量》中,为这些问题提供了最佳答案。通过运用莫里斯定量衡量文明基本轨迹的方法,并在此基础上融入更多经济学、生物学及其他自然科学,以及对中国历史传统的研究,我们能够将中国现代化的问题置于人类文明演化数万年的整个历史背景中。如此一来,我们便能以前所未有的深度理解本章开头提到的现代中国人所关心的三大问题,更好地为它们提供答案,并基于这种理解,对中国的未来做出相对可靠的预测。

Another practitioner of the new historiography is archeologist, classicist, historian, and Stanford professor Ian Morris, who used existing scientific tools to depict the basic evolutionary trajectory of human civilization over the past tens of thousands of years. He discovered the patterns of human development, used these to explain the disparity between East and West in the modern era, and predicted the future of human society. Morris provided the best answers to these questions in his 2010 work Why the West Rules for Now, and its 2013 companion work The Measure of Civilization. By using Morris’s method of quantitatively measuring the basic trajectory of civilization, and adding to this more economics, biology, and other natural sciences as well as studies of China’s historical traditions, we can place the issues of China’s modernization into the context of the tens of thousands of years of the entire history of the evolution of human civilization. By doing so, we can gain an unprecedentedly deeper understanding of the three major questions of concern to the Chinese people in the modern age mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, we can better provide answers to them, and based on this understanding, we can make relatively reliable predictions about China’s future.

我,作者,出生于 1960 年代的中国,在中国和美国都有超过二十年的生活经历。我从小就对中国的现代化问题产生了兴趣,这种兴趣持续了三十多年。过去二十多年的投资工作,为预测中国的未来增添了职业上的需要,在此期间,我也积累了一些知识和想法。这个“现代化系列探讨”记录了我过去三十多年的思考,希望能激发他人就这一主题提出更宏大的见解。本系列将首先主要审视贾雷德·戴蒙德和伊恩·莫里斯的研究成果,并将其与我个人的一些观点和解读相结合。接着,我将从中国的视角,分析莫里斯教授团队编制的、涵盖约 1.6 万年人类进化史的量化图表,描述人类发展的主要阶段,并指出其中的规律,重点关注现代化的起源。然后,我将聚焦于现代化的本质、中国的现代化道路,并预测中国的未来。这部分内容主要是我的一孔之见。最后,我将谈及中国现代化对西方的影响,并探讨人类的共同未来。

I, the author, was born in China in the 1960s and have over twenty years of life experience both in China and the United States. My interest in issues of China’s modernization started at a young age and has lasted for more than thirty years. My work in investments over the past twenty-odd years has added an occupational need to predict China’s future, and during this time, I have been able to accumulate some knowledge and ideas. This series of “Discussions of Modernization” is a record of my musings over the past thirty some years, and I hope they will inspire others to come up with even greater ideas on the topic. This series will start by primarily looking at the results of Jared Diamond and Ian Morris’ studies and integrating them with some of my personal views and interpretations. Next, from a Chinese perspective, I will analyze quantitative charts complied by Professor Morris’s team covering some 16,000 years of human evolutionary history, describe the major stages of human development, and point out the rules of this development with a focus on the genesis of modernization. Then I will focus on the nature of modernization and China’s path to modernization, and predict the future of China. The contents of this section will consist predominantly of my own humble opinions. Finally, I will touch on the impact of China’s modernization on the West and explore the common future of the human race.

第二章 人类文明的轨迹 引言:从大约公元前 14000 年到公元 500 年,西方持续领先于东方。接着,大约在 540 年代,东方超越西方,并将优势保持到大约 1770 年代,从而领先西方超过 1200 年。然而,公元 1800 年后,西方不仅追上了东方,还进入了一个快速发展的时期,拉大了东西方之间的差距,直至西方统治整个世界。东方的社会发展指数也在 20 世纪开始上升。今天,尽管它仍远远落后于西方,但已有迹象表明东方有能力与之并驾齐驱。这就是过去 1.6 万年中东西方人类文明的轨迹。

Chapter 2 The Trajectory of Human Civilization Introduction: The West had a continuous lead over the East from roughly 14,000 BC to 500 AD. Then, around 540s, the East overtook the West and maintained its superiority until approximately 1770s, thus holding a lead over the West for more than 1,200 years. However, not only did the West catch up with the East after 1800 AD, it also entered into a period of rapid development and widened the gap between West and East until the West ruled the entire world. The social development index of the East also started to rise in the twentieth century. Today, while it is still far behind the West, there are already signs that the East is capable of pulling even. This is the trajectory of human civilization in the East and West over the past 16,000 years.

新史学实践者、斯坦福大学教授伊恩·莫里斯提出了一种量化方法来衡量人类文明的漫长轨迹。莫里斯将他的量化方法称为社会发展指数,用以衡量一个社会完成任务的能力。社会由人组成,而人与动物一样需要消耗能量。根据能量守恒定律,一个社会必须首先有能力获取和利用能量,才能完成任务。因此,衡量社会发展程度最重要的指标就是获取和利用能量的能力。莫里斯将一个社会获取和消耗能量的能力分为四个特征:人均能量获取、社会组织、信息技术和战争能力。能量获取主要指每个社会成员每天获取足够食物、燃料和原材料的能力。社会组织被定义为一个社会中最大永久居住单元的人口数量;在相当长的时期内,这通常是最大城市的人口,因为人口越多,对社会组织的需求就越大。信息技术是人类消耗能量的最关键类型之一。每天,社会组织的成员都必须交换、储存和记忆各种信息,因此这种信息技术是人类使用能量的最重要方式之一。不言而喻,战争是人类能量消耗的重要来源。虽然这四个特征并未涵盖人类所有活动,但它们是人类获取和消耗能量最具代表性的形式。更为关键的是,这四个指标可以在不同社会之间进行比较,也可以在不同时间维度上进行纵向比较。因为整个人类进化史实际上就是能量获取和使用的历史,而社会组织、人口中心的形成、信息交换和战争制造也是人类社会最重要的活动。在考虑其量化方法时,莫里斯选择了指数构成和计算的方式。他以公元前 14000 年为起点,公元 2000 年为终点。四个方面各分配总分,以公元 2000 年的分数设为 1000 分,平均分配给这四个方面。由于公元 2000 年代表西方发展的最高水平,每个社会发展指数的最高可能分数为 250 分。例如,在公元 2000 年,西方最发达地区美国的日均人均能量获取量约为 22.8 万千卡。同年,东方最发达地区日本的日均人均能量获取量约为 10.4 万千卡。基于这个比率,如果美国得 250 分,日本就得 114 分。后续所有计算也采用此方法。

Practitioner of the new historiography and Stanford University Professor Ian Morris proposes a quantitative method for measuring the long trajectory of human civilization. Morris refers to his quantitative method as his Social Development Index, which is a measure of a society’s ability to get things done. A society is made up of people, who like animals must consume energy. According to the Law of Conservation of Energy, a society must first have the ability to capture and use energy in order to get things done. Therefore, the most important index for measuring the degree of social development is the ability to capture energy and use it. Morris divides the ability of a society to capture and expend energy into four traits: energy capture per person, social organization, information technology, and war-making capacity. Energy capture refers mainly to the ability of each member of a society to capture sufficient food, fuel and raw materials on a daily basis. Social organization is defined as the population of the largest permanent dwelling unit in a society; over a fairly long period this would be the population of the largest city, since the larger the population, the greater the need for social organization. Information technology is one of the most critical types of energy consumption for man. Every day, members of a social organization must exchange, store and remember various types of information, so such information technology is one of the most important ways in which people use energy. It goes without saying that warfare is an important source of human energy consumption. While these four traits do not constitute all of human activity, they are the most representative forms of human energy capture and consumption. More critical is the fact that these four measures can be compared across societies, and they can be longitudinally compared over long periods of time as well. Because the entire history of human evolution is in fact the history of energy capture and energy use, social organizing, the formation of population centers, the exchanging of information and war-making are also the most important activities of human society. In considering his quantitative method, Morris chose to use the way how indices were composed and computed. He took 14,000 BC as the starting point and 2000 AD as the end point for the time period to be covered. A total score was assigned to each of the four aspects, with the score for the year 2000 AD set at 1000, evenly divided among the four. With the year 2000 AD representing the highest level of development in the West, the highest possible score for each social development index is 250. For example, in 2000 AD, the average daily per capita energy capture in the United States, the most developed region in the West, was approximately 228,000 Kcal. That same year, the average daily per capita energy capture in Japan, the most developed region in the East, was approximately 104,000 Kcal. Based on this ratio, if the United States had a score of 250, Japan’s score would be 114. This method is used for all subsequent calculations as well.

时间越往前追溯,获取这类数据就越困难。然而,在人类历史的早期阶段,这四个指标的增长速度非常缓慢。此外,与公元 2000 年相比,社会组织、信息技术和战争动员能力的分数在人类早期发展阶段接近零。因此,衡量早期社会发展阶段的指标实际上就是获取和消耗能量的能力。对于更早的时期,测量的时间间隔可以拉宽。例如,从公元前 14000 年到公元前 4000 年,每 1000 年收集一次数据,因为这一时期分数变化很小。从公元前 4000 年到公元前 2500 年,每 500 年收集一次数据,因为当时可用的数据更多。从公元前 2500 年到公元前 1500 年,每 250 年收集一次数据,从公元前 1500 年到公元 2000 年,每 100 年收集一次数据。在现代,科学家完全有能力精确收集每年甚至每月的数据。然而,为了相对准确地估算这整个 1.6 万年的数据,我们必须辅以过去几十年来考古学、气象学、物理学和生物学领域的成就。莫里斯将其测量对象定义如下:公元前 9600 年后出现在欧亚大陆的、最西和最东的两个人类文明主要核心,当时农业文明正在形成,以及它们之后的各个继起文明核心。由于东西方文明的主要核心在不同历史阶段也有所不同,他选择了当时东西方最先进的地区。例如,在西方,它始于幼发拉底河和底格里斯河流域及约旦河附近的山坡地带。随后,西方核心转移到美索不达米亚、叙利亚、埃及、地中海和罗马。然后转移到巴尔干半岛,再到地中海、南欧、西欧,最后到了美国。东方文明的中心起源于黄河流域,并推进到黄河与长江之间的冲积平原。然后转移到长江流域。在 20 世纪,它转移到中国的东南沿海地区和日本,并在公元 2000 年左右以日本为代表。由于这四个社会发展指数对东西方都非常适用,因此这些相同的数据可用于衡量漫长的人类历史。值得注意的是,史前记录的许多数据需要估算。因此,考古发现是重要的信息来源。考古学是一门新兴学科。现在广泛采用的地层学方法直到 1870 年才被使用。1950 年后,科学家开始使用碳定年法,这促使考古学取得了实质性的快速进展。自 1970 年代以来,人们逐渐获得了关于史前记录的系统性知识。

The farther back we reach into time, the more difficult it is to obtain such data. However, in the early periods of human history, the rate of increase for these four indicators was very slow. Furthermore, in comparison to 2000 AD, the scores for social organization, information technology and war mobilization abilities were close to zero for a very long period in the early development of humans. Therefore, the indicator for measuring social development in earlier periods is in fact the ability to capture and expend energy. The intervals for taking measurements can be widened for earlier periods. For example, data is collected for every 1000 years for the period from 14,000 BC to 4000 BC, as there was little score variation for this period. Data is collected for every 500 years for the period from 4000 BC to 2500 BC because more data was available then. For the period from 2500 BC to 1500 BC, data is collected for every 250 years, and for every 100 years for the period from 1500 BC to 2000 AD. In the modern age, scientists are fully able to precisely collect data for each year or even each month. However, in order to estimate data relatively accurately for this entire 16,000 year period, we must supplement it with achievements in archeology, meteorology, physics and biology from the past several decades. Morris defines the objects of his measurements as follows: the two westernmost and easternmost major cores of human civilization which appeared in Eurasia after 9600 BC, a time during which agricultural civilization was forming, and the various cores of civilization which succeeded these two. Because the major cores of Eastern and Western civilization also varied at different historical stages in history, he chooses the most advanced regions of East and West of their time. For example, in the West, it began with the Hilly Flanks near the Euphrates and Tigris river basins and the Jordan River. Subsequently, the Western core shifted to Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt, the Mediterranean, and Rome. It then moved to the Balkans, and thence to the Mediterranean, Southern Europe, Western Europe, and finally to the United States. The center of eastern civilization originated in the basin of the Yellow River and advanced into the alluvial plain between the Yellow and Yangzi Rivers. It then moved to the Yangzi River basin. In the twentieth century, it shifted to the southeastern coastal areas of China and to Japan, and was represented by Japan around 2000 AD. Because these four social development indices are highly applicable to both East and West, the same data can be used to measure long periods of human history. It is worth noting that much of the data for prehistoric records has to be estimated. Therefore, archeological discoveries are an important source of information. Archeology is a new academic discipline. Stratigraphy, an approach now widely employed, was not utilized until 1870. After 1950, scientists began to use carbon dating, which led to substantial rapid advancements in archeology. Since the 1970s, people have gradually acquired systematic knowledge about prehistoric records.

通过巨大的努力,莫里斯及其团队运用社会发展指数绘制了一系列图表。这些图表可以帮助我们直观地了解东西方人类社会发展的历史轨迹。

Through great efforts, Morris and his team plotted a series of charts using the social development indices. These charts can help us gain an intuitive understanding of the historical trajectory of human social development in the East and West.

图表 1:东西方人类社会发展指数(公元前 14000 年 - 公元 2000 年)来源:伊恩·莫里斯,《社会发展》(2010)首先,从图表 1 中我们可以看到,直到公元前 3000 年左右,东西方的发展几乎没有可察觉的差异。尽管此后双方的曲线发生了一些变化,但这些变化非常缓慢。然而,在公元 1800 年之后,整个图表发生了根本性的变化,社会发展轨迹呈现出爆炸式增长。接下来,在不影响数据有效性的前提下,莫里斯对之前的图表进行了对数函数处理。结果如图表 2 所示,这使我们能够更清晰地比较东西方。

Figure 1: Human Social Development Indices for the East and West (14,000 BC-2000 AD) Source: Ian Morris, Social Development(2010) First, from Figure 1 we can see that until approximately 3000, BC there was almost no discernible difference in development between the West and East. Although there are some changes in the curves of both sides after this point, these only occur very slowly. However, after 1800, there is a fundamental change in the entire chart, as the trajectory of social development shows explosive growth. Next, without affecting the validity of his data, Morris performs a logarithmic function on the previous charts. The results are shown in Figure 2, which allows us to more clearly compare East and West.

图表 2:东西方社会发展指数线性对数模型(公元前 14000 年 - 公元 2000 年)来源:伊恩·莫里斯,《社会发展》(2010)图表 3:东西方社会发展指数(公元前 1600 年 - 公元 1900 年)来源:伊恩·莫里斯,《西方为何统治世界——暂时如此》(2011)第 168 页现在让我们看看这张涵盖公元前 1600 年到公元 1900 年期间的图表。这一时期有相对清晰的文字记载,人们也相对熟悉。结合图表 2 和图表 3,我们可以看到,从大约公元前 14000 年到公元 500 年,西方一直领先于东方。然后,大约在公元 540 年代,东方开始赶上西方,并将优势保持到大约公元 1770 年代。在这 1200 年间,东方领先于西方。然而,从公元 1800 年开始,西方不仅追上了东方,还率先进入了一个超高速发展时期,将东西方差距拉大至西方全球主导地位。东方的社会发展指数也在 20 世纪开始非常迅速地上升,尽管目前仍远远落后于西方,但已有迹象表明东方能够赶上西方。这就是东西方人类文明在 1.6 万年中的轨迹。

Figure 2: Linear Logarithmic Model for Social Development Indices of the East and West (14000 BC-2000 AD) Source: Ian Morris, Social Development (2010) Figure 3: Social Development Indices for the East and West (1600 BC- 1900 AD) Source: Ian Morris, Why the West Rules – For Now (2011) P168 Let us now look at this chart which covers the period from 1600 BC to 1900 AD. This is a period for which there are relatively clear written records and with which people are relatively familiar. Combining this chart with figures 2 and 3, we can see that the West was ahead of the East all the way from approximately 14000 BC to 500 AD. Then, in approximately 540s AD, the East began to catch up with the West and maintained its edge until approximately 1770s AD. During these 1,200 years, the East was ahead of the West. However, from 1800 AD on, the West not only caught up with the East, it was also first to enter a period of ultra-rapid development which widened the East-West disparity into Western global dominance. The social development index of the East also started to rise very rapidly in the twentieth century, and while it is still far behind the West at present, there are already signs that the East can catch up with the West. This is the trajectory of human civilization in the East and West over 16,000 years.

本系列接下来的章节将重点解释人类文明发展轨迹背后的原因、东西方文明发展的异同、公元 1800 年后社会爆发式发展的原因,以及东西方的对比。接着,我将解释为什么西方能在近代统治世界,而中国在这一时代为何落后。只有从根本上理解历史的宏大格局及其成因,我们才能回答中国如何追赶西方的问题,总结中国现代化的特征,并展望东西方的未来。

The subsequent chapters in this series will focus on explaining the causes behind the trajectory of human civilization, the differences and similarities in the development of Eastern and Western civilizations, the reasons for the explosive development of society after 1800 AD, and a comparison between East and West. I will then go on to explain why the West was able to rule the world in the modern era and why China was backward in this era. Only with such a fundamental understanding of history’s broad patterns and their causes can we answer the question of how China can catch up with the West, sum up the features of China’s modernization and anticipate the future of both East and West.

第 3 章 人类文明从 1.0、2.0 到 3.0 的演进,以及人类文明的第一次大飞跃 引言:根据人类在不同历史时期生产方式的不同,我将人类社会的发展分为三个阶段:采集狩猎文明,或文明 1.0;农业(农耕和动物驯化)文明,或文明 2.0;以及工业革命之后的科技文明,或文明 3.0。

Chapter 3 The Evolution of Human Civilization from 1.0, 2.0 to 3.0, and the First Great Leap forward of Human Civilization Introduction: Based on differences in the methods of production of human beings in different time of history, I have divided the development of human society into three stages: hunter-gatherer civilization, or Civilization 1.0; agriculture (farming and animal domestication) civilization, or Civilization 2.0; and the science and technology civilization following the industrial revolution, or Civilization 3.0.

从公元前 6 万年到公元前 1.2 万年的数万年里,人类走出非洲,最终占据了直至南美洲南端的土地。在对其目的地或未来一无所知的情况下,一代代人类表现出顽强的决心,跨越冰川和海洋,以每年一英里的速度推进到地球的每一个角落。此时人类的主要工具是石器,主要交通工具是人的双腿。他们是猎人和采集者,组织成极小的群体。即使在今天,当我想到祖先走过的漫长旅程,我依然感到敬畏和鼓舞。

Over the course of dozens of millennia from 60,000 BC to 12,000 BC, humans ventured out of Africa and eventually occupied lands all the way to the southern tip of South America. Without knowing anything about their destination or the future, generations of humans showed stubborn determination in crossing glaciers and oceans, advancing at a speed of one mile per year into every corner of the earth. At this time mankind’s primary tools were stoneware, and the main mode of transportation was man’s two legs. They were hunters and gathers, organized in very small bands. Even today, I’m still in awe and inspired when I think of the long journeys our ancestors undertook.

伊恩·莫里斯的社会发展指数图表清晰地显示出人类文明进化轨迹中持续上升的趋势,而曲线幅度的变化表明不同时期增长率不同。社会发展在曲线的不断波动中持续进行,历史每个阶段都有不同的波动模式。我们可以看到,人类社会的发展始终保持着向上的趋势,但不同阶段的速度不同,各有其独特特征。因此,我认为为了更好地理解人类文明的演进过程,有必要将其划分为不同阶段,分别进行分析。

Ian Morris’s Social Development Index charts clearly show a continuous trend of rising in the trajectory of evolution of human civilization, while variations in curve amplitudes indicate different rates of rise during different periods. Society keeps developing amid constant fluctuations in the curves, and there are different patterns of fluctuation in each phase of history. We can see that human social development always maintained an upward trend, but different phases had different paces and each had its own distinctive features. Therefore, I believe that in order to better understand the course of evolution of human civilization, it is necessary to divide it into different stages and analyze each of them separately.

这里我将文明定义为人们在自己的生存和发展过程中,利用自身资源和环境资源所创造的全部成就的总和。其意图是衡量人类与其最近的动物祖先之间的距离。很容易将文明与文化这一不同的概念混淆,文化指的是居住在不同地方的人们在漫长岁月中形成的独特生活方式、习惯和信仰。文化可用于区分来自不同地区的不同群体,而文明则可用于描述人类发展中普遍性的东西,以及人类区别于动物祖先的特征。在人类历史的漫长河流中,工业文明标志着一个新阶段的开始,农业文明的到来也是如此。在农业文明出现之前,人类的主要生产方式是狩猎和采集。在本文中,我根据每个阶段使用的不同生产方式,将人类社会的发展大致划分为三个阶段:采集狩猎文明,或文明 1.0;农业(农耕和动物驯化)文明,或文明 2.0;以及工业革命开创的科技文明,或文明 3.0。

Here I define civilization as the sum total of achievements produced by people in the course of their own survival and development, using their own resources and the resources of their environment. The intent is to measure how far people have moved from their closest animal ancestors. It is easy to confuse Civilization with the separate concept of Culture, which refers to the distinct ways of living, habits and beliefs of people living in different places, which were formed over ages. Culture can be used to distinguish various groups of people from different regions, whereas Civilization can be used to describe what is universal to human development and what distinguishes human from their animal ancestors. In the long flow of human history, industrial civilization marked the beginning of a new stage, as did the arrival of agricultural civilization. Prior to the emergence of agricultural Civilization, mankind’s primary means of production was hunting and gathering. In this essay, I have broadly divided the development of human society into three stages, based on the different means of production used in each: hunter-gatherer civilization, or Civilization 1.0; agriculture (farming and animal domestication) civilization, or Civilization 2.0; and the scientific and technological civilization pioneered by the industrial revolution, or Civilization 3.0.

如果认为在文明 1.0 时期人类获取和利用能量的能力几乎没有变化,那是一种误解。事实上,大约 7 万年前发生了一次大飞跃,不是人类获取和消耗能量的方式,而是他们在哪里这样做。

It would be a misunderstanding to think that there was little change in mankind’s ability to capture and use energy throughout the period of Civilization 1.0. In fact, there was a great leap forward some 70,000 years ago, not in the way of how human captured and consumed energy but where they did so.

要理解人类的独特特征,我们必须首先了解他们生活的环境。据我们目前所知,地球已有 45 亿年历史,但生物只有 15 亿年历史,智人只有 15 万年历史。自然环境对所有生物都有至关重要的影响,其中气候的影响最大。

To understand the unique characteristics of humans, we must first understand the environment in which they lived. To our best knowledge today, the Earth has a history of 4.5 billion years, but living creatures only have one of 1.5 billion years and Homo sapiens only have one of 150,000 years. The natural environment has a crucial impact on all living creatures; and in particular, climate is the one with the greatest impact.

大约 5000 多万年前,地球气候发生了深刻的变化。这一时期的大陆漂移导致大部分大陆移入北半球,而南半球基本被海洋覆盖。1400 万年前还发生了另一次变化,形成大陆架的火山活动基本停止,伴随着地球温度的下降。这导致南极出现终年积雪。相比之下,由于北极没有大陆架,那里的雪融化相对容易,直到 275 万年前才形成终年积雪。在这种大背景下,米兰科维奇周期开始对地球气候产生周期性影响。地球绕太阳公转的轨迹并非完美的圆形。相反,由于其他行星的引力作用,其路径通常呈椭圆形。此外,公转轨道经常倾斜,自转轴也存在进动。由于这三个因素的影响,地球气候经历了每 26000 年、41000 年和 96000 年的三个主要周期。这些周期造成了到达地球的太阳热能的变化,并产生了气候的冰期和间冰期。

Approximately 50 million or more years ago the earth’s climate underwent a profound transformation. Continental drift during this period caused most continents to move into the Northern Hemisphere while the Southern Hemisphere was essentially covered by oceans. Another change occurred 14 million years ago when the volcanic activity which formed continental shelves basically ceased, accompanied by a decrease in the Earth’s temperature. This resulted in year-round snow cover at the South Pole, In contrast, because there was no continental shelf at the North Pole, snow there melted relatively easily, and it was not until 2.75 million years ago that a year-round snow cover was formed there. Within this greater context, Milankovitch cycles began to exert a cyclical influence on the Earth’s climate. The Earth does not revolve around the sun in a perfect circle. Rather, its path is often elliptical due to the gravitational pull of other planets. In addition, the rotational course is often tilted, and there is precession in its rotational axis as well. Because of the impact of these three factors, the Earth’s climate experienced three major cycles of every 26,000, 41,000 and 96,000 years. These cycles created variations in the amount of solar thermal energy reaching the Earth and produced glacial and interglacial periods in the climate.

地球历史上曾有过四五十次冰河期,其中最严重的两次发生在 19 万年前和 9 万年前。这些时期对人类起源和早期发展起到了决定性作用。在最严重的冰河期,仅北冰洋冰川就覆盖了欧洲、亚洲和美洲大陆的北部地区。地球表面的大部分水被吸收到冰川中,地球变得极其干燥,海平面比现在低 300 英尺。此外,阳光被折射回大气层,从而降低了空气温度。随着动植物数量的减少,产生温室效应的二氧化碳也减少了,温度进一步下降。现代人类的祖先智人大约在 15 万年前出现。这一时期严酷的气候意味着智人只能生活在非洲靠近赤道的极其有限的区域。绝大多数遗传学家和考古学家认为,人类总人口一度下降到约 2 万,没有任何迹象表明人类后来会征服地球。这是人类历史上最黑暗的时期。

There have been forty to fifty ice ages in the course of history of the Earth, with the two most severe occurring 190,000 years ago and 90,000 years ago. These periods played a decisive role in the origin and early development of humans. During the most severe ice age, Arctic Ocean glaciers alone covered the northern regions of Europe, Asia, and the American continent. Most of the planet’s surface water was absorbed into glaciers and the Earth became extremely dry, with sea levels 300 feet lower than at present. Furthermore, sunlight was refracted back into the atmosphere, thus lowering air temperatures. As the number of plants and animals declined, greenhouse effect-producing carbon dioxide decreased as well, and temperatures dropped event further. Homo sapiens, the ancestor of modern humans, appeared approximately 150,000 years ago. The harsh climate of this period meant Homo sapiens could only live in extremely limited areas of Africa near the equator. The vast majority of geneticists and archeologists believe that at one point the total human population dropped to approximately 20,000, and there was no sign that humans would later conquer the Earth. This was the darkest period in human history.

然而,大约 7 万年前,米兰科维奇周期逆转,人类的命运开始好转。东非和南非开始变得温暖湿润,为人类提供了更好的狩猎和采集自然条件。食物来源的增加伴随着人口的迅速增长。正是在这个时候,人类作为一个独特的物种开始展现出真正的优势。

However, approximately 70,000 years ago, human fortunes changed for the better when the Milankovitch cycle was reversed. Eastern and Southern Africa started to become warmer and moister, providing humans with better natural conditions for hunting and gathering. The increase in food sources was accompanied by a rapid population increase. It was at this time that humans, as a unique specie, began to display true superiority.

人类一出现,就表现出与其他动物、甚至与它们最亲近的类人猿的显著差异。这种区别在气候变暖之前并未完全显现,但一旦气候创造了有利条件,人类就开始展现出其巨大的优势。与其他动物相比,人类最独特的特征是他们巨大的脑容量和非凡的计算能力。尽管大脑仅占人体体重的 2%,却消耗总能量的 20%。如果人类要等到大脑完全成熟才能出生,那么母亲将完全无法分娩。这个问题通过人类婴儿在大脑成熟之前出生得到解决。在这方面,他们不同于所有其他哺乳动物。牛、马、羊、狮子和老虎都能在出生后不久独立站立、成长、生存,甚至捕食。然而,新生儿离成熟和独立生存还差得很远。他们需要几年的成长才能站立、行走、说话,大脑才能完全成熟。这就是为什么人类婴儿死亡率很高,但成熟后他们的优势变得显著。在气候变得对生物有利之后,人类的优越性变得尤为明显。这种优越性在人类文明第一次大飞跃——走出非洲时得到了充分展现。

As soon as humans appeared, they demonstrated considerable differences from other animals, and even from the anthropoids who were most closely related to them. This distinction was not fully manifested before the climate started to warm, but once the climate created favorable conditions, humans began to display their great advantages. Compared to other animals, the most unique trait of humans is their enormous brain size and exceptional ability to calculate. Although the brain accounts for only 2% of human body weight, it uses 20% of her total energy. If humans could be born only after their brain had completely matured, their mothers would be utterly unable to give birth. This problem was solved by human babies being born prior to the maturation of their brains. In this regard they are different from all other mammals. Cattle, horses, sheep, lions, and tigers all can independently stand, grow, survive, and even hunt for food soon after birth. However, newborn humans are still far from maturity and from being able to survive independently. They require a number of years of growth before they can stand, walk, and talk, and before their brains fully mature. This is why the infant mortality rate is high for humans, yet after maturity their advantages become considerable. After the climate became favorable to living creatures, human superiority became particularly evident. This superiority was fully demonstrated in the first major leap of human civilization when humans ventured out of Africa.

由于气候变化和生存环境的影响,我们的祖先走出非洲,离开熟悉的栖息地,面对全新且完全不同的环境,从而为我们的集体生存和发展开辟了新的可能性。这次文明的重大进步展现了人类区别于其他动物的独特主动性和智慧。从公元前 6 万年开始,人类从索马里离开非洲,前往阿拉伯半岛和欧亚大陆。然后他们从北非前往欧洲,从欧亚大陆前往东亚,从南亚前往澳大利亚,从欧亚大陆经阿拉斯加前往北美,从北美前往南美。

As a result of both climatic change and the impact of their living environment, our ancestors traveled out of Africa and left behind their familiar habitat to face new and completely different ones, thus opening up new possibilities for our collective survival and development. This major advancement in civilization demonstrated the unique initiative and intelligence of humans as opposed to other animals. Starting in 60,000 BC, humans departed Africa from Somalia and went to Arabia and Eurasia. They then traveled from northern Africa to Europe, from Eurasia to eastern Asia, from southern Asia to Australia, from Eurasia to North America via Alaska, and from North America to South America.

图 4:时间与走出非洲的路线——人类足迹及到达各区域的时间

来源:伊恩·莫里斯,《西方为何统治世界——至今》(2011 年)第 168 页

图 4 大致展示了这一时期人类迁徙的路径。在大约 40000 到 50000 年里,人类基本散布到了全球各地。随着气候持续变暖,更多地区的植被和动物开始增多,从而为依靠狩猎和采集为生的人类提供了在世界各地生存的能力。尽管大自然为所有生物提供了相同的条件,但并非所有生物都像人类那样具有强烈的主动性,能克服如此多的艰难险阻,迁移到全球各个角落。即便在今天,这段旅程依然令人震惊,几乎难以想象。试着想象一下我们这个时期的人类先祖,他们穿越冰川和海洋,对未来和目的地毫无概念,却凭借顽强的决心,一代接一代地征服了整个地球。在从公元前 60000 年到公元前 12000 年的数万年时间里,人们走出非洲,最终一路到达南美洲南端,以平均每年一英里的速度散布到全球。这一时期人类的主要工具是石器,主要交通工具是人的双腿。农业和动物驯化在这个时期甚至还不存在。人类无法依靠动物维持生计,也没有其他工具,只能沿途狩猎和采集,同时组成非常小的群体向前探索。即便在今天,每当想到我们的祖先为让我们走到今天所走过的漫长旅程,我仍然感到敬畏与鼓舞。

Figure 4: Times and Path Out of Africa-His Footsteps and the Times at Which Man Arrived in Various Areas Source: Ian Morris, Why the West Rules – For Now (2011) P168 Figure 4 provides a general overview of the path of human migration during this period. In approximately 40,000 to 50,000 years, humans had essentially spread across the entire globe. As the climate continued to warm, more vegetation and animals started appearing in a greater number of areas, thus providing humans, who relied on hunting and gathering for existence, with the ability to survive in various regions around the world. Although Nature provided the same conditions to all types of living things, not all creatures had the strong initiative of humans, which allowed them to overcome so many hardships and move to all parts of the globe. Even today this journey is stunning and almost unthinkable. Try to imagine our human forebears of this period crossing glaciers and oceans and, without any understanding of the future or of their destinations, taking over the entire globe with dogged determination, one generation after another. Over the course of tens of millennia from the period between 60,000 BC and 12,000 BC, people ventured out of Africa and ultimately all the way to the southern tip of South America, spreading across the entire globe at an average speed of one mile per year. At this time mankind’s primary tools were stoneware, and the main mode of transportation was man’s two legs. Agriculture and animal domestication did not even exist during this period. Humans could not rely on animals for their livelihood, nor did they possess any other tools. They had to rely on hunting and gathering along the way, and also by organizing into very small bands as they ventured ahead. Even today, I’m still in awe and inspired when I think of the long journeys our ancestors undertook to get us where we are.

走出非洲的智人是否(现代)人类的祖先,这个学术界的争论问题直到 20 世纪 90 年代才最终解决。1987 年,由遗传学家丽贝卡·坎领导的研究团队首次得出了一个突破性结论。通过对仅存在于女性体内且只能由女性传递的线粒体 DNA 进行全球范围研究,坎得出了以下结论:第一,非洲的人类遗传变异比其他任何地区都多;第二,世界其他地区所有的人类遗传变异都源于非洲的变异;第三,科学家发现的最早线粒体 DNA 起源于非洲。这三项发现引出了一个不可避免的结论:全世界(每个人)都有一个共同的女性祖先,她居住在非洲,被称为“非洲夏娃”。此后许多研究在不同程度上证实了坎的发现,只是把夏娃出现的时间提前到了大约公元前 150000 年。20 世纪 90 年代,通过研究只能通过男性 DNA 传递的 Y 染色体,其他遗传学家得出了一个几乎相同的结论:即所有人类男性的共同祖先也生活在非洲,被称为“非洲亚当”。因此,到 20 世纪 90 年代,关于智人是否是(现代)人类祖先的争论得到了解决。今天所有的人都有一个共同的祖先,那就是走出非洲并将后代留在世界各地的智人。所有其他猿人和类人猿在人类走出非洲后几万年内几乎都灭绝了。

The problem of whether Homo sapiens, which ventured out of Africa, was the ancestor of (modern) human beings was a contentious issue in academia until it was ultimately solved in the 1990s. In 1987, a team led by geneticist Rebecca Cann was the first to come to a groundbreaking conclusion. Through a global study of mitochondrial DNA which is only found in females and which can only be passed on by females, Cann came to the following conclusions: first, there is greater human genetic variation in Africa than in any other region; second, all human genetic variations in other regions of the world are derived from variations found in Africa; and third, the earliest mitochondrial DNA found by scientists originated in Africa. These three discoveries led to an inescapable conclusion: (everyone around) the entire world shares a common female ancestor who resided in Africa and is referred to as the “African Eve.” Many subsequent studies have confirmed Cann’s discoveries to varying degrees, except they have moved forward the time of Eve’s appearance to approximately 150,000 BC. In the 1990s, by examining Y chromosomes which can only be passed down through the DNA of males, other geneticists came to an almost identical conclusion: namely, the common ancestor of all human males also lived in Africa, and is referred to as the “African Adam.” Therefore, by the 1990s the controversy over whether Homo sapiens was the ancestor of (modern) humans was settled. All people today share a common ancestor, the Homo sapiens which ventured out of Africa and left its progeny all over the world. All other ape-men and anthropoids became virtually extinct within several tens of thousands of years after humans ventured out of Africa.

走出非洲后,人类沿途留下了文明的痕迹。其中最著名的是来自 18500 年前的阿尔塔米拉洞穴壁画。这幅洞穴壁画的艺术水平令人惊叹。它富有无比的创造力,以至于毕加索在观赏后感叹:“阿尔塔米拉之后,一切皆是颓废。”他觉得在这一壁画之后,所有作品都是倒退。

After leaving Africa, humans left traces of their civilization all along their journey. Among the most famous is the Altamira cave painting from 18,500 years ago. The level of artistry of this cave painting is astounding. It is so richly creative that after viewing it, Picasso lamented “after Altamira, all is decadence.” He felt that after this wall painting, all works were a step backwards.

图 5:阿尔塔米拉洞穴壁画

来源:阿尔塔米拉洞的维基百科页面

人类散布到世界各地沿途的所有考古发现都证明了他们的创造力和智慧。绘画、石器风格以及女性饰品无不如此。尽管早期人类只从事狩猎和采集,与其他类人猿似乎没有太大区别,但他们展现出了巨大的动力和创造力。没有其他动物,甚至其他类人猿,能像人类那样在短短数万年内穿越冰川和海洋,占据地球的每个角落,也没有在任何地方留下它们的想象力和创造力。这种决心、动力、通过艺术寻找意义和表达的能力,在其他所有类人猿中都不存在。从此时起,人类表现出的强烈主动性和卓越智慧,使智人注定与所有之前的物种截然不同。

Figure 5: Altamira Cave Painting Source: Wikipedia Page for Altamira Cave All the archeological discoveries along the routes taken by humans as they spread across the globe attest to their creativity and wisdom. This is the case with paintings and the styles of stone implements as well as with women’s ornaments. Although the earliest humans only hunted and gathered and did not seem very different from other anthropoids, they displayed great drive and creativity. No other animals, not even the other anthropoids crossed glaciers and oceans and occupied every corner of the globe within a short period of tens of millennia as humans did. Nor did they leave behind their imagination and creativity everywhere they went. This determination, drive, search for meaning and expression through art was absent in all other anthropoids. The strong initiative and superb intelligence of humans shown from this time on made Homo Sapiens destined to be different from all other species ~ that had come before.

尽管人类从非洲走向世界各地后生活方式并未发生剧烈变化,但人口数量从最早的约 2 万人迅速增长。更重要的是,人口分布到了全球。当全球气候开始变化时,人类已经准备好利用这些为生物提供的新发展机遇。因此,走出非洲之旅使人类文明实现了第一次大飞跃,并大大降低了灭绝的可能性。遗传多样性和适应性大幅增强,人类开始在全球寻找最有利于发展的生存条件。当这样的条件在全球某些地区出现时,人类利用这些条件的能力已完全形成,为新文明的大进步奠定了坚实基础。

While their way of living did not change drastically after going all over the world from Africa , the number of humans rose rapidly from the earliest population of approximately 20,000. More important was the distribution of this population throughout the entire globe. Humans were already prepared to take advantage of the new opportunities for development presented to living creatures when the global climate started to change. Therefore, this journey out of Africa allowed human civilization to make its first great leap and greatly reduced the possibility of extinction. Genetic diversity and adaptability increased greatly, and humans began to search all over the globe for the living conditions most conducive to development. By the time such conditions appeared in some regions of the globe, the ability of humans to take advantage of them was already fully formed, and a solid foundation for great new advances of civilization had been laid.

第四章 农业文明的诞生

引言:农业和动物驯化在全球各地出现的程度差异巨大,这主要是因为可驯化植物和动物的野生品种分布并不广泛,更不均匀。当今世界上最发达的两个文明,就是从最幸运、最适合农业的两个地区发展而来的:一个是西南亚和中东地区,另一个是中国长江和黄河流域。东西方的概念也是在这一时期形成的。农业文明要么通过先进文明的殖民传播,要么通过文明欠发达地区的人们模仿学习新的生产方式而传播。无论以何种方式传播,新文明最终都会触及世界各地,不同人种的生活方式也逐渐趋于一致。

Chapter 4 The Birth of Agricultural Civilization Introduction: There was a great disparity in the extent to which farming and animal domestication appeared in various regions throughout the globe, and this was primarily because the regions in which wild strains of domesticable plants and animals were found were not widespread and even less evenly dispersed. The world’s two most advanced civilizations of today developed from the two most fortunate regions most suitable for agriculture, one in the Southwest Asian and Middle Eastern regions, and the other in the Yangzi and Yellow River basins of China. The concept of East and West also emerged during this period. Agricultural civilization spread either through colonization by advanced civilization, or by peoples living in areas with less developed civilization learning new production methods through imitation. Regardless of how it spreads, a new civilization would ultimately reach all areas around the world, and the way of living of different human races gradually grew more alike.

地球的最后一个冰河时代在大约公元前 20000 年结束。冰川融化流入海洋,海平面开始上升。冰川持续融化直到公元前 14000 年。到大约公元前 12700 年,大气温度回升到比现代温度仅低几度的水平。这一温度特别适合植物和动物的生存。地球上动植物的数量和种类迅速增加。对于以狩猎和采集为生的先祖来说,食物来源自然也大大增加。从公元前 18000 年到公元前 10000 年,地球总人口从不到 50 万增加到十倍以上。可以说,从这时起,人类开始继承地球,并接受地球馈赠的礼物。虽然气候变暖对人类是巨大的恩赐,但不同地理位置上的人们所获得的福泽各不相同。最幸运的人生活在“幸运纬度带”上,这些地区位于欧亚大陆北纬 20 度到 35 度之间,以及美洲北纬 15 度到南纬 20 度之间。公元前 12700 年之后,欧亚大陆东西部都开始出现各种野生谷物。这些谷物的籽粒非常大。因此,每采集这些谷物消耗一卡路里能量,食用它们的人类就能获得五十倍的回报。由于食物充足,人类群体的规模开始扩大,文明核心逐渐形成。不久之后,在“幸运纬度带”最先进的地区——“丘陵侧翼”,这片位于底格里斯河与幼发拉底河流域与约旦河之间拱形山麓的土地上,人类文明的第二次大飞跃率先发生了。

The last ice age of the Earth ended in approximately 20,000 BC. Sea levels started to rise as melting glaciers flowed into the ocean. They continued to melt until 14,000 BC. By approximately 12,700 BC, atmospheric temperatures rose back to within a few degrees of modern day temperatures. This temperature was particularly suited to the survival of plants and animals. The number and variety of animal and plant species increased rapidly on the planet. For our ancestors, who hunted and gathered for their living, there was also naturally a great increase in the number of food sources. From 18,000 to 10,000 BC the Earth’s total human population increased from less than 500,000 to more than ten times. We may say that from this time on, humans started to inherit the Earth and receive the gifts it bestowed on them. While the warming climate was a great gift to humanity, the blessings enjoyed by people living in different geographical locations varied. The most fortunate lived in the “lucky latitudes” located in the regions from 20° north to 35° north in Eurasia, and between 15° north and 20° south in the Americas. After 12,700 BC, various wild grains started appearing in both eastern and western Eurasia. These grains possessed very large kernels. Therefore, for each calorie spent on gathering these grains, humans who ate them obtained a return fifty times greater. Due to this abundance of food, the size of human communities started to expand and cores of civilization gradually formed. Soon it was at the Hilly Flanks, the most advanced region of the “lucky latitudes” which was located on an arched foothill between the Tigris and Euphrates River basins and the Jordan River, where the second great leap of human civilization first took place.

今天我们可以推测,这一文明的巨大进步可能归功于女性的采集经验。在采摘果实的过程中,她们会思考:如果把野生水果种在肥沃的土壤中,收成是否会变得更可预测?考古学家发现了越来越多的证据,证明人类在这一时期开始种植植物,并对一系列农业活动有了更深入的理解,包括选择和杂交优良品种、使用肥料和除草。这标志着现代农业的出现,因为这些活动所产生的作物不再是原始的野生品种,而是与人类形成了一种相互依存的关系。类似的过程也导致了动物驯化的出现,动物被逐渐驯服以服务于人类的目的。人类首先圈养野生动物。然后繁殖它们,选择性交配优良品种,并人工喂养新生幼崽。这种做法一直持续到这些驯化动物无法再在野外独立生存,必须与人类相互依存。

Today we may surmise that this great advance in civilization may have been due to the food-gathering experiences of women. While picking fruit they thought about whether or not harvests would become more predictable if they planted the wild fruit in fertile ground. Archeologists have increasingly found more evidence proving that humans started to grow plants during this period, and they gained a greater understanding of an array of agricultural activities including selecting and hybridizing species of superior quality, using fertilizers, and weeding. This signified the emergence of modern agriculture, as the crops produced by these activities were no longer the primitive wild variety, but had a type of interdependent relationship with humans. A similar process led to the emergence of animal domestication, as animals were gradually tamed for human purposes. Humans first reared wild animals in captivity. They then bred the animals, selectively mating those of superior quality and artificially feeding newborns. This continued until these domesticated animals could no longer survive independently in the wild and had to become interdependent with people.

农业和动物驯化在全球各地出现的程度差异巨大,这主要是因为地理环境和自然资源的巨大差异。生物学家、地理学家和历史学家贾雷德·戴蒙德首先发现了地理在农业文明中起到的决定性作用。他指出,全世界大约有 20 万种独特的植物物种。其中只有将近 2000 种可食用,而大约只有一两百种可以被驯化。今天,人类能量摄入的一半来自谷物,主要是小麦、玉米、大米、大麦和高粱。然而,这些谷物的原始野生品种在全球分布并不广泛,更不均匀。自然界中共有 56 种可食用的野生植物,籽粒大、营养价值高。其中 32 种分布在西南亚的丘陵侧翼,6 种分布在东亚和中国周边,5 种分布在中美洲,4 种分布在撒哈拉以南非洲,4 种分布在北美,澳大利亚和南美洲各有两种,而整个西欧只有一种。因此,农业在丘陵侧翼出现的概率远超其他地区。

There was a great disparity in the extent to which farming and animal domestication appeared in various regions throughout the globe, and this was primarily because of vast differences in geographical environments and natural resources. Biologist, geographer and historian Jared Diamond first discovered the decisive role geography played in agricultural civilization. He pointed out that there are approximately 200,000 unique plant species in the entire world. Only almost 2000 of them are edible, and approximately only one or two hundred of these can be domesticated. Today, half of human energy capture comes from grain, primarily wheat, corn, rice, barley and sorghum. However, the original wild strains of these grains were not broadly spread throughout the globe, and were even less evenly distributed. In nature there are a total of 56 edible wild plants with large kernels and high nutritional value. There were 32 strains in the Hilly Flanks of Southwest Asia, six around East Asia and China, five in Central America, four in Sub-Saharan Africa, four in North America, two each in Australia and South America, and only one in all of Western Europe. Therefore, the probability of agriculture emerging in the Hilly Flanks far exceeded that of other regions.

动物驯化的情况也类似:体重超过 100 磅的哺乳动物共有 148 种。到 1900 年,只有 14 种被驯化,其中 7 种(最初)是西南亚的野生物种。如今,世界上最重要的五种家养动物是:绵羊、山羊、牛、猪和马。除了马之外,这些动物的原始品系都发现于东南亚,其中五种在东亚,只有一种在南美洲。北美、澳大利亚或撒哈拉以南非洲都没有发现这些物种。尽管非洲有许多动物,但其中绝大多数,如狮子、长颈鹿等,都无法驯化。因此,从农业资源的分布来看,丘陵地带是最幸运的地区,其次是中国长江和黄河流域。后者虽不如前者幸运,但仍拥有世界上第二好的自然资源。世界其他地区的条件远逊于这两个地区。

The situations were similar for animal domestication: there are 148 species of mammals which weigh more than 100 pounds. By 1900, only 14 species had been domesticated, and seven of these were (originally) wild species native to Southwest Asia. Today the five most important domesticated animals in the world are: sheep, goats, cattle, pigs and horses. With the exception of horses, all of the original strains of these animals were found in Southeast Asia, five of them in East Asia, and only one in South America. None of these species were found in North America, Australia, or Sub-Saharan Africa. Even though there are many animals in Africa, the overwhelming majority of them, such as lions, giraffes and others, are not domesticable. Thus, in terms of the distribution of agricultural resources, the Hilly Flanks area was the most fortunate region, followed by the Yangzi and Yellow River basins in China. While the latter were not as fortunate as the former, they still had the second best natural resources in the world. Conditions in other regions of the world were far inferior to these two.

事实上,农业文明的产生和传播与自然资源密切相关。农业大约在公元前 9600 年开始出现在丘陵地带,在中国则出现在公元前 7500 年。农业基本没有出现在澳大利亚,在美洲也发展得晚得多。美洲一种名为大刍草的本地植物是玉米的野生祖先。将大刍草培育成玉米需要几十代的基因突变。美洲也没有可驯化的本地动物,因此该大陆农业文明起步的自然条件极为匮乏。另一个导致美洲农业发展滞后的因素是地理隔绝。人类祖先最早在公元前 15000 年通过一座陆桥从欧亚大陆进入美洲大陆。然而到公元前 12000 年,美洲和欧亚大陆被海洋隔开,使得欧亚大陆兴起的农业文明无法传播到美洲。因此,整个美洲大陆发展农业文明的自然条件非常差,而且也无法与已实现农业文明的其他地区互动。西欧的自然条件也很差。然而,由于它与中东之间的交通相对通畅,农业大约在公元前 4000 年就已传播到整个西欧。在亚洲,农业起源于公元前 7500 年的中国,并向四面八方传播。它传入现在的东南亚,然后在公元前 1500 年传播到朝鲜和日本,基本覆盖了整个(东亚)亚洲。当农业人口进入仍以狩猎采集为生产方式的地区时,竞争就产生了。农业本身就是文明的进步。农业社会的能量获取和利用能力,以及组织能力,远远超过了文明 1.0。一旦这两种不同的文明发生碰撞,先进文明征服更落后的文明就不可避免。文明传播的一种方式是先进文化的殖民,另一种方式是落后文明地区的人们模仿和学习新的生产方式。无论传播方式如何,新文明最终传播到世界各地,不同民族的生活方式逐渐趋同。大约 20%-25% 的现代欧洲人的祖先来自农业文明首次出现的西南亚或中东地区。亚洲没有进行类似的详细计算,但我相信,无论我们是对亚洲民族进行人种学调查,还是通过直接观察,源自中国祖先的比例都将是相似的。

In reality, the very emergence and dissemination of agricultural civilization was very closely connected with natural resources. Agriculture started to emerge in the Hilly Flanks region in approximately 9,600 BC, and it appeared in China in 7,500 BC. Agriculture basically did not appear in Australia, and it also developed much later in the Americas. An indigenous plant from the Americas called teosinte was corn’s wild ancestor. Dozens of generations of genetic mutations were necessary for the breeding of teosinte into corn. There were also no domesticable native animals in the Americas, so natural conditions for the beginnings of agricultural civilization on the continent were extremely scarce. Another factor which caused agricultural development to lag behind in the Americas was the continent’s geographical isolation. Human ancestors first crossed a land bridge from Eurasia to the American continent in 15,000 BC. Yet by 12,000 BC, the American and Eurasian continents were separated by an ocean, making it impossible for agricultural civilizations which emerged in Eurasia to spread to the Americas. Therefore, natural conditions for the development of agricultural civilization were very poor on the entire American continent, and it also could not interact with other regions which had achieved agricultural civilization. In Western Europe natural conditions were likewise very poor. However, because traffic between it and the Middle East was relatively unobstructed, agriculture had spread to all of Western Europe by approximately 4000 BC. In Asia, agriculture originated in China in 7500 BC and was disseminated in all directions. It was introduced into present-day Southeast Asia and then spread to Korea and Japan in 1500 BC, basically covering all of (East) Asia. Competition arose when agricultural populations entered a region where hunting and gathering was still the means of production. Agriculture was itself an advance in civilization. The energy capture and use of agriculture societies, as well as their ability to organize, far exceeded that of civilization 1.0. Once these two disparate civilizations clashed, it was inevitable that the advanced civilization would subjugate the more backward one. One manner in which civilization was spread was colonization by the more advanced culture, while another was the imitation and learning of new methods of production by people living in regions with more backward civilizations. Regardless of the manner of dissemination, new civilizations ultimately spread all around the world, and the lives of different peoples gradually grew more alike. The ancestors of about 20-25% modern Europeans came from the regions of Southwest Asia or the Middle East where agricultural civilization first appeared. No similar specific calculations have been done for Asia, but I believe that regardless of whether we use ethnographic surveys of Asian peoples or whether through direct observation, the ratio of those descended from Chinese ancestors would be similar.

尽管人类的绝大多数特征相似,但在文明 2.0 大发展的过程中,由于自然条件的差异以及是否有机会与这种新文明互动,不同地区的发展模式和速度各不相同。一方面,地理位置决定了一个地区的自然条件;另一方面,它也决定了该地区是否有机会与先进文明互动,从而造成了各地发展上的差异。我们这个时代最伟大的文明源于两个最幸运的中心:一个在西南亚和中东,另一个在中国长江和黄河流域。东西方的概念也在这一时期出现,从农业文明出现以来,地理位置变得极其重要。所有能够与其他地区互动的地区,其发展历程极为相似。无论是在丘陵地带、中国还是欧洲,发展的方式、速度和路径,以及文明传播的速度,都非常相似。例如,不同人群中出现某些现象的顺序,如种植、种子培育、大型村庄的出现、牲畜饲养、生活方式和家庭组织的重组、祖先崇拜、陶器的出现以及宗教仪式的形成,都极为相似。虽然不同地区出现了不同的生活习惯和文化,但就文明自身的发展而言,只要有足够的时间,先进文明最终总会通过殖民、模仿或同化传播到每一个可能的地方。因此,大约在公元前 1500 年,亚洲、中东、北非的地中海地区和欧洲都已进入文明 2.0 时代。由于先天自然资源不足和地理隔绝,美洲和澳大利亚没有独立发展出农业,它们基本上仍处于文明 1.0 阶段。虽然撒哈拉以南非洲出现了有限形式的动物驯化,但由于地理条件的限制,农业无法发展。农业文明的起源、发生、发展和传播都与一个地区的地理位置密切相关。无论是初始的自然条件,还是一个地区与其他文明中心互动的便利性,都决定了农业文化在那里发展的时间和程度。非洲靠近赤道的地理条件使人类的诞生成为可能,全球变暖使文明 1.0 几乎在世界每个地区都得以发展。然而,一旦文明 2.0 到来,有利于文明 1.0 的地理条件不再必然是优势,在许多地方甚至变得不利。在非洲和美洲那些有利于文明 1.0 发展的条件,反而成了文明 2.0 的最大障碍。文明 2.0 在农业条件相对较好的地区自然发展得更快,如中东和西南亚。它们因领先了 2000 年而拥有巨大优势。然而,这种优势并非永久不变。中国和欧洲后来都慢慢赶上并超越了曾经更先进的中东,这表明虽然人类群体行为相似,但地理因素导致了发展速度和顺序的差异。人性在整个历史中扮演着重要角色。莫里斯将其人性的一部分概括为莫里斯定理:“变革是由懒惰、贪婪、恐惧的人们引起的,他们寻找更容易、更有利可图、更安全的方法做事。而且他们很少知道自己在做什么。”然而,人类也表现出巨大的学习能力和主动性。只要自然条件提供了机会,他们就会迅速将自然资源和条件转化为自身生存和发展的巨大动力。

Although the great majority of human traits are alike, the patterns and rates of development during the great advance of civilization 2.0 differed between regions because of variations in their natural conditions and whether they had the opportunity to interact with this new civilization. On the one hand, geographic location determines the natural conditions of a region; on the other hand, it also determines whether it has opportunities to interact with advanced civilizations, and it therefore creates disparities in development between various places. The greatest civilizations of our age descended from the two most fortunate centers: one in Southwest Asia and the Middle East, and the other in the Yangzi and Yellow River basins of China. The concept of East and West also emerged during this period, and geographical location had become extremely important ever since the appearance of agricultural civilization. The course of development for all regions which could interact with others was extremely similar. The manner, rate and path of development, as well as the rate at which civilization was disseminated, were very alike whether in the Hilly Flanks, China, or Europe. For example, the sequence in which certain phenomena appeared among different groups of people, such as planting, seed breeding, the emergence of large villages, the raising of livestock, the restructuring of ways of living and family organizations, ancestor worship, the emergence of pottery, and the formation of religious ceremonies, was extremely similar. While different living habits and cultures appeared in different regions, in terms of the development of civilization itself, given enough time, advanced civilizations were always ultimately disseminated to every possible location through colonization, imitation or assimilation. Therefore, by approximately 1500 BC all of Asia, the Middle East, the Mediterranean region of northern Africa and Europe had already entered the era of civilization 2.0. Due to inherently inadequate natural resources and geographical isolation, Americas and Australia didn’t independently develop agriculture. They were basically still in civilization 1.0. While limited forms of animal domestication emerged in Sub-Saharan Africa, farming could not develop because of the constraints of geographical conditions. Agricultural civilization’s origins, genesis, development and dissemination were all intimately linked to a region’s geographical location. Both the initial natural conditions and the ease with which a region could interact with other centers of civilization determined the timing and extent of the development of agricultural culture there. Africa’s geographical conditions near the equator allowed for the birth of the human race to occur there, and global warming enabled civilization 1.0 to develop in almost every region of the world. However, once civilization 2.0 arrived, the geographical conditions which favored civilization 1.0 were no longer necessarily advantageous, and even became unfavorable in many places. The conditions which had been favorable for the development of civilization 1.0 in Africa and the Americas became the greatest barriers to civilization 2.0. Civilization 2.0 naturally developed more rapidly in places with comparatively good conditions for agriculture, such as the Middle East and Southwest Asia. They had a great advantage from being in the forefront for 2000 years. However, this advantage was not permanent. Both China and Europe slowly caught up later with the formerly more advanced Middle East, demonstrating that while people act similarly in large groups, geography is responsible for differences in the rates and sequencing of development. Human nature played an important role throughout history. Morris refers to part of this nature in his Morris Theorem: “Change is caused by lazy, greedy, frightened people looking for easier, more profitable, and safer ways to do things. And they rarely know what they are doing.” However, humans also displayed a great capacity for learning and initiative. As soon as natural conditions presented them with an opportunity, they quickly transformed natural resources and conditions into an enormous driving force for their own survival and development.

第 5 章 农业文明的硬顶与三次冲击 导言:光合作用为农业文明的社会发展设定了始终存在的上限。在工业革命到来之前,农业文明的社会发展轨迹始终遵循着农业发展上升、触及天花板、然后衰落的循环模式。每一个发展时期之后,社会都会达到一个顶点,一旦达到这个无法逾越的天花板,衰落就不可避免。它们衰落、再次上升、触及天花板、再次衰落,如此循环往复。几千年来,不仅存在馅饼的生产(财富创造)与分配(财富分配)之间的持续张力,而且这种张力还变得越来越严重。

Chapter 5 Agricultural Civilization’s Hard Ceiling and the Three Attempts to Reached It Introduction: Photosynthesis placed an ever-present upper limit on social development in agricultural civilizations. Prior to the arrival of the Industrial Revolution, the trajectory of social development in agricultural civilization always adhered to a cyclical pattern in which agricultural development rose, reached the ceiling, and declined. Societies would reach an apex after every period of development, and once this insurmountable ceiling had been reached, decline was unavoidable. They fell back, rose again, reached the ceiling, and went into decline once more in this repeating cycle. Over the last several thousand years, there was not only a constant tension between the production of the pie (wealth creation) and how it was divided (wealth distribution), but this tension also became increasingly severe.

农业文明的发展导致了人口急剧增长。大约从公元前 10000 年开始,人口开始长期增长,越来越多的土地被持续开垦。随着农业技术的不断改进,单位农田的产量也增加了。大约在公元前 5000 年,集中的灌溉技术首次出现在中东的美索不达米亚平原。此后,一系列先进的农业技术,如深耕、轮作、选种、育种、休耕、农具改进以及牲畜的使用,在东西方都被采用。同时,铁制农具、水车、风车等农具也出现了。人们为了提高对这些新技术的利用效率而改进了组织能力。他们创造了城市、国家,甚至更大的帝国。城邦和国家之间出现了人口迁移和掠夺性战争。人类与动物的接触以及迁徙导致了病菌和瘟疫的传播,并引发了新的战争。与此同时,人口迁移和新的地理发现也促进了贸易和社会分工。大型帝国能够建立稳定的统一市场,先进技术可以在大范围内更快地传播。那些率先发展组织能力、建立制度并创新技术的国家获得了更大的优势,并挑战现有的文明中心,将后者的地理优势转变为劣势,取代它们成为新的文明中心。整个农业文明 2.0 就是在不断的两步前进、一步后退中前进和发展的。

The development of agricultural civilization led to sharp population growth. A long period of population increase began in approximately 10,000 BC, and more land was continuously put under cultivation. Yield per unit of farmland also increased as a result of ceaseless improvement in agricultural technologies. Centralized irrigation techniques first appeared in the Mesopotamian plains of the Middle East in approximately 5000 BC. Hereafter, a series of advanced agricultural technologies such as deep plow, crop rotation, seed selection, seed breeding, fallow, improvements on farm implements, and use of livestock were employed in both the East and West. At the same time, iron farm implements, water wheels, windmills and other farming tools also emerged. People improved their organizational abilities in order to make better use of these new technologies. They created cities, states, and even larger empires. Population movement and predatory wars arose between city states and nations. Human exposure to animals and migration led to the dissemination of germs and plagues and gave rise to new wars. At the same time, population movements and new geographical discoveries also promoted trade and the social division of labor. Large empires were able to build stable unified markets, and advanced technologies could be disseminated more rapidly over large territories. Countries which were first to develop organizational capacities, establish institutions and innovate technologies gained greater advantages and challenged the existing centers of civilization, turning the latter’s geographical advantages into disadvantages, supplanting them and becoming the new centers of civilization. The entire agricultural civilization 2.0 advanced and developed by constantly taking two steps forward and one step back.

在工业革命到来之前,农业文明的社会发展轨迹始终遵循着上升、触及天花板、然后衰落的循环模式。每一个发展时期之后,社会都会达到一个顶点,一旦达到这个无法逾越的天花板,衰落就不可避免。它们衰落、再次上升、触及天花板、再次衰落,如此循环往复。

Prior to the arrival of the industrial revolution, the trajectory of social development in agricultural civilization always adhered to a cyclical pattern in which it rose, reached the ceiling, and declined. Societies would reach an apex after a period of development, and once this insurmountable ceiling had been reached, decline was unavoidable. They fell back, rose again, reached the ceiling, and went into decline once more in this repeating cycle.

图 6:东西方人类社会发育指数(公元前 2000 年-公元 1800 年)

来源:Ian Morris, Social Development (2010)

问题的核心在于,农业文明的社会发展有其上限,原因在于内在缺陷造成的瓶颈。农作物靠光合作用生产。动物也需要消耗植物,而动物产出的热量与它们消耗的植物热量之比是十比一。光合作用最终能产生的能量受到土地面积和单位面积产量的上限约束。既然这两者都有上限,自然资源当然也有上限。此外,人类在这一时期仍然无法控制人口增长。人类利用新能源的一个重要途径就是生更多孩子,因此有限的自然资源加上几乎无限的人口增长,意味着人口增长最终必然通过灾难来吸收和扼制。大约从公元前 10000 年开始,这个基本瓶颈是所有农业社会始终未能解决的问题。纵观整个文明 2.0 的历史,特别是过去几千年,我们发现,不仅做蛋糕(创造财富)和分蛋糕(分配财富)之间一直存在张力,而且这种张力还在不断加剧。

Figure 6: Human Social Development Indices for East and West (2000 BC-1800 AD) Source: Ian Morris, Social Development (2010) At the heart of the matter is the fact that agricultural civilization has an upper limit to its social development because of a bottleneck resulting from inherent inadequacies. Agricultural crops are produced by photosynthesis. Animals must also consume plants, and the ratio of calories produced by animals vs the plants they consume is ten to one. The energy which photosynthesis can ultimately produce is bound by upper limits imposed by land area and yield per unit of land. Given that there are upper limits to both of these, natural resources will of course also have upper limits. Moreover, humans still could not control their population during this period. An important way that humans used new energy was having more children, so limited natural resources combined with almost unlimited population growth meant that population growth would ultimately have to be absorbed and constrained by catastrophes. Beginning around 10,000 BC, this basic bottleneck was a problem which all of agricultural society was never able to solve. In examining the entire history of civilization 2.0, particularly the past several millennia, we find that not only was there constant tension between producing the pie (wealth creation) and dividing it (wealth distribution), but this tension grew increasingly severe.

总体而言,农耕文明时代人类面临的灾难有五种:饥荒、人口流动引发的战争、瘟疫、气候变化和政府失灵。收成受天气影响,大大小小的气候变化都会直接影响作物产量。微小变化可能导致歉收,引发局部饥荒,而重大的长期变化则可能让某些地区系统性减产。这些情况必然引发大规模人口迁移,进而导致权力争夺和战争。游牧民族因牲畜消耗大量植物,受气候变化影响更大。此外,他们流动性强,更倾向于掠夺和发动战争。几千年来,战争的主要起因是游牧民族与农耕种群之间的冲突,而人口迁移的一个重要来源则是农业人口之间的流动。游牧民族迁徙对农耕族群的另一个直接影响,是病菌和病毒的传播以及随之而来的大规模瘟疫。这是历史上人口减少的主要原因之一。

In general, humans faced five types of disaster in the age of agricultural civilization: famines, wars caused by population movements, epidemics, climate change, and the failure of governments. Harvests are subject to weather, and climate changes both large and small will directly impact crop production. Small changes can lead to crop failures and cause localized famines, while major long-term changes can lead to systemic crop reductions in certain regions. These will inevitably lead to large-scale migration, which in turn will cause power struggles and war. Because their livestock consumed large quantities of plants, nomadic peoples were even more affected by changes in the climate. In addition, they were highly mobile and therefore more inclined toward plundering and war-making. For several millennia, the primary cause of war was the struggle between nomadic peoples and farming populations, and a main source of migration was movement between agricultural populations. Another direct result of nomadic movements on farming populations was the dissemination of germs and viruses and the ensuing large-scale epidemics. This was one of the major causes of population reductions in history.

为了应对这些挑战,东西方文明中心的人们开始加强自身的组织能力。这导致了城市、国家和帝国的出现。一方面,社会组织层面的这些创新创造了和平的环境,促进了国家内部的贸易和技术传播。统一市场由此形成,推动了社会发展。另一方面,发达地区与欠发达地区之间的差距,也成了战争、资源掠夺和征服的主要根源。气候变化常常凸显出某些地区的优势,导致文明中心发生转移。然而,新中心的崛起,同时也会带来新一轮的挑战,从而引发进一步的转移。地理上的优势与劣势不断变化,整个人类社会在每一次前进两步、后退一步中向前发展。

In order to meet these challenges, people in the Eastern and Western centers of civilization began to strengthen their organizational capacities. This led to the emergence of cities, states and empires. On one hand, these innovations in social organization created peaceful environments and spurred trade and the dissemination of technologies within countries. Common markets were created, thus promoting social development. On the other hand, the disparity between advanced and underdeveloped regions also became a major cause of war, the plundering of resources, and conquest. Climate changes often revealed the advantages of certain regions and caused centers of civilization to shift. However, the development of new centers would, at the same time, bring about a new round of challenges, which led to further shifting. Geographical advantages and disadvantages were in constant flux, and society as a whole advanced by taking two steps forward and one step back each time.

细察历史进程,我们发现约公元前 1300 年,西方社会发展抵达其间歇性高峰之一:社会发展指数升至西方农业文明初启时的六倍,东方也升至四倍。然而,西方文明中心首次遭遇区域性全面毁灭。当五种灾祸同时降临,文明区域内的文明便会毁于一旦。这场崩溃使西方发展在其后两个世纪中倒退回六百年前的水平。与此同时,东方在此期间继续前行。东西方两大文明中心的差距首次开始缩小,随后两者的发展轨迹惊人地相似。

In examining the course of history, we find that in approximately 1300 BC, Western social development arrived at one of its intermittent pinnacles, as the social development index increased to a level six times greater than at the outset of agricultural civilization in the West, and it was also four times greater in the East. However, the West’s centers of civilization then experienced region-wide destruction for the first time. When several of the five disasters appear simultaneously, civilization within a civilized area will be destroyed. This collapse caused Western development to revert to its level of 600 years ago in the ensuing two centuries. Meanwhile, the East continued to advance during this period. This was the first time that the disparity between the two great Eastern and Western centers of civilization began to narrow, and their subsequent development was astonishingly similar.

在这一时期,来自北方的游牧民族开始入侵欧亚大陆的两大文明中心。这个时代的游牧民族活跃在伟大的“草原高速公路”沿线——这是一条从东边中国东北和蒙古延伸至西边匈牙利的长条形草原带,横贯欧亚大陆。数千年来,他们始终是东西方农业文明的共同主要敌人。农业文明国家与游牧民族之间的战争和冲突从未停歇,但欧洲和亚洲也因为游牧民族沿着这条伟大的“草原高速公路”的活动而相互连接起来。

During this period, nomadic peoples from the north started to invade the two major centers of civilization in Eurasia. The nomads of this era were active along the great “steppe highway”, a long band of steppes from Northeast China and Mongolia in the east to Hungary in the west, stretching in a long line across the Eurasian continent. For several thousand years, they continued to be the principal common enemy of agricultural civilizations in both East and West. The warfare and struggles between civilized agricultural states and nomadic peoples never ceased, but Europe and Asia also became interconnected because of nomadic activities along the great “steppe highway”.

尽管面临重重挑战,农业文明仍至少三次到达过顶峰,并在应对威胁的过程中持续创新。农业文明时期的制度创新,首先体现为从粗放管理的国家演进为治理更为先进的国家——这一过程大致完成于公元前 1000 年至公元前 200 年之间。西方从粗放国家过渡到先进政体,如居鲁士的波斯帝国和大流士的波斯阿契美尼德帝国。随后是希腊城邦,再后来是罗马帝国——它集所有上述成就于一身,代表着西方最先进的政体。由于地处地中海沿岸,罗马帝国拥有极为便利的海上通道,因此在其疆域内形成了一个横跨欧亚的庞大贸易帝国。自然资源首次得到最优配置,社会发展也达到了农业文明的巅峰。大约公元前 200 年至公元 1 世纪期间,罗马进入鼎盛时期,其社会发展指数是农业文明起始时的十倍。同一时期的东方,在夏、商、周这些粗放国家政体以及春秋战国时期对先进政体的尝试之后,秦、汉两朝首次出现了先进的中央集权政治治理,也诞生了一个跨区域的大帝国。尽管秦汉时期的社会发展仍稍逊于罗马,但它依然是当时东方最先进的存在。

Despite facing challenges, agricultural civilization reached its apogee at least three times, and it continued to innovate as it responded to the threats. Institutional innovation in the era of agricultural civilization first involved the process of countries with rudimentary management evolving into ones with more advanced governance, and this was mostly completed between approximately 1000 and 200 BC. The West transitioned from rudimentary states to advanced governmental systems such as Cyrus’ Persian Empire and Darius’s Persian Achaemenid Empire. Next came the city states of Greece, and then the Roman Empire which aggregated all of these and represented the most advanced Western government system. Because it was located along the Mediterranean Sea, the Roman Empire had extremely convenient access to maritime routes. Thus, a vast trade empire which straddled Europe and Asia took shape within its boundaries. Natural resources were optimally allocated and for the first time, and social development reached its peak in an agricultural civilization. During the period from approximately 200 BC until the first century AD, Rome entered its zenith. At this point the social development index was ten times greater than at the beginning of agricultural civilization. During the same period in the East, after the rudimentary governments of the Xia, Shang and Zhou states and the transitional attempts at advanced government of the Spring-and-Autumn and Warring State periods, advanced and centralized political governance first appeared during the Qin and Han dynasties, and a large trans-regional empire also emerged. Although social development during the Qin and Han was still slightly behind that of Rome, it was still the most advanced in the East.

农业文明首次达到巅峰之后,东西方几乎同时出现了五大挑战。特别是,由于游牧民族的蛮族入侵,再加上这些地区政府的失能以及瘟疫的蔓延,西方和东方两大帝国在达到鼎盛后相继衰落。结果,所有文明区域都经历了毁灭性的衰退,西方持续了一千多年,东方也持续了近四百年。四百年后,东方出现了唐宋盛世。这使得东方的宋朝帝国第二次达到了农业文明的顶峰。宋朝的成就堪比罗马帝国,甚至有所超越。然而,在达到这一顶峰后,宋朝再次被蒙古骑兵和游牧民族击败。游牧民族的政治力量,加上瘟疫的蔓延,最终使宋朝攀登高峰的努力功亏一篑。蒙古军队横扫整个欧亚大陆,征服了几乎所有文明中心国家——从中国一直到匈牙利、俄罗斯和中东。他们也将瘟疫带到了世界各地。这场征服虽然摧毁了东方宋朝的所有成就,但同时也将宋朝先进的文明传播到了当时相对不发达的西欧。在宋朝文明达到巅峰的那个时代,其铸铁年产量超过十万吨。直到 1700 年,整个欧洲的总产量才达到这个数字。中国当时最重要的技术创新,如铸铁、火药、指南针、纺车、风车、水车以及农耕技术,都传播到了欧洲。蒙古征服的另一个结果源于它没有做的一些事。当蒙古大军到达匈牙利后,其征服行动戛然而止。它没有踏足西欧的任何地方,因此其破坏力没有波及这个地区,而(东方的)技术却传播到了那里。这为文明在西欧的下一次爆炸性发展创造了绝佳的条件。当时的欧洲正处于封建混战状态。罗马帝国之后几次统一这片地区的尝试都失败了。欧洲由数百个大小不一的封建邦国组成,在一千多年的时间里,这些王国与教皇之间、各王国彼此之间战火不断。因此,当中国的火器传入后,很快被发展成枪炮。这些枪炮又反过来传播回了东方。几百年后,在枪炮的助力下,东方和西方的俄罗斯与清朝共同努力,彻底制服了那些几千年来在农耕地区肆虐的游牧民族。大约到 17 世纪,随着中国和俄罗斯在 1689 年签署《尼布楚条约》,伟大的“草原高速公路”被完全切断。该路线的大部分划归俄罗斯,相当一部分划归中国。中国的领土也从最初的长江和黄河流域扩展到了东北以及蒙古、新疆和西藏,从而自此为中国开辟了新的陆上边疆。这也为社会的新发展提供了土地资源,尽管这些土地的生产力无法与长江和黄河流域相媲美。

After agricultural civilization had reached its apogee for the first time, the five major challenges appeared at almost the same time in both East and West. In particular, due to the barbarian invasions of nomadic peoples together with the failure of these regions’ governments and the spread of epidemics, the two great empires of the West and East fell in succession after reaching their heights. As a result, all civilized regions underwent devastating decline, which lasted more than a thousand years in the West and almost 400 years in the East. After 400 years, the golden age of the Tang and Song Dynasties emerged in the East. This allowed the eastern empire of the Song dynasty to reach, for the second time, the apex of agricultural civilization. The Song Dynasty equaled and even surpassed the accomplishments of the Roman Empire. However, after reaching this peak, the Song was once more defeated by Mongolian horsemen and nomads. The political power of the nomads, together with the spread of epidemics, caused the Song Dynasty’s effort to reach the heights to eventually fail. Mongol armies swept across all of Eurasia and conquered virtually all the countries which were centers of civilization, from China all the way to Hungary, Russia and the Middle East. They also brought epidemics to every corner of the world. While this conquest laid waste to all of the Song Dynasty’s accomplishments in the East, it also spread the advanced civilization of the Song to Western Europe, which was relatively undeveloped during this period. At that time, when the Song Dynasty had reached the zenith of its civilization, it produced approximately over one hundred thousand tons of cast iron annually. It was not until 1700 that all of Europe combined achieved this figure. China’s most important technological innovations of the time such as cast iron, gun powder, the compass, the spinning wheel, the windmill, the water wheel and farming techniques were all disseminated to Europe. Another outcome of the Mongolian conquest resulted from what it did not do. After its campaign reached Hungary, the Mongolian conquest came to an abrupt halt. It did not reach any part of Western Europe, so its destruction did not extend to this region, yet the technologies (of the East) were disseminated there. This provided an excellent setting for the next explosive advance of civilization in Western Europe. At this time Europe was in a state of feudal warfare. Several attempts at unifying the region after the Roman Empire had all failed. European governments consisted of hundreds of feudal states of varying sizes, and for over a thousand years, there had been endless wars between these kingdoms and the Papacy, and with each other. Therefore, after Chinese firearms arrived, they were rapidly developed into guns and cannons. These guns and cannons were in turn disseminated back to the East. Several hundred years later and with the assistance of guns and cannons, the shared efforts of Russia and the Qing Dynasty in the East and West completely brought to heel the nomads who had wreaked havoc for several millennia in lands populated by farmers. By around the seventeenth century, the great “steppe highway” was completely cut off after China and Russia signed the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689. The majority of this route was apportioned to Russia and a considerable section to China. China’s territory had also expanded from the original Yangzi and Yellow River basins into the northeast as well as Mongolia, Xinjiang and Tibet, thus opening a new land frontier for China from this time on. This also provided land resources for renewed social development, although the yields from these lands could not compare with those from the Yangzi and Yellow River basins.

在同一时期的西方,蒙古人放过的西欧从 15 世纪开始展现出新的巨大活力,文艺复兴在佛罗伦萨和威尼斯兴起。由于中国技术的传入,整个西欧经历了新一轮的社会发展。这些新技术的传入,加上马可·波罗对中国的赞美,引发了西方第一次真正的中国热,也激发了寻找东方财富的努力。这些为接下来的伟大航海提供了根本动力。从 1500 年起,西欧社会开始逐步发展。到 17、18 世纪,东西方再次开始冲击农业文明所能达到的上限。然而,这一次西方和东方遇到了完全不同的挑战和机遇。结果,它们接下来几个世纪的命运将截然不同,一条全新的人类命运之路即将显现。

During the same period in the West, Western Europe, which the Mongolians had spared, started to display a great new vibrancy from the 15th century on, and the Renaissance emerged in Florence and Venice. Because of the introduction of Chinese technologies, all of Western Europe experienced a new round of social development. The introduction of these new technologies, coupled with Marco Polo’s praise for China, gave rise to both the West’s first real bout of China fever and to efforts to seek the wealth of the Orient. These provided the essential driving force for the next great maritime voyages. From 1500 on, Western European society began to gradually develop. By the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, both the East and West once again started to push against the upper limits achievable by agricultural civilization. However, this time the West and East encountered completely different challenges and opportunities. As a result, their fortunes for the next several centuries would diverge greatly, and an entirely new path for human destiny was on the horizon.

第六章 农业文明的思想革命与制度创新 引言:轴心时代的伟大思想家们几乎同时出现在欧亚大陆每一个世界文明中心。他们的思想惊人地相似,都在思考文明毁灭后普通人的痛苦、边缘人的挣扎以及底层民众的呻吟。轴心时代思想最重要的遗产是建立了复杂的政府和治理体系。在中国,轴心时代思想催生了其历史上最伟大的政治制度,以及科举制的诞生,这也帮助中国在接下来的一千多年里领先于西方。轴心时代的另一个显著特征是思想的多样性。特别是,现代科学最终从其理性分支中逐渐发展出来。这场思想革命为人类接下来几千年的发展奠定了思想基础,并至今仍在影响着后代。

Chapter 6 Agricultural Civilization’s Revolution of Thought and Institutional Innovations Introduction: The great thinkers of the Axial Age appeared on the scene at almost the same time in every one of the world’s centers of civilization in Eurasia. Their ideas were startlingly similar, as they pondered questions concerning the pain of the common man after the destruction of civilization, the struggles of those on the periphery, and the groan of the underclass. The most important legacy of Axial Age thinking was the establishment of sophisticated governments and systems of governance. In China, Axial Age thought resulted in the creation of the greatest political institutions in its history and the birth of Keju, the imperial examination system, which also helped China take the lead over the West for the next one thousand or more years. Another distinctive feature of the Axial Age was its diversity of thought. In particular, modern science ultimately developed gradually out of its rational branch. This revolution of ideas laid the intellectual groundwork for human development over the next several thousand years and continues to impact future generations to the present day.

农业文明的铁律是社会发展有坚硬天花板。文明每一次达到顶峰,随之而来的是衰落和毁灭。这考验了这些时期的人民,给他们带来了痛苦和苦难。然而,苦难往往能成为思想的源泉和思想革命。二战后,德国哲学家卡尔·雅斯贝尔斯(1883 年 2 月 23 日-1969 年 2 月 26 日)在反思德国和世界带来的灾难时,感同身受地指出,每一次人类灾难都会引发思想革命。他最早注意到大约公元前 5 世纪出现了一场轴心思想革命,并将其称为轴心时代。在东亚的中国,孔子开始传播自己的学说,同时多家学派的思想家相互争鸣。在中东——西方文明的摇篮——先知们在《旧约》和《圣经》中记录下他们对世界和上帝的思想。在印度,乔达摩·悉达多放弃了贵族王子的富裕生活,与乞丐为伍以体验苦难,并宣讲如何摆脱苦难。在希腊,苏格拉底、柏拉图和亚里士多德全面审视了个体、社会和国家意义。

The iron law of agricultural civilization is its hard ceilings of social development. Each instance in which civilization reached its high point was followed by decline and destruction. This tested the peoples of these periods and brought them suffering and misery. However, suffering can often become the source of ideas and a revolution of ideas. After World War II, as the German philosopher Karl Theodor Jaspers (23 February 1883 – 26 February 1969 ) contemplated the disaster brought upon Germany and the world, he pointed out empathetically that every human disaster has resulted in a revolution of ideas. He was the first to note an axial revolution of ideas in approximately the fifth century BC, which he referred to as the Axial Age. In China in East Asia, Confucius started to spread his teachings, while thinkers from many schools contended with one another at the same time. In the Middle East, the cradle of Western civilization, the prophets recorded their thoughts on the world and on God in the Old Testament and Bible. In India, Siddhartha Gautama gave up his affluent life as a prince to live amongst beggars in order to experience suffering with them, and preached about how to extricate oneself from suffering. The meanings of the individual, society and the state were comprehensively examined by Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle in Greece.

这场思想革命为人类接下来几千年的发展奠定了持久的思想基础,并至今仍在影响后代。轴心时代的思想家几乎同时出现,来自欧亚大陆的每一个世界文明中心。此外,他们思想的方向惊人地相似。这些思想家的共同点是,他们都处于当时文明的边缘。他们都思考文明毁灭后普通人的痛苦、边缘人的挣扎以及底层民众的呻吟。鲁国的孔子、迦毗罗卫的乔达摩·悉达多、雅典的苏格拉底以及以色列的流浪先知们,都以弱势群体和普通人作为出发点和关注对象。他们共同反对的是腐败野蛮、欺骗国民的统治者和邪恶政府。因此,他们的思想极具革命性,但这些人本身都不是革命者。相反,他们的使命主要是探索关于人、社会和国家的终极问题:人的意义是什么?政府为什么存在?什么是好政府?什么是好社会?他们也寻求生命的意义,并试图超越自身生命和个人利益。例如,孔子讲“仁”,乔达摩·悉达多提到“涅槃”,《旧约》谈论“上帝”,苏格拉底等希腊哲学家探讨“沉思”。他们都寻求人类在这个世界上的精神升华和生命意义。同时,这些思想家都阐述了人际关系的黄金法则。例如,孔子说“己所不欲,勿施于人”。《圣经》告诉我们“你们愿意人怎样待你们,你们也要怎样待人”,乔达摩·悉达多则断言世间万物都应当彼此慈悲。基于这一核心理念,他们描述的美好社会都建立在这样的人际关系之上。有效的政府也必须以人民为中心,正如孔子和孟子所说:“民为贵,社稷次之,君为轻。”即便如此,这些思想家在他们所处的时代并不特别成功,也未被广泛接受。苏格拉底在民主的雅典被处死;孔子周游列国,其观点在世时未被接纳;以色列人失去家园,在世界各地流浪数千年;乔达摩·悉达多生前并无实质影响。然而,他们思想的丰富内容和持久力量超越了自身生命,至今仍在滋养着人们的心灵。

This revolution of ideas laid the enduring intellectual groundwork for human development over the next several thousand years, and continued to impact future generations to the present day. The thinkers of the Axial Age appeared on the scene at almost the same time, and came from every one of the world’s civilization centers of Eurasia. In addition, the direction of their thought was startlingly similar. What all these thinkers had in common was that they were at the fringes of the civilizations of their time. They all pondered questions concerning the pain of the common man after the destruction of civilization, the struggles of those on the periphery, and the groan of the underclass. Confucius from the Kingdom of Lu, Kapilavastu’s Siddhartha Gautama, Athen’s Socrates and the wandering prophets of Israel all took the underprivileged and the ordinary people as their starting point and the object of their concern. What they all opposed was rulers and evil governments which were corrupt and barbaric, and which duped their citizens. Thus their ideas were extremely revolutionary, yet none of them were revolutionaries themselves. Rather, their mission was primarily to explore the ultimate questions about humans, society and the state: What is the significance of humans? Why does government exist? What is good government? What is a good society? They also sought the meaning of life and sought to rise above their own lives and personal interests. For example, Confucius spoke of ren (virtue), Siddhartha Gautama referred to Nirvana, the Old Testament talked of God, and Socrates and other Greek philosophers discussed contemplation. They all sought the rise of spirit and meaning of life for humans in this world. At the same time, these thinkers all stated the golden rule for how people should treat one another. For example, Confucius stated “do not do to others what you would not have them do to you.” The Bible tells us to “do unto others as you would have them do unto you,” and Siddhartha Gautama asserted that all creatures in this world must have compassion for one another. Based on this core belief, the good societies they described were based on this type of interpersonal relationship. Effective governments also had to be people-centered, as Confucius and Mencius said: “The people are the most important; the state is next; the sovereign is the least important.” Even so, these thinkers were not particularly successful in the eras in which they lived, nor were they widely accepted. Socrates was put to death in democratic Athens; Confucius wandered from place to place and his views were not accepted during his lifetime; the Israelites lost their homeland and wandered around the world for thousands of years; Siddhartha Gautama did not have any real influence while he was alive. However, the rich content and enduring power of their ideas transcended their own lives and continue to nourish people’s souls to this day.

第一次轴心时代的思想体现在农业文明首次冲击其最高成就的尝试中。在第一次尝试失败后,东西方几乎同时进入了一个持续数百年甚至上千年的黑暗时代。这一时期经历的苦难催生了第二次轴心思想浪潮。经过简化,佛教在中国广泛传播,几乎成为国教;在西方,基督教成为罗马帝国的国教,并迅速传遍整个西方;伊斯兰教在阿拉伯半岛的沙漠游牧民族中兴起。

The ideas of the first Axial Age were embodied in the first attempt of agricultural civilization to reach its greatest heights. Failure after this first attempt occurred at almost the same time in both West and East, and they immediately entered into a dark age which lasted centuries or even over a thousand years. The suffering felt during this period brought about the second wave of Axial Age thought. After undergoing simplification, Buddhism spread widely across China and almost became the state religion; in the West, Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire and spread rapidly throughout the West; Islam emerged amongst the desert nomads of the Arabian Peninsula.

伊斯兰教是一个非常独特的现象。这是唯一由游牧民族创立的宗教,是游牧民族自身带来的一次文化飞跃。伊斯兰教的创始人穆罕默德是个文盲,娶了一位年长得多的寡妇。他经营小生意,从未有任何显著成就,也没有任何迹象预示他将来的非凡。然而,当他 40 岁时,他开始梦见天使加百列向他传达信息。最初,穆罕默德无论如何也无法理解自己的梦境。只是在妻子的鼓励下,他才开始相信自己已被选中成为上帝代言的声音。他成为先知,并开始与他人分享梦中天使的启示。他传讲的话语富有诗意,极具说服力,很快吸引了一大批信徒。随后,在余生仅有的二三十年里,穆罕默德将一个在沙漠边缘勉强度日的小型游牧部落组织起来,征服了整个中东、埃及和地中海。他和他的后继者创立了世界第三大宗教,建立了一个穆斯林帝国。用当代中文俚语说,这是一个很好的“屌丝逆袭”例子。由于中东游牧文化发展较晚,伊斯兰教在穆罕默德及其继任者的统治下,展现出对更成熟文化民族的充分尊重、宽容和谦逊学习态度。希腊文明和罗马文化、犹太教,有时甚至基督教,在穆斯林时代都或多或少受到容忍,并通过伟大的“草原高速公路”(从匈牙利到蒙古的狭长草原带)传播到东亚。印度的香料以及中国的瓷器和丝绸也沿着这条路线运输,形成了所谓的丝绸之路,连接了东西方贸易。

Islam is an extremely unique phenomenon. This is the only religion created by nomads and it was a cultural leap forward brought about by nomads themselves. Islam’s founder, Mohammed, was an illiterate who married a much older widow. He ran a small business and had never achieved anything notable, nor were there any signs indicating his extraordinary future. However, when he was 40 years old, he began to dream of the Angel Gabriel delivering messages to him. Initially, Mohammed was unable to understand his dreams no matter how he tried. Only with the encouragement of his wife did he start to believe that he had been chosen to be the voice through which God would speak. He became a prophet and started to share with others what the angel had told him in his dreams. The words he preached were richly poetic and extremely persuasive, and he quickly attracted a huge group of believers. Subsequently, in the mere twenty or thirty years remaining in his life, Mohammed organized a small tribe of nomads eking out living on the periphery in the desert and conquered the entire Middle East, Egypt, and the Mediterranean Sea. He and those who came after him established the world’s third greatest religion and founded a Muslim empire. In contemporary Chinese slang, this was a good example of Diaosi Nixi, or a counterattack by the underdog. Because middle eastern nomadic culture started to develop relatively late, Islam under the rule of Mohammed and his successors demonstrated ample respect, tolerance, and humility in learning from peoples with more mature cultures. Greek civilization and Roman cultures, Judaism and sometime even Christianity were all more or less tolerated during the Muslim era, and were disseminated to East Asia via the great “steppe highway” (the long band of steppes from Hungary to Mongolia). Indian spices as well as Chinese porcelains and silk were also transported along this route, which formed the so-called Silk Road and linked up trade between the East and West.

第二次轴心浪潮强调心灵的慰藉,几乎完全表现为宗教。佛教、基督教和伊斯兰教都强调来世的解脱、对现世苦难的安慰和精神慰藉。轴心时代的两次浪潮都出现在人类从初级政府向高级政府演进的过程中,并为后来建立的更复杂政府形式奠定了思想基础。高级政府体制在西方以罗马帝国为代表,在中国则由汉朝开创。

The second wave of the Axial Age emphasized the comforting of the soul, and was manifested almost entirely as religion. Buddhism, Christianity and Islam all emphasized the liberation of the afterlife, comfort from the sufferings of this world and spiritual solace. The two waves of the Axial Age both appeared in the course of humanity’s progression from rudimentary forms of government to advanced ones, and they laid the ideological foundations for the more sophisticated forms of government which were established later. Advanced government systems were represented by the Roman Empire in the West and initiated by the Han Dynasty in China.

轴心时代思想最重要的遗产是建立了复杂的政府和政治制度。在中国,轴心时代思想催生了其历史上最伟大的政治制度——科举制的诞生,这是农业文明 2.0 时代最伟大的政治制度创新,在我看来也是整个人类历史上第二伟大的政治制度创新。

The most important legacy of Axial Age thinking was the establishment of sophisticated governments and political systems. In China, Axial Age thought resulted in the creation of the greatest political sytem in her history -- the birth of Keju, the imperial examination system, which was the greatest innovation of political system in the era of agricultural civilization 2.0 and the second greatest one in the entirety of human history in my opinion.

在应对农业文明面临的挑战时,所有帝国都需要和平发展与贸易。只有通过贸易分工,才能实现不同地区农业和手工业资源的优化配置。特别是,资源的优化配置尤为重要,因为农业文明受到自然硬天花板和有限资源的限制。因此,国家越大、人口越多、领土越多样,其应对挑战的能力就越强。因此,政府从初级向高级转型是不可避免的。

In confronting the challenges faced by agricultural civilization, all empires required peaceful development and trade. It was only by division of labor through trade that resources could be optimally allocated for farming and handicraft industries in different regions. In particular, the optimal allocation of resources was especially important because agricultural civilization was limited by its natural hard ceiling and finite resources. Therefore, the larger and more populous the country and the more diverse its territory, the greater its ability to cope with challenges. So it was inevitable that governments would shift from rudimentary ones to more advanced ones.

然而,在帝国建立之后,所有先进的政府都必须解决如何有效治理的问题。传统的治理模式建立在血缘关系之上。与征服国家者的血缘关系成为权力分配的最基本依据。然而,血缘关系并不能保证能力,尤其无法保证几代之后政府的能力。因此,这样的政府无法持久。治理良好的政府需要精英统治和贤能任命。但任命贤能的问题在于,无法保证他们的忠诚或政府的稳定。特别是,如果能力出众的军人同时拥有政治权力,他们自然会威胁到政权本身的安定。面对农业文明的五大挑战,人们必须建立庞大帝国,而如何有效治理如此庞大的帝国始终是一个难题,直到中国基于轴心时代的思想发明了科举制度。

However, after their formation, all advanced governments had to solve the problem of how to govern effectively. The traditional mode of government was based on consanguinity. Blood relations with those who conquered a country became the most fundamental basis for the distribution of power. However, consanguinity was no guarantee of ability, and it was particularly unable to ensure the capability of a government after several generations. Therefore, such governments could not be sustained. Well-administered governments require the rule of elites and the appointment of the wise. However, the problem with appointing the wise is that there is no guarantee of their loyalty or of government stability. In particular, if capable military men also have political power, they will naturally threaten the peace of the regime itself. In confronting the five major challenges of agricultural civilization, people had to form great empires, and how to effectively administer such large empires was always a difficult problem until China invented Keju system based on Axial Age ideas.

在科举制度中,政府官员的候选人根据其学习能力、知识水平和行政能力进行评估。每个人都有机会以公平、透明、公开的方式参与,参与不受家庭背景或血统的限制。来自社会各阶层的优秀人才被选拔出来,并根据考试成绩被授予政治权力。此外,科举制度的使用创造了一种统一的官方意识形态,确保所有通过考试的人都忠于政府。这种评估和选拔官员的制度保证了被选中的人完全有能力、能够为人民服务,并且忠于政府。文官对武官的管理确保了政府不会受到挑战。在知识和思想上,士大夫既忠于帝国政治体系,也忠于儒家道德准则。他们既服务于平民,也服务于皇权,同时实现自己的理想和抱负,养家糊口并为后代建立基业。这是一次近乎完美的制度创建尝试。它起源于西汉和东汉时期通过举荐选拔贤能官员的努力。经过几个世纪的实践,在隋朝作为一种制度正式确立。此后,科举制度为接下来的一两千年间中国庞大帝国的行政稳定提供了最有力的保障。它也奠定了中国在汉朝之后历经四百年战乱与衰败后重新崛起的基础,并使得东方在汉朝和罗马帝国都走向衰落后,与西方拥有截然不同的命运。从公元 500 年到大约 1770 年的大约 1200 年间,中国比西方更先进,而科举制度的创新是推动中国领先的最重要因素之一。这一制度的建立使中国基本解决了治理庞大帝国的问题,并确保了持久的和平环境。中国还能够创建庞大的贸易市场,促进技术交流及其广泛应用,并发展其文化。此外,它有能力应对饥荒、流行病和外敌入侵。这使得中国在接下来的一千多年里几乎比任何其他国家都更先进。即使在工业文明时代的英帝国,也在创建自己的文官官僚体系时借鉴了中国的文官制度。今天,美国军方、所有采用文官制度的政府以及非政府组织,都在某种程度上受到了中国科举制度的影响。

In Keju system, candidates of government officials were assessed based on their learning abilities, levels of knowledge and administrative abilities. Everyone was given an opportunity in a fair, transparent and open manner, and participation was not limited by family background or bloodlines. Outstanding and capable persons were selected from all levels of society and allotted political power based on their examination results. Furthermore, the use of Keju system created a unified official ideology which ensured that all who passed the examination were loyal to the government. This system for assessing and selecting officials guaranteed that those chosen would be fully capable, could serve the people, and would be loyal to the government. The management of military officials by civil servants ensured that the government would not be challenged. Intellectually and ideologically, scholar-bureaucrats were loyal to both the imperial political system and to the Confucian moral code. They served both the commoners and the imperial authorities, while realizing their ideals and ambitions, supporting their families and building legacies for their descendants. This was a near-perfect attempt to create an institution. It originated in the efforts during the Western and Eastern Han dynasties to select wise officials through recommendations. After several centuries of practice, it was officially established as an institution during the Sui dynasty. The Keju system thereafter provided the strongest guarantee of stability for the administration of China’s vast empire over the next one to two millennia. It also provided the foundation for China to rise again after 400 years of post-Han war and decay, and made it possible for the East to have entirely different fortunes from that of the West after the Han Dynasty and Roman Empire both went into decline. For the roughly 1200 years from 500 to around 1770 AD, China was more advanced than the West, and the innovation of Keju system was one of the most important factors which propelled China into the lead. The establishment of this institution allowed China to basically solve the problems of administering a vast empire and ensure a lasting peaceful environment. China was also able to create large trade markets, promote the exchanges of technologies and their broad applications, and develop its culture. In addition, it was capable of dealing with famines, epidemics and foreign invasions. This enabled China to be more advanced than almost any other country for the next thousand or more years. Even British Empire duirng the era of industrial civilization borrowed from the Chinese civil service system in creating its own civil service bureaucracy. Today, the United States military, all governments which have adopted a civil service system, and non-governmental organizations, have all been influenced by China’s Keju system to some extent.

虽然科举制度在很大程度上解决了中国帝国政府面临的问题,但其核心缺陷在于最高领导人——皇帝的选拔。文官制度本质上是为了延续帝国统治而发明的,但皇位继承仍然基于血缘关系。如果皇帝能力极强,帝国的全部潜力就能得到充分发挥。这在汉文帝、汉景帝、汉武帝、唐太宗和宋太祖统治时期反复得到证明。然而,血缘关系并不能保证能力,也无法确保皇位不会传给无能的继承人。因此,无法避免出现软弱或无能的皇帝。当这样的统治者掌权时,政府内部必然会出现内斗和腐败。皇位继承的不稳定性影响了朝代的兴衰。然而,每个朝代无论在进行何种行政细节创新时,都保留了科举制度这一基本的政治制度。科举制度对中国政治的影响始于汉唐,一直延续至今。

While Keju system largely solved the problems faced by China’s imperial government, its central shortcoming was the selection of the emperor, who was the supreme leader. The civil service system was essentially invented to perpetuate imperial rule, but imperial succession was still based on consanguinity. If the emperor was extremely capable, the full potential of the empire’s power could be realized. This was repeatedly proven during the reigns of emperors Wendi, Jingdi, and Wudi of the Han Dynasty, Taizong of the Tang Dynasty, and Taizu of the Song Dynasty. However, blood ties are no guarantee of competency and cannot ensure that the throne will not be handed down to an incapable heir. Hence there was no way to prevent the emergence of weak or inept emperors. When such rulers were in power, infighting and corruption would inevitably arise within the government. The instability of imperial succession affected the rise and fall of dynasties. However, every dynasty hence retained the basic political institution of Keju system regardless of its innovations in administrative details. The impact of Keju system on Chinese politics began in the Han and Tang Dynasties and continues to the present day.

轴心时代思想革命的另一个重要遗产是其思想的多样性。在中国,百家争鸣,各有主张;在希腊,亚里士多德关注极其广泛的问题,包括科学、形而上学、法律、政府、逻辑学和修辞学。思想多样性的出现,尤其是其理性分支,为思想指明了另一个重要方向。思想不仅仅是为了创建公平的社会和政府,也不仅仅是精神慰藉的手段。从希腊“为了知识而知识”的理念开始,思想本身成为人类追求的一个目标。现代科学在人类思想进步的基础上逐渐发展起来,人类自此真正开始统治世界。这个理性分支思想为人类发展指明了一个非凡的不同方向。

Another significant legacy of the Axial Age’s revolution of ideas was its diversity of doctrines. In China, a hundred schools contended, each with their own ideas; in Greece, Aristotle concerned himself with an extremely diverse range of issues, including science, metaphysics, law, government, logic and oratory. The emergence of diversity in thought, and its rational branch in particular, pointed out another important direction for thinking. Ideas were not merely for the creation of fair societies and government and a means of spiritual solace. Beginning with the Greek notion of “knowledge for sake of knowledge itself,” ideas themselves became an objective of human pursuit. Modern science gradually developed out of advancements in human thought, and humans thereafter truly started to rule the world. This rational branch of thought pointed out a different and extraordinary direction for human development.

第七章 美洲大陆的发现及其划时代影响

引言:哥伦布到达美洲后的仅仅几代人时间里,75% 的土著人口被病菌消灭。受英国及其建立的新移民国家的影响,跨大西洋经济成为一种独特且前所未有的经济形态。它完全由自由商人和资本家控制,并在有限政府的支持和保护下形成了一种全球性的自由市场经济。艾萨克·牛顿的《自然哲学的数学原理》于 1687 年出版,引发了一场现代科学革命,并为欧洲人带来了新的世界观。它也标志着一个全新时代的开始。新的跨大西洋自由市场经济和科学革命共同为现代时代的诞生提供了基本条件。

Chapter 7 The Discovery of the American Continent and its Epochal Impact Introduction: Only a few generations after Columbus’s arrival in the Americas, 75% of the indigenous population had been wiped out by germs. Influenced by the involvement of England and the new immigrant nations it established, the Trans-Atlantic economy became a unique and unprecedented type of economy. It was completely under the control of free merchants and capitalists, and formed a global free market economy with the support and protection of limited government. The publication of Isaac Newton’s Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy in 1687 ignited a modern scientific revolution and brought Europeans a new world view. It also marked the beginning of an entirely new era. Together, the new Trans-Atlantic free market economy and the scientific revolution provided the basic conditions for the birth of the modern age.

地理区位始终是农业文明时代西欧的弱点。当西方中心已从中东转移到地中海和南欧时,西北欧仍然是一个落后地区。此外,它距离中国和印度的财富极其遥远。15 世纪的欧洲人充满向往,渴望一睹马可·波罗笔下天堂般的中国,并希望建立通往印度和中国的贸易路线。当时,东西方贸易主要通过一条途经中东的陆路进行。中东当时已被穆斯林占领,由于基督徒和穆斯林之间的战争,这条通道非常危险。只有少数零散的欧洲商人能够进行贸易,例如主要经营来自印度的香料的威尼斯商人。为了发现通往印度和中国的海路,西方开启了伟大的航海时代。葡萄牙的瓦斯科·达·伽马首先绕过了非洲的好望角,开辟了一条航线。接着,哥伦布出发,希望能通过大西洋找到直达亚洲的路线,却意外发现了一个全新的大陆。他错误地认为自己到达了印度,并将当地居民称为印第安人。然而,这一发现不仅改变了欧洲历史的进程,也彻底改变了整个人类历史的轨迹。人类大约在 15,000 年前首次踏上美洲大陆。当时,走出非洲的人类祖先穿过西伯利亚陆桥,直接步行到达了美洲。然而,在公元前 12,000 年,冰河时代结束,地球气候开始变暖,海平面上升,陆桥不复存在。因此,在接下来的一万多年里,整个美洲大陆被太平洋和大西洋隔绝,与其他文明的联系完全中断。虽然其自身的气候条件非常优越,但几乎没有适合耕种和动物驯化的野生动植物资源,因此农业所需的自然资源极其匮乏。只有四种适合耕种的植物,没有适合畜牧业的野生动物。本土植物中产量最高的玉米很难育种,需要经过十几代繁育才能驯化。因此,自然条件对农业文明的发展极为不利。美洲的发展起步晚于所有其他地区,作物种植发展极为缓慢,动物驯化从未发展起来。因此,社会组织的发达程度也非常低。

Geographical location was always the weak spot of Western Europe during the era of agricultural civilization. While the center of the West had already shifted from the Middle East to the Mediterranean and southern Europe, northwestern Europe was still a backward region. In addition, it was extremely far from the wealth of China and India. Fifteenth century Europeans were full of longing to see the paradise-like China described in Marco Polo’s works, and they hoped to establish trade routes to India and China. At that time, trade between the West and East was mainly conducted via a land route which passed through the Middle East. The Middle East was then already under Muslim occupation, and this passage was very treacherous because of warfare between Christians and Muslims. Only a few scattered European merchants were able to conduct trade, such as the Venetian merchants who primarily dealt in spices from India. The West began the great maritime age in order to discover sea routes to India and China. Vasco da Gama of Portugal was first to establish a route when he rounded Africa’s Cape of Good Hope. Next, Columbus set sail hoping to find a direct route to Asia via the Atlantic Ocean, and accidentally discovered an entirely new continent. He mistakenly believed he had arrived in India and referred to the native population as Indians. However, not only did this discovery alter the course of European history, it also completely altered the entire trajectory of human history as well. Humans first set foot on the American continent around 15,000 years ago. The ancestors of humans who ventured out of Africa at that time crossed the Siberian land bridge and directly made their way on foot to the Americas. However, in 12,000 BC the ice age came to an end, the earth’s climate started to warm, sea levels rose and the land bridge ceased to exist. Thus for the next ten thousand or more years, the entire American continent was isolated by the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans and connections with other civilizations were completely severed. While its own climate conditions were very favorable, there were hardly any wild plants and animals suitable for farming and animal domestication, so the natural resources required for agriculture were extremely scarce. There were only four types of plants suitable for farming and no wild animals suitable for animal husbandry. Corn, which had the highest yield among native plants, was difficult to breed, requiring over ten generations of breeding to domesticate. Therefore natural conditions were extremely unfavorable for the development of agricultural civilization. The Americas got off to a slower start than all other regions, crop growing was extremely slow to develop and animal domestication never developed at all. The level of development of social organization was therefore also very low.

当欧洲人踏上美洲大陆时,如今墨西哥和南美洲地区只存在两个相对较大的政府,而且都相当原始。入侵的欧洲人拥有显而易见的比较优势。由于欧洲历经多年持续不断的战争,其人民已具备丰富的战斗经验和强大的战争组织能力。在技术方面,他们拥有铸铁、枪炮和大炮。因此,原住民的抵抗注定失败。然而,欧洲人带来的最致命武器并非铸铁、枪炮或大炮,也非他们的战争技巧,而是他们自身及其牲畜携带的病菌和病毒。过去几千年里,人类在与病菌的斗争中逐渐占据上风。但这些疾病造成了惨重伤亡。黑死病一度杀死了欧洲三分之一的人口,而天花等其他疾病在中世纪也导致了近 10% 的人口死亡。幸存者虽已产生抗体,但这些病菌和病毒并未消亡,而是继续与人类和牲畜共存。它们对那些已受过考验并携有抗体的欧洲人构不成威胁。然而,北美原住民从未接触过这些病菌,完全没有免疫力。哥伦布抵达美洲仅数代之后,75% 的原住民人口便被病菌消灭殆尽。

When Europeans arrived on the American continent, there were only two relatively large governments in today’s Mexico and South America, and both were relatively rudimentary. The comparative advantages of the European invaders were evident. Due to many years of continuous warfare in Europe, its people already possessed abundant battle experience and a great capacity to organize for war. Technologically, they also had cast iron, guns and cannons. Therefore, resistance by the indigenous populations was doomed to fail. However, the most lethal weapon the Europeans brought was not their cast iron, guns or cannons, nor was it their skills in warfare. Rather, it was the germs and viruses that they and their livestock carried. Over the past several thousand years, humans had gradually gained the upper hand in their battle with germs. However, these diseases took a tragic toll. The Black Death killed one third of Europe’s population in one instance, and other illnesses such as smallpox also led to the deaths of almost 10% of the population during the Middle Ages. While the survivors had developed antibodies, these germs and viruses did not die out, and they continued to coexist with humans and livestock. They were not a threat to the Europeans who had already been tested by them and carried antibodies. However, the indigenous peoples of North America had never been exposed to these germs and had absolutely no immunity. Only a few generations after Columbus’s arrival in the Americas, 75% of the indigenous population had been wiped out by germs.

美洲大陆原本人口稀少,政府发展水平低下。欧洲人到来后,原政府被彻底摧毁,原住民也几乎被病菌完全消灭。16 世纪早期,欧洲人发现他们成了一个全新大陆的继承者,还惊喜地发现这片大陆拥有极其优越的自然条件,适宜种植庄稼和饲养牲畜。此外,这片新大陆的面积几乎是西欧的九倍,并蕴藏着大量白银及其他矿产等丰富的自然资源。这块新大陆彻底改变了欧洲的经济状况。仅西班牙一国,就在 16 世纪至 18 世纪期间从南美洲运回了 50 吨白银。美洲的发现一举解决了欧洲土地短缺的瓶颈,为人口迁移提供了新的可能。特别是,美洲很快成为那些在本国受迫害者,以及那些没有继承权、被边缘化的不幸者的更好出路。此外,美洲土地肥沃,适宜种植任何类型的作物。欧洲人将少量奢侈品带到非洲,用以交换奴隶。这些奴隶被迫在美洲种植甘蔗、棉花和木材。这些农产品随后被运往欧洲,新的工业品则被送回美洲。这一过程形成了一个庞大的跨大西洋贸易圈,使 16 世纪后的欧洲经济迅速活跃起来,并为其摆脱农业文明的经济瓶颈创造了条件。

The American continent originally only had a sparse population and poorly developed governments. After the arrival of Europeans, the governments were utterly destroyed and the indigenous populations almost completely eradicated by germs. In the early part of the sixteenth century, the Europeans found they had become the heirs to a brand new continent, and they were also pleasantly surprised to find that this continent possessed extremely favorable natural conditions suited for planting crops and raising livestock. Furthermore, this new continent had a land area almost nine times greater than that of Western Europe, as well as abundant natural resources such as large quantities of silver and other minerals. This new continent completely changed the economic situation in Europe. Spain alone shipped back 50 tons of silver from South America between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The discovery of the Americas solved Europe’s bottleneck of land shortage in one fell swoop by providing new possibilities for population movement. In particular, the Americas quickly became a better outlet for those who had been persecuted in their own countries, as well as those marginalized unfortunates who did not enjoy any inheritance rights. Moreover, the Americas possessed fertile land which was suited for planting any type of crop. The Europeans took a small number of luxury items to Africa and exchanged them for slaves. These slaves were made to grow sugarcane, cotton and timber in the Americas. These agricultural products would then be shipped to Europe, and new industrial products would be sent back to the Americas. This process created a vast Trans-Atlantic trading ring which caused the European economy to quickly become dynamic after the sixteenth century, and created the conditions which allowed it to break out of the economic bottleneck of agricultural civilization.

不同的欧洲国家对它们在美洲的殖民地持有不同态度。早期的殖民强国西班牙和葡萄牙并不重视商业,其专制君主国仅仅将本国商人视为自己的提款机。因此,新大陆对这些君主国而言成了一个掠夺和获取白银的机会。西班牙王室规定,任何在美洲征服一片土地的人,只需将所得收益的 20% 上缴王室。王室收集的白银主要被用于欧洲长达数百年的持续战争。然而,在同一时期,西北欧的几个国家开始对新型的跨大西洋经济采取不同的方式。其中最具代表性的是荷兰和英国。自《大宪章》时代以来,英国的君主制便较为薄弱。随后的议会不断从王室手中夺取更多权力。15 世纪之后,任何拥有一定财产的公民都可以投票选举下议院议员,因此下议院逐渐代表了成功商人的利益。17 世纪,在下议院与国王之间经历一系列内部斗争后,现代议会制度初步建立。通过 1688 年的一场不流血政变,一位荷兰王子成为名义上的君主,并签署了《权利法案》。这标志着人类历史上第一个君主立宪制的有限政府得以建立,也标志着第一个重商主义立宪国家的诞生。该政府的主要权力掌握在下议院手中,代表着商人的利益。有产阶级可以派遣自己的成员进入议会,这使得 17 世纪的英格兰成为一个重商主义社会。此时,英格兰在北美地区的运作模式与西班牙、葡萄牙在南美地区的做法截然不同。其根本目标是建立一个代表商人利益、保护私有财产的移民国家,而那些移民到新世界的人,其最终目的也主要是追求财富和宗教自由。受英格兰及其所建立的移民国家参与的影响,跨大西洋经济成为一种独特而前所未有的经济形态。它是在有限政府的支持和保护下,完全由自由商人和资本家控制而形成的跨大西洋全球自由市场经济。

Different European nations had different attitudes towards their colonies in the Americas. The early colonial powers of Spain and Portugal did not regard commerce as important, and their authoritarian monarchies merely treated their country’s merchants as their own ATM. Therefore, the new continent became an opportunity for plundering and obtaining silver for these monarchies. Spain’s royal family stipulated that any person who conquered any part of the Americas would only need to turn over 20% of his gains to the monarchy. Silver collected by the royal family was mainly spent on the centuries of continual European warfare. However, during the same period, several countries in northwest Europe started to take a different approach to the new Trans-Atlantic economy. The most representative of these were Holland and England. England had been a weak monarchy ever since the time of the Magna Carta. Subsequent Parliaments continued to take away more power from the royal court. After the fifteenth century, any citizen with a certain amount of property could vote for members of the House of Commons, which therefore gradually came to represent the interests of successful merchants. In the seventeenth century, after a series of internal struggles between the House of Commons and the king, the modern parliamentary system was initially established. Through a bloodless coup in 1688, a Dutch prince became the nominal monarch and signed the Bill of Rights. This marked the establishment of the first limited government of constitutional monarchy in human history, and the emergence of the first mercantilist constitutional nation. The main powers in this government rested with the House of Commons and represented the interests of merchants. The propertied classes could send their own members to Parliament, making seventeenth century England a mercantilist society. At this time, England’s mode of operation in North America was completely different from those of Spain and Portugal in South America. Its fundamental goal was to create a nation of immigrants who would represent the interests of merchants and protect private property, and the ultimate aim of those who immigrated to the New World was also primarily the pursuit of wealth and religious freedom. Influenced by the participation of England and the immigrant nations it established, the Trans-Atlantic economy became a unique and unprecedented economy. It was a transatlantic global free market economy formed completely under the control of free merchants and capitalists, with the support and protection of limited government.

美洲大陆的发现和跨大西洋经济的形成,为欧洲的知识分子提出了一系列新问题。随着海洋时代的到来和新大陆的发现,这个时代开始面临一些非常根本性的技术难题。涉及地理、地质、生物学、海洋技术、天文学方面的事务,以及关于政府起源和经济学本质的问题,都构成了一系列新课题。这个时代的欧洲知识分子试图追根溯源,他们希望通过一种机械论的视角来理解世界。如果说,在一两百年前的文艺复兴时期,人们曾向过去的圣贤寻求答案,那么,在这个时代的启蒙运动中,他们已不再满足于现有的知识体系。他们迫切需要新的学术和新世界观来解释新大陆带来的新问题,他们需要基于观察与实验、可以反复验证和预测的、更可靠的知识。正是时代这股强烈的社会需求,促使艾萨克·牛顿在 1687 年出版的《自然哲学的数学原理》中做出了其最伟大的发现。这本书点燃了一场现代科学革命,为欧洲人提供了全新的世界观,也开启了一个全新的时代。牛顿将世界看作一个像钟表一样可预测的机制,一个受原理和自然法则支配的世界。有了这样的世界观,人们开始用同样理性科学的方法来批判性地思考经济学、政治学、人文学、宗教学、文化和社会——几乎人类文明的所有领域——并试图发现其背后的规则。由此引发了持续一百多年的启蒙运动。新型的跨大西洋自由市场经济与科学革命一起,为现代时代的诞生奠定了基础。

The discovery of American continent and formation of the Trans-Atlantic economy raised a series of new questions for European intellectuals. As a result of the arrival of the maritime age and the discovery of the New World, this era began to face some very fundamental technical issues. Matters involving geography, geology, biology, marine technology and astronomy, as well as problems about the origins of government and the nature of economics were all areas which posed a series of new questions. European intellectuals of this time attempted to get to the roots of these problems, and they hoped to understand the world through a mechanical perspective. If we were to say that people had sought answers from the saints of the past during the Renaissance one or two hundred years ago, then during the Enlightenment Movement of this era they were no longer satisfied with the existing body of knowledge. They strongly needed new scholarship and a new world view to explain the new problems posed by the new continent, and they needed knowledge which was based on observation and experimentation, which could be repeatedly verified and predicted, and which was more reliable. It was this strong social needs of the era that led Isaac Newton to its greatest discoveries contained in Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy published in 1687. This book ignited a modern scientific revolution and provided Europeans with an entirely new world view, and also ushered in an entirely new age. Newton saw the world as a predictable clock-like mechanism, a world which was controlled by principles and natural laws. With such a world view, people started to use a similarly rational and scientific approach to think critically about economics, politics, the humanities, religion, culture and society -- virtually all areas of human civilization – and they sought to discover its underlying rules. This gave rise to the enlightenment movement which lasted for over a hundred years. Together, the new Trans-Atlantic free market economy and the scientific revolution provided the foundation for the birth of the modern age.

第八章 现代时代的诞生 引言:1776 年,亚当·斯密在英国出版了《国富论》,美国的开国元勋们发表了《独立宣言》,詹姆斯·瓦特在伯明翰宣布发明了世界上第一台蒸汽机。这三件事的同时发生,标志着 1776 年成为人类文明的分水岭。在随后的岁月里,人类文明再次跃进到一个新阶段。

Chapter 8 The Birth of The Modern Age Introduction: In 1776, Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations in England, the founding fathers of the USA published the Declaration of Independence, and James Watt announced the invention of the world’s first steam engine in Birmingham. The simultaneity of these three events marked 1776 a watershed year in human civilization. In the ensuing years, human civilization again leapt forward into a new stage.

追求结果平等是人的天性,但人们最终会满足于机会平等。对结果平等的追求,使得人类文明取得的任何进步最终都能传播到世界的每个角落。为社会成员提供平等机会的社会,最终将走向繁荣、进步与持久和平。自由市场经济是社会制度最伟大的创新。它与现代科学技术相结合,引领人类文明达到一个全新的阶段。

It is human nature to seek equality of outcomes but to settle for equality of opportunities. The pursuit of equal outcomes causes any progress made in human civilization to ultimately spread and reach every corner of the world. Societies which provide their members with equal opportunities will eventually end up with prosperity, progress and lasting peace. Free market economy is the greatest innovation of social institution. Coupled with modern science and technology, they lead human race to reach a whole new stage of civilization.

人类历史上反复出现的一种现象,就是某一年成为分水岭,一连串重大历史事件集中发生。1776 年就是这样一年。三件看似互不相关的事件在世界不同地方发生:亚当·斯密的《国富论》在英国出版,美国开国先贤发表《独立宣言》,詹姆斯·瓦特在伯明翰发明了世界上第一台蒸汽机。这三件事合在一起,使 1776 年成为人类历史上一个分水岭,我们的文明随后跃入一个新阶段。《国富论》的核心议题是大西洋经济的本质。当时,这种经济体制已经运行了一百多年,亚当·斯密试图考察一个完全不受政府控制的经济能否成功。这种经济形式史无前例。如果不是因为美洲大陆最初的无政府状态,如果英格兰没有那样独特的历史,如果英国商人阶层没有因为大西洋经济而如此迅速地崛起为社会的重要成员,英国议会在 18 世纪就不可能成为政治上的主导力量。本质上,这个涵盖英格兰、荷兰和北美的新大西洋经济,是一种自由贸易经济,几乎完全由私人资本主导,政府的作用非常有限。亚当·斯密骨子里是一位道德哲学家,他用道德标准来审视问题,特别关注社会效益。因此,他从社会福利的角度来看待自由市场的“看不见的手”。他试图证明,人们仅仅出于自身利益行事,没有任何崇高的动机,却可以通过自由竞争,以更低的成本生产更多的产品,更有效地配置社会资源,从而增加整个社会的福利。这个过程就像一只看不见的手,引导社会变得更加理性。与这只看不见的手相对立的是政府那只看得见的手。事实证明,没有政府干预,社会的经济反而能取得最好的结果。因此他得出结论,政府的恰当角色是采取不干预的自由放任政策。政府的主要职能是保护私有财产、确保自由竞争、反对垄断、维护自由市场的秩序与和平,以及促进国际自由贸易。追随亚当·斯密的大卫·李嘉图进一步描述了基于社会分工的自由贸易的好处。李嘉图论证,在自由贸易和社会分工的过程中,即使交换的一方在所有领域都拥有优势,分工和交换仍然对双方都有利。这是一个深刻的洞见,它解释了为什么贸易能带来繁荣和创造财富,也解释了为什么市场规模越大,贸易所能创造的财富就越多。

A recurring phenomenon throughout the course of human history is the occurrence of a watershed year during which a series of major historic events takes place. 1776 was one such year. Three seemingly unrelated events took place in different parts of the world: the publication in England of The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, the publication of the Declaration of Independence by the US founding fathers, and the invention of world’s first steam engine by James Watt in Birmingham. Together, these three events made 1776 a watershed year in human history, and our civilization subsequently leapt forward into a new stage. The central thesis of The Wealth of Nations is the nature of the Trans-Atlantic economy. At the time, after over a hundred years since the inception of this economic system, Adam Smith sought to examine whether an economy completely free from any government control could be successful. This economic form was unprecedented. Had it not been for the original anarchic state of the American continent, if England did not have such a unique history, and if the English merchant class had not so quickly risen to become important members of society because of the Atlantic economy, the English parliament could not have become such a dominating force in politics during the 18th century. In essence, this new Trans- Atlantic economy, encompassing England, the Netherlands and North America, is a free trade economy which was almost entirely dominated by private capital and where the role of government was limited. Adam Smith was a moral philosopher at heart who examined issues in moral terms, and particularly in terms of social benefits. He therefore looked at the “invisible hand” of the free market from the perspective of social well-being. He attempted to show that people acting solely out of self-interest, without any lofty motives, could, through free competition, make more products at lower costs, allocate society’s resources more efficiently and thereby increase society’s welfare as a whole. This process acted like an invisible hand which guided society to become more rational. The antithesis of this invisible hand was the visible hand of government. Facts showed that a society’s economy could yield the best results without government intervention. He therefore came to the conclusion that the appropriate role for government was to adopt a non-interventionist, laissez-faire approach. The main functions of government were to protect private property, to ensure free competition, to fight against monopolies, to maintain order and peace in a free market and to promote international free trade. David Ricardo, who followed in Adam Smith’s footsteps, further described the benefits of free trade based on the social division of labor. In the course of free trade and the social division of labor, Ricardo demonstrates that even if one party in the exchange enjoys advantages in all areas, the division of labor and exchange is still beneficial to both sides. This is a profound insight which explains why trade can bring prosperity and create wealth, and why the larger the market, the greater the wealth that can result from trade.

亚当·斯密发表他的理论时,大西洋经济已经存在了一百多年,但关于政府应该如何处理这种经济,特别是这种经济体制的未来方向,仍然没有共识。重商主义基本上把对外贸易视为零和博弈,主张高关税和贸易壁垒,在欧洲大陆仍然是最有影响力的思想流派。然而,亚当·斯密的理论对英国和美国产生了持久的影响。这两个国家的政府角色,尤其是它们对殖民地的态度,与其他殖民主义大国截然不同。英国和美国开始在全球推动自由贸易和自由市场。这项政策对以现代科学技术为基础的文明(或称 3.0 文明)在全球的发展和传播产生了深远影响,并最终导致了今天的全球化。

The Atlantic economy had already existed for over a hundred years by the time Adam Smith published his theory, yet there was still no consensus on how government should handle such an economy, and particularly on the future direction of this economic system. Mercantilism, which basically viewed foreign trade as a zero-sum game and advocated high tariffs and trade barriers, was still the most influential school of thought on the European continent. However, Adam Smith’s theories had a lasting impact on Britain and the US. The role of government in these two countries, and particularly their attitudes toward colonies, were very different from the rest of the colonialist powers. Britain and the US began to promote free trade and free markets globally. This policy had a far-reaching impact on the development and spread of modern Science and technology based Civilization (or Civilization 3.0) around the world, and it ultimately lead to the present day globalization.

同时代的其他政治经济学家从劳动的角度解释价值的创造。其中影响最大的是卡尔·马克思。他认为人类劳动是一切价值的最终创造者,但劳动成果却被资本家不公平地剥削了。他预言,这种剥削最终会导致资本主义的经济危机,并使世界进入一个新的状态,即共产主义。然而,《资本论》的墨迹未干,英国、其他欧洲国家、美国以及世界上几乎所有的资本主义国家中,大西洋经济工人的工资就开始持续上涨,持续了一两个世纪。正如亚当·斯密所预言的那样,资本主义最终使几乎所有人都受益,无论是资本家、工人、生产资料所有者还是消费者。

Other political economists of this era explained the creation of value in terms of labor. Among them, the most influential was Karl Marx. He believed that human labor was the ultimate creator of all value, yet the fruits of labor were unfairly exploited by capitalists. He predicted that such exploitation would eventually lead to economic crises under capitalism and cause the world to enter a new state, namely communism. Yet before the ink was dry on Das Kapital, the wages of Trans-Atlantic economy workers in Britain, other European countries, the US and virtually all capitalist countries in the world began a sustained rise for a century or two. Capitalism, as predicted by Adam Smith, ultimately benefited almost everyone, capitalists, laborers, owners of production resources and consumers alike.

1776 年美国独立为人类提供了一个独特的机会,可以建立一种全新的政府形式,一种基于启蒙时代对社会、自然、人性与经济的科学认识的政府。美国开国先贤深受启蒙运动的影响,因此这个新政府的经济原则深受亚当·斯密的影响,而其政治原则则深受约翰·洛克的影响。美国在 1776 年建立的是一个立宪的有限政府,其根本目标是保护财产权,其合法性来自人民的授权。

America’s independence in 1776 offered mankind a unique opportunity to establish an entirely new form of government, one based on the Enlightenment era’s scientific understanding of society, nature, humanity and economics. The American founding fathers were deeply influenced by the Enlightenment movement, so the economic principles of this new government were strongly influenced by Adam Smith, while its political principles were deeply influenced by John Locke. What America established in 1776 was a constitutional and limited government, one whose fundamental goal was to protect property rights, and whose legitimacy came from empowerment by the people.

主权属于人民,政府非常小。它拥有非常有限的目标、工具和权力,其存在仅仅是为了扩展和维护自由市场的秩序、保护商业利益和私有财产、以及保障公民的个人自由。例如,华盛顿领导下的第一届联邦政府行政部门只有几十名公职人员和四个部门。每个部门的负责人实际上是总统在该部门的首席秘书;因此,在美式英语中,每个部门的‘secretary’就是指‘minister’。我们应该庆幸,一个秉持这样原则的政府能够在如此广袤的国家里实施这些原则,从而确保新的大西洋经济能够成为人类未来文明发展的基础。

Sovereignty rested with the people and the government was very small. It had very limited objectives, tools and mandates, and it existed solely to expand and maintain order in the free market, to protect business interests and private property, and to safeguard the individual liberties and freedoms of its citizenry. For instance, the first federal government administration under (George) Washington had only several dozen public servants and four departments. The head of each department was actually the President’s chief secretary in that department; hence, in American English, the ‘secretary’ of each department meant the ‘minister’. We should be thankful that a government with such principles was able to implement them in such a vast country, thereby ensuring that the new Trans-Atlantic economy could become the foundation for the future development of human civilization.

在某种程度上,《国富论》的出版和美国的独立改变了人类历史的进程,但第三件事——蒸汽机的发明——对人类历史的影响更大。这项发明首次实现了热能与动能之间几乎无损耗的转换。艾萨克·牛顿已经证明,在理想条件下,能量可以在各种形式之间转换,遵循能量守恒定律。然而,在詹姆斯·瓦特发明蒸汽机之前,转换效率从未超过 1%。蒸汽机大大提高了这一效率。当时化石燃料已经被发现。这些是地球数亿年积累的馈赠,蕴含着近乎无限的能量。蒸汽机能够利用这些富含能量的化石资源,以人类已知的最高效率近乎完美地将其转化为动力。从此以后,人类通过人造工具所能产生的动力大小,不再像此前的几千年那样仅限于人类肌肉力量的几倍。现在,利用化石和蒸汽机,我们所能产生的动力增加了数百倍。在很短的时间内,它变成了数千倍,甚至是无限倍。这赋予了人们前所未有的对机械设备控制力。工业革命现在正式随着这场能源革命开始了。科学技术创造了一个良性循环,彼此影响、相互促进,在短短时间内赋予人们前所未有的控制自然的能力。而当它与大西洋自由市场经济相结合时,共同释放出了一种前所未有的财富创造力量。不断改进的技术使产品成本越来越低,这反过来又创造了更大的需求,扩大了整体经济,最终使每个社会成员受益。一个消费社会诞生了。

To a certain extent, the publication of The Wealth of Nations and American independence changed the course of human history, but a third event - the invention of the steam engine - had an even greater impact on human history. This invention allowed, for the first time, almost lossless conversion between thermal and kinetic energy. Isaac Newton had already proved that under ideal conditions, energy could change between all forms under the law of conservation of energy. However, before James Watt invented his steam engine, conversion efficiency had never exceeded 1%. The steam engine greatly improved that efficiency. Fossil fuels had already been discovered at that time. These were a gift of the earth which had been accumulated over several hundred million years, and containing an almost infinite amount of energy. The steam engine could take these energy-rich fossil resources and almost perfectly convert them into power with the greatest efficiency known to man. Henceforth, the amount of power that man can generate through man made tools would no longer be limited to several times that of human muscles, the way it had been for thousands of years up until then. Now using fossils and steam engine, the amount of power we can generate increased several hundred-fold. In a short span of times, it would become several thousand-fold, even infinitely. This gave people unprecedented control over mechanical devices. The industrial revolution now officially began with this energy revolution. Science and technology (S%T) created a virtuous cycle, each influencing and promoting the other and giving people unprecedented control over nature within a short period of time. And when coupled with the Trans-Atlantic free market economy, together they unleashed an unprecedented force in wealth creation. Constantly improving technology makes products cost ever lower, which in turn creates ever greater demand that enlarges the overall economy that ultimately benefits every member. A consumer society was born.

现代科学技术与现代自由市场经济的结合,创造了人类历史上最伟大的制度创新。这项创新使得社会中的几乎每个人都能实现自身的潜力,并获得他们应得的物质财富。将其与中国发明的科举制度(此前人类最伟大的制度创新)进行对比,是很有趣的。科举制度能够相对高效地根据个人的才智和管理能力来分配政治权力。然而,对于大多数人来说,追求物质财富要重要得多。而政治精英们也常常会利用政治权力谋取个人经济利益。因此,科举制度既不够充分,又容易滋生腐败。相比之下,由现代技术支撑的自由市场经济为每个人提供了真正的机会平等,从而释放了每个人获得其应得经济利益的潜力。我相信,追求结果平等是人之天性,但人们最终会安于机会平等。实现结果平等将永远是人类一个无法实现、却也永不放弃的梦想。但人们确实会接受机会平等。因此,任何创造了机会平等的人类制度,从根本上说,都是极为有益的。

The combination of modern S&T and a modern free market economy created the greatest innovation of institution in human history. This innovation allowed nearly everyone in a society to realize their own potential and obtain the material wealth they deserved. It is interesting to contrast this with Keju system invented in China, the previously greatest innovation in human institution. The imperial examination system was able to distribute political power according to one’s intellect and managerial competency relatively efficiently. However, for most people, the pursuit of material wealth is far more important. And political elites too would frequently use their political power for personal economic gains. Thus the Keju system was both inadequate and prone to corruption. In contrast, a free market economy backed by modern technology offers true equality of opportunity to everyone and thus unleashed the potential for each person to obtain the economic benefit he deserves. I believe it is human nature to seek equality of outcomes but settle for equality of opportunity. Achieving equality of outcomes will always remain a dream for human that can never be realized, yet never abandoned. But people does settle for equality of opportunity. Therefore, any human institution that creates equality of opportunity is by definition a hugely beneficial one.

追求结果平等,同时接受机会平等,这是人的天性。对结果平等的追求,使得人类文明的任何进步最终都会传播到世界的每一个角落;任何建立了机会平等制度的社会都会繁荣、进步,并获得长久、持续的和平。

It is in the nature of people to pursue equality of outcomes while accepting equality of opportunities. The pursuit of equal outcomes causes any advancement in human civilization to eventually spread to every corner of the world; any society which establishes a system providing equal opportunities will prosper, progress and achieve long, lasting peace.

迄今为止,人类第二伟大的制度创新是科举制度,政治权力根据知识和能力进行分配。然而,最伟大的制度创新是建立在现代科学技术之上的自由市场经济。这项创新使人类最终进入了一个全新的文明阶段。

To date, the second greatest human institutional innovation has been the imperial examination system, through which political power was distributed in accordance to one’s knowledge and capability. The greatest institutional innovation however, is the free market economy built on modern S&T. This innovation allowed the human race to finally enter into a brand new stage of civilization.

第 9 章 中国能否成为现代化的发源地?

Chapter 9 Could China have been the birthplace of modernization?

引言:研究中国近代史时,许多中国人常常不禁会想,为什么中国不是现代化的发源地,并试图找到一个有说服力的答案。然而,在我看来,这些问题本身就是一个虚假前提。所有地理和历史原因都使得西欧最有可能成为 3.0 文明的发源地,而中国成为现代 3.0 文明发源地的可能性微乎其微。

Introduction: As they study modern Chinese history, many Chinese people often cannot help but wondering why China was not the birthplace of modernization, and they try to find a persuasive answer. However, as I see it, these questions are false premises. All geographic and historic reasons make Western Europe the most likely birthplace for Civilization 3.0, and the chances of China being the birthplace of modern Civilization 3.0 were very slim.

回顾中国过去几百年的历史,人们常常感叹:为什么现代化没有诞生在中国?这个问题不仅让中国知识分子深感痛苦,也令许多熟悉中国历史的西方观察者感到困惑。剑桥大学的英国科学家兼历史学家李约瑟(1900 年 12 月 9 日-1995 年 3 月 24 日)毕生致力于研究中国的科学文明史。他深知中国科学技术的进步,因而提出了著名的“李约瑟难题”——为什么现代科学技术没有首先在中国发展起来?现代西方文明起源于文艺复兴。今天,一个多才多艺的人被称为“文艺复兴人”。中国历史上也出现过这样一位人物。他在物理学、数学、地理学、地质学、天文学、医学、化学、农学和气象学等领域的成就,在当时都是世界级的。他最重要的科学成就是发现了地球的磁倾角,并发明了史上最先进的指南针,为后来的大航海时代提供了最精准的导航。他不仅是他那个时代最伟大的科学家之一,还是一位工程师、发明家和政治家。他发明的灌溉水闸系统至今仍在沿用。他将一百多平方公里的沼泽地变成了肥沃的农田。他绘制了全国地图,并首次运用流水侵蚀的概念,正确解释了雁荡山群峰的成因。他描述了化石燃料,甚至发现了石油,并预测了其未来在经济上的重要性。他曾担任司天监负责人,修订了历法;他参与了全国性的经济改革,并担任过财政部长;他还是一位杰出的外交家。他丝毫不逊于列奥纳多·达·芬奇或(美国的)本杰明·富兰克林这样的文艺复兴人。他生活在意大利文艺复兴之前约 500 年的中国——他就是宋朝(960 年-1279 年)的沈括(1031 年-1095 年),他所处的时期恰好是中国的一个文艺复兴时代。

Looking back at China’s history of the past few centuries, people often lament: why was modernization not born in China? This question has not only caused anguish among the Chinese intelligentsia, it has also baffled many foreign observers who are familiar with Chinese history. Joseph Needham (9 December 1900 – 24 March 1995), a British scientist and historian at Cambridge University, devoted his life to studying the history of science and civilization in China. Ha had a deep understanding of the advances in Chinese science and technology and therefore raised the famous “Needham Grand Question” -- why had modern science and technology not developed first in China? The history of modern Western civilization started from the Renaissance. Today, a man of many talents was called a “Renaissance Man.” One such Renaissance man can also be found in Chinese history. His achievements in the various fields of physics, mathematics, geography, geology, astronomy, medicine, chemistry, agronomy and meteorology were world-class in their time. His most important scientific achievements were his discovery of the magnetic inclination of the earth and his invention of the most advanced compass in history, which provided the most precise guidance for the great era of navigation that followed. He was not only one of the greatest scientists of his era, but also an engineer, inventor and statesman. The sluice gates system of irrigation canals which he invented is still in use today. He turned more than a hundred square kilometers of swampland into fertile farmland. He drew maps of the entire country, and was the first to apply the concept of water erosion to correctly explain the formation of the peaks of the Yandang Mountains. He described fossil fuels and even discovered petroleum and predicted its future economic importance. He served as head of the Bureau of Astronomy and revised the calendar; he participated in nationwide economic reforms and served as finance minister; he was also an outstanding diplomat. He was no less a Renaissance man than Leonardo da Vinci or Benjamin Franklin (of the United States). He lived in China, some 500 years before the Italian Renaissance – he was Shen Kuo (1031–1095) of the Song Dynasty (960-1279), and the period he lived in happened to be the Chinese Renaissance Era.

在沈括生活的宋朝,士大夫阶层开始摒弃佛教那种消极、避世的心态。他们认为生命的意义在于当下的行动,真正的士大夫应努力做到“先天下之忧而忧,后天下之乐而乐”。这一时期涌现出许多杰出的作家、科学家、社会活动家和改革家。科学技术突飞猛进,中国四大发明中有三项诞生于宋朝:印刷术、火药和指南针。这一时期的铸铁产量极高,直到约 700 年后的 1700 年,整个欧洲的铸铁总产量才超越它。纺织机已经开始利用风力和水力驱动,人们已经理解机械活塞的运动及其动力,这使得李约瑟始终困惑:为什么蒸汽机没有在中国发明出来。可以想象,现代科学在那时本有可能出现,而且最有可能出现在中国。然而,当西方文艺复兴后大航海时代轰轰烈烈地拉开帷幕时,早期宋代的儒学在经过一两百年后,演变成了后来的分支——宋明理学。这使得中国进入了一个思想被禁锢的保守时代。妇女缠足开始流行,科举考试也不再像王安石宰相(1021 年 12 月 8 日-1086 年 5 月 21 日,宋代经济学家、政治家、宰相兼诗人)执政时期那样涵盖天文、历史、地理和经济,而是只专注于经学研究。时至今日,阅读这段中国历史的人,仍不免为历史进程的这番不幸转折而叹息。在思想开始被禁锢的同时,宋代的社会发展仍在继续。人口首次达到 1 亿,而首都人口已达 100 万,已经超越了罗马最辉煌时期的规模。这种状况一直延续到明朝(1368 年-1644 年)。明朝开国皇帝朱元璋为了对付其主要政治对手,建立了世界上最大的海军。郑和(1371 年-1433 年或 1435 年,中国明朝初期的穆斯林宫廷太监、航海家、探险家、外交家和舰队司令)七次率领船队远航“西洋”(南海和印度洋)。他指挥着超过 240 艘船只和超过 27400 名水手。相比之下,哥伦布四次航行总共只有 30 艘船只和 1940 名船员,而郑和比哥伦布早了 70 年。如果说在沈括的时代,技术还不足以横跨 6000 英里宽的大西洋,那么到了郑和的时代,技术已经足以让一支舰队航行到世界任何地方。那么,为什么郑和没有发现美洲大陆?至少,他本可以建立一个包括东南亚、太平洋和印度洋西岸在内的跨太平洋经济圈,类似于大西洋经济圈。然而,历史事实是,就在 1492 年哥伦布发现新大陆的同一年,明朝颁布了海禁,采取了闭关锁国的政策。郑和航海的记录也被销毁了。

During the Song Dynasty of Shen Kuo’s lifetime, the scholar-bureaucrat class began to reject the passive, escapist mentality of Buddhism. They felt that the meaning of life rested in actions of the here and now, and that true scholar-bureaucrats should strive to be “concerned about the affairs of state before others, and enjoy comfort after others.” This period produced many outstanding writers, scientists, social activists and reformers. S&T progressed by leaps and bounds, and three out of the four great Chinese inventions were made during the Song Dynasty: printing, gunpowder and the compass. The production of cast iron in this period was so great that it was not until 1700, some 700 years later, that it was surpassed by the total cast iron production of all of Europe. Textile looms had already begun to be powered by wind mills and hydro-energy, and people already understood the movements of mechanical pistons and their power, causing Joseph Needham to always wonder why the steam engine was not invented in China. It was conceivable that modern science could emerge then, and it would be most likely in China. Yet even as the great era of navigation began with a flourish after the Renaissance in the West, the neo-confucianism of the early Song period turned, after one to two hundred years, into the branch known as the Song-Ming School of Li (School of Reason). This caused China to enter a conservative era where thoughts were shackled. Foot-binding of women began to be practiced, and the Keju examinations no longer included astronomy, history, geography and economics as they did during the administration of Chancellor Wang Anshi (December 8, 1021 – May 21, 1086, a Chinese economist, statesman, chancellor and poet of the Song Dynasty). Instead, they focused only on studies of the classics. To this day, those reading the Chinese history of this period can’t help but lament the unfortunate turn in the course of history. At the same time that thoughts began to be shackled, social development during the Song Dynasty continued. The population reached 100 million for the first time, while the capital, with a population that had reached 1 million, already surpassed Rome at its most glorious. This continued during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644). Zhu Yuanzhang, the first emperor of the Ming Dynasty, built the world’s largest navy in order to deal with his chief political rival. Zheng He (1371–1433 or 1435, a Muslim court eunuch, mariner, explorer, diplomat, and fleet admiral during China's early Ming dynasty) led seven naval expeditions to the “western oceans” (the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean.) He commanded over 240 vessels and over 27,400 sailors. By comparison, Columbus only had a total of 30 vessels and 1,940 crew members during his four voyages, and Zheng He preceded Columbus by 70 years. If the technology of Shen Kuo’s era was inadequate for crossing the 6000 mile wide Atlantic Ocean, then by the time of Zheng He it was good enough to allow a fleet to sail to any place in the world. So why did Zheng He not discover the Americas? At least he might have established a Trans-Pacific economic circle including Southeast Asia, the Pacific Ocean and the western coast of the Indian Ocean, similar to the Atlantic economic circle. Yet the historic fact was that in 1492, the same year that Columbus discovered the New World, the Ming Dynasty instituted a ban on maritime trade and adopted an isolationist policy. Records of Zheng He’s expeditions were destroyed.

中国明朝再次错失了开启现代化的机会,但清朝(1636 年-1912 年)能否抓住机遇?自明朝末年起,外国传教士就已开始缓慢地向中国介绍西方科学技术。康熙皇帝(1654 年-1722 年)本人曾花多年时间向传教士学习最先进的数学,他甚至效仿法兰西科学院建立了皇家科学院。但最终,康熙得出的结论是,虽然西方在某些数学领域更强,但数学的基本原理源于《道德经》,所以外国人知道的只是中国人所知的一部分。皇帝下令编纂的《古今图书集成》汇集了超过 80 万页,构成了当时世界上最大的百科全书。这显示了康熙对中国学术的自信。

The China of the Ming Dynasty again lost the chance to start modernizing, but could the Qing Dynasty (1636-1912) seize the opportunity? Foreign missionaries had already been slowly introducing Western science and technology to China since the late Ming Dynasty. Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722) himself spent years learning the most advanced mathematics from missionaries, and he even established the Imperial Academy of Science modeled on the French Académie des Sciences. But in the end, Kangxi came to the conclusion that though the West was stronger in certain areas of mathematics, the basic principles of mathematics originated in the Book of Dao (Dao De Jing), so what foreigners knew was only a part of what Chinese knew. Gujin Tushu Jicheng (also known as Imperial Encyclopedia), a book commissioned by the Emperor, was a compilation of over 800,000 pages and constituted the greatest encyclopedia in the world. This shows the confidence Kangxi placed in Chinese scholarship.

到了乾隆皇帝(1736 年-1795 年)统治时期,新大陆已经发现,跨大西洋经济已然成形。中国当时能否参与跨大西洋经济,并获取最先进的科学技术?历史确实给过中国这样的机会。1793 年,怀揣着类似马可·波罗对东方古老帝国幻想的英国国王乔治三世的表亲乔治·马戛尔尼勋爵,率领一个使团从广州进入中国。经过一年的行程,他们抵达北京,并觐见了乾隆皇帝。马戛尔尼带来了 19 种礼物,共 590 件,其中包括当时最先进的天文和地理仪器、枪支、车船模型以及玻璃镜片。这次会面本可以让中国最终加入蓬勃而富有活力的大西洋经济。然而,乾隆在他给乔治三世的回信中,再次关闭了机会之门:“朕统御寰宇,但求治理国家社稷,诸事惟勤;奇异昂贵之物,并不动心。若朕命收纳尔王所献贡品,此举纯为嘉奖尔等远道进贡之诚心。我天朝上国,德威远播,万国来朝,瑰宝荟萃,无所不有。尔等之奇技淫巧,朕并不看重,亦无需尔国所产之物。此即为朕对尔请求派遣代表驻留宫廷之答复,该请求有违我朝体制,徒增尔之不便。朕已详述旨意,并命尔贡使等平安返程。尔王应体谅朕心,日后更当竭诚效忠,永矢恭顺,如此则可保尔国长治久安。除赏赐尔使团各员礼物(清单附后)外,特赐尔王珍贵礼物,多于常例,内有丝绸、珍玩等物,清单亦附于后。尔其敬谨领受,体察朕怀柔远人之善意。特此敕谕!”至于前述的机会,他下令:“此与天朝体制不合,断不可行。”(E. Backhouse and J. O. P. Bland,《清室外纪》,波士顿:霍顿·米夫林出版社,1914 年,第 322-331 页)此次行程之后,马戛尔尼勋爵对清廷也得出了自己的结论:“就目前状况而言,这个政府实质上是一小撮鞑靼人对超过三亿汉人的专制统治。自蒙古鞑靼人征服中国前不久开始,中国人就已达到了其文明的顶峰;但此后并未进步,反而至少在最近一百五十年间有所倒退,而在此期间,我们在艺术和科学方面不断进步,相比之下,他们相对于当今欧洲各国,实际上已变得近乎半野蛮。”

By the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1736-1795), the New World had been discovered and the Trans-Atlantic Economy had taken shape. Could China have participated in the Trans-Atlantic Economy at that time and acquired the most advanced S&T? History indeed had presented China with such an opportunity. In 1793, Lord George Macartney, a cousin of King George III of Britain who harbored Marco Polo-esque fantasies about this ancient Oriental empire, led a mission which entered China from Guangzhou. After traveling for a year, he arrived in Beijing and had an audience with Emperor Qianlong. Macartney brought with him 19 varieties of gifts, 590 items in all, including the most advanced astronomical and geographical instruments, guns, models of carriages and ships, and glass lenses. This meeting could have allowed China to finally participate in the booming and dynamic Atlantic economy. Yet Qianlong, in his own letter of reply to King George III, once again closed the door of opportunity: “Swaying the wide world, I have but one aim in view, namely, to maintain a perfect governance and to fulfill the duties of the State: strange and costly objects do not interest me. If I have commanded that the tribute offerings sent by you, O King, are to be accepted, this was solely in consideration for the spirit which prompted you to dispatch them from afar. Our dynasty's majestic virtue has penetrated unto every country under Heaven, and Kings of all nations have offered their costly tribute by land and sea. As your Ambassador can see for himself, we possess all things. I set no value on objects strange or ingenious, and have no use for your country's manufactures. This then is my answer to your request to appoint a representative at my Court, a request contrary to our dynastic usage, which would only result in inconvenience to yourself. I have expounded my wishes in detail and have commanded your tribute Envoys to leave in peace on their homeward journey. It behoves you, O King, to respect my sentiments and to display even greater devotion and loyalty in future, so that, by perpetual submission to our Throne, you may secure peace and prosperity for your country hereafter. Besides making gifts (of which I enclose an inventory) to each member of your Mission, I confer upon you, O King, valuable presents in excess of the number usually bestowed on such occasions, including silks and curios-a list of which is likewise enclosed. Do you reverently receive them and take note of my tender goodwill towards you! By special imperial mandate.” As for the opportunity described above, he decreed: “This is incompatible with our dynastic institutions and is absolutely unworkable.” (E. Backhouse and J. O. P. Bland, Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), pp. 322331) After his journey, Lord Macartney also came to his own conclusions about the Qing court: “The government, as it stands, is properly the tyranny of a handful of Tartars over more than 3 hundred millions of Chinese. Since a little before the conquest of China by Mongol Tartars, the Chinese had reached their pitch of civilization; but not having improved or having rather gone back, at least, for these hundred and fifty years part, whilst we have been rising in arts and sciences, they are actually becoming semi barbarous people in comparison with the present nations of Europe.”

当中国人在研读中国现代史时,许多人常常忍不住思索:为什么中国不是现代化的诞生地?并试图找到一个自己能接受的解释。然而,在我看来,这些前提本身就是错的。事实是,现代科技文明 3.0 不可能诞生在中国。如前所述,科技文明 3.0 诞生的最根本原因是跨大西洋经济的形成,其最显著特征是在政府几乎不加控制的环境下发展起来的自由市场经济。这一经济体系与以往任何文明或国家的经济体系截然不同,因为私人资本在其中起到了关键作用,而政府的作用仅限于保护私有财产和确保自由市场的顺畅运行。这样的经济体系在 17 世纪的大西洋沿岸形成,几乎是偶然的。在大西洋的美洲一侧,原住民人口已大幅减少。那些离开故土、寻求新机遇的新移民被新大陆的巨大商业潜力所吸引,自然迅速投身于商业活动。在大西洋的欧洲一侧,传统的王权在英国最为薄弱,从该政治体制中产生了一个代表商人利益的政府——这在中国是完全无法想象的。自汉代(公元前 202 年)建立中国帝国,隋朝(581-619 年)创立科举制度这一制度创新后,中国的帝国统治已成为世界上最先进、最稳定的政治体制。这套体制在两千多年里几乎没有太大改变。直到今天,要想象一个(中国)政府没有自身的政治目标、不参与经济活动,仍是不可思议的。

As they study modern Chinese history, many Chinese people often cannot help but wondering why China was not the birthplace of modernization, and they try to find an explanation that they can accept. However, as I see it, these are false premises. The fact is that modern S&T Civilization 3.0 could not have been born in China. As stated earlier, the most fundamental reason for the birth of S&T Civilization 3.0 was the formation of the Trans-Atlantic Economy, and its most prominent feature was a free market economy which developed almost in the absence of government control. This economic system was completely different from all previous economic systems of any civilizations or any countries because private capital played a crucial role in this system, and because the role of government was limited to the protection of private property and the smooth function of the free market. The formation of such an economic system in the 17th century on the periphery of the Atlantic Ocean was almost coincidental. On the American side of the Atlantic, the indigenous population had been decimated. The new immigrants who left their homelands in search of new opportunities were attracted by the tremendous business potential presented by the new continent, so of course they rapidly threw themselves into commercial activities. On the European side of the Atlantic, the traditional powers of kings were weakest in Great Britain, and out of that political system emerged a government representing the interests of merchants – this would have been totally inconceivable in China. Following the establishment of the Chinese empire during the Han Dynasty (202 BCE), the institutional innovations of the Sui Dynasty (581-619) with the establishment of Keju system for scholar-bureaucrats, imperial rule in China had become the most advanced and most stable political system in the world. This system had not changed much for more than 2000 years. To this very day, it is inconceivable to have a (Chinese) government which has no political goals of its own and which does not engage in economic activities.

相比之下,美洲大陆的政府既无严重的内部问题,也无外部威胁。太平洋和大西洋基本隔绝了外来敌人,而国内方面,原住民人口大多已被病菌消灭。这使得政府至少在美国历史前半段,除了保护私有财产和维护国内和平外,无需承担重大职责。反观中国政府,在其整个历史中不得不不断应对游牧民族的入侵。每当遇到财政困难,它就把商人阶层当作自动取款机。商业活动的存在是为了服务政府及其目标,这与跨大西洋经济的模式正好相反。

By comparison, the government on the American continent faced neither serious internal problems nor external threats. The Atlantic and Pacific Oceans essentially kept out foreign enemies while domestically, the indigenous population had largely been decimated by germs. This made it possible for government to assume no major responsibilities other than the protection of the private property and to maintain domestic peace, at least for the first half of American history. In contrast, the Chinese government had to constantly deal with invasions from nomadic peoples throughout its history. Whenever it ran into fiscal difficulties, it turned the business class into its ATM. Business activities existed to serve the government and its goals, which was the opposite of the model of the Trans-Atlantic Economy.

没有新大陆的发现,就不会有跨大西洋经济。不理解机械化世界的动力为何,启蒙运动对旧思想的批判和新思想的接纳就不会出现。没有这种思维方式,对科学的需求就几乎不可能产生。没有市场经济的发展,涌现出能满足经济发展需求的职业科学家和技术发明家就困难重重。没有现代科技,工业革命就几乎难以想象。没有工业革命的发生与传播,很难想象跨大西洋经济能如此迅速地成长为统治世界的力量。

Without the discovery of the New World, there would be no Trans-Atlantic Economy. Without an understanding of what powers a mechanized world, the Enlightenment Movement’s criticism of old ideas and embrace of new ones would not have emerged. Without this way of thinking, a demand for science would have been unlikely. Without the development of a market economy, the appearance of professional scientists and technical inventors who could meet the needs of economic development would have been difficult. Without modern science and technology, the Industrial Revolution would have been hardly conceivable. Without the occurrence and spread of the Industrial Revolution, it would be hard to imagine that the Trans-Atlantic Economy could have so quickly grown into a force which could rule the world.

在这一时期,中国既没有自由市场经济,也没有现代科技。最重要的因素是,在缺乏自由市场体系的情况下,政府别无选择,只能扮演主导角色。西方原本希望找到通往中国的航线,却意外发现了新大陆。相比之下,作为前现代时期最先进的文明,中国丝毫没有探索世界的动机。此外,太平洋的面积是大西洋的两倍。其洋流导致横渡太平洋所需的航程几乎是直线距离的两倍,使得航行更具挑战性。总之,中国既无动机,也无必要技术,去满世界寻找一个比自己更富饶的地方。从地理上看,最早发现美洲大陆的非西欧莫属。这种发现使跨大西洋经济的形成更有可能。只有有了跨大西洋经济,才会产生对现代科技的需求。只有有了这种需求,现代科技才能诞生;只有现代科技与跨大西洋经济相结合,现代文明才能铸就。英美之所以成为现代文明的诞生地,是因为它们从历史环境中获益。它们的政府是服务于商人阶层的有限政府,而自汉代以来,这样的政府根本不可能存在于中国。

During this period, China had neither a free market economy nor modern S&T. The most important factor was that in the absence of a free market system, the government had no choice but to play a dominant role. The West had originally hoped to find a route to China when it accidentally discovered the New World. In contrast, China, as the most advanced civilization of before the modern era, had not the slightest motivation to explore the world. Moreover, the Pacific Ocean is twice the size of the Atlantic Ocean. Its currents cause the distances required to navigate the Pacific to be almost double the point to point distances, thus making it more challenging to navigate. In sum, China had neither the motivation nor the necessary technology to search all over the world for a place richer than it was. Geographically, Western Europe was best situated to first discover the American continent. Such a discovery made the formation of the Trans-Atlantic Economy more likely. Only with the Trans-Atlantic Economy was there a need for modern S&T. Only with such a need could modern S&T emerge, and only with the combination of modern S&T and the Trans-Atlantic Economy could modern civilization be forged. Britain and USA became the birthplaces of modern civilization because they benefited from historical circumstances. Their governments were limited governments which served the merchant class, whereas ever since the Han Dynasty, such a government simply could have existed in China.

所有这些地理和历史因素使西欧成为文明 3.0 最可能的诞生地,而中国诞生这种文明的可能性微乎其微。这与文明 2.0 的诞生类似。底格里斯-幼发拉底河流域的自然环境中存在更多可用于农业的动植物,因此文明 2.0 最可能诞生在该区域。因此,尽管中国错失现代化机遇让近代中国知识分子无限感慨,但这本身就是一个错误的前提。

All these geographic and historical factors made Western Europe the most likely birthplace of Civilization 3.0, while the likelihood of this happening in China was very slim. This is similar to the birth of Civilization 2.0. More flora and fauna that could be used in agriculture existed in the natural environment of the Tigris–Euphrates basin; hence Civilization 2.0 was most likely to be born in this region. Thus while China’s lost opportunities for modernization have caused innumerable anguish along modern Chinese intellectuals, this in itself is a false premise.

第十章 现代化的传播与现代化的竞争路径 引言:自 19 世纪初以来,世界上几乎所有国家要么主动投身于现代化进程,要么被武力卷入其中。到了 20 世纪,这演变为现代化路径之间的较量,引发两次世界大战和东西方之间的冷战。自 1840 年鸦片战争以来的一百多年里,中国饱受战争和无能政府的双重冲击。直到 20 世纪 70 年代末,它才通过拥抱市场经济和现代科技,进入了现代化时代。

Chapter 10 The Spread of Modernization and Competing Paths to Modernization Introduction: Since the beginning of the 19th century, almost all the nations of the world have been either actively engaged in the process of modernization, or have been swept up in it by force. In the 20th century, this has evolved into a contest between paths to modernization which has triggered two world wars and a cold war between East and West. For over a hundred years since 1840’s Opium War, China has been doubly impacted by wars and inept governments. It was not until the late 1970s that it entered into an modernizing era by embracing both market economy and modern Science & Technology.

审视 19 世纪的世界史,会发现一个贯穿始终的共同线索,将所有国家的命运紧紧联系在一起。这条线索正是该世纪的主题,即所有国家要么主动走向现代化,要么被现代化浪潮裹挟。在核心区域,以英国为主导的现代化进程进入了快速发展期。自詹姆斯·瓦特发明第一台蒸汽机以来不到 100 年,一台蒸汽机产生的动力已超过 4 万名工人的体力之和,而且似乎还远未达到上限。蒸汽机与煤炭相结合的巨大力量开始直接或间接地引发许多其他领域的革命。从纺织业开始,继而是钢铁、航运、铁路,然后是收音机、电报和电话。到 19 世纪末 20 世纪初,德国和美国开始引领第二次工业革命。这场革命始于内燃机与石油的结合,随后出现了汽车和飞机。自此,化石燃料成为主要动力来源,人员、货物和信息得以在世界各地不间断地流动。汽车、飞机、轮船、铁路、电话、电报、无线通信和收音机突然使整个世界变小了许多。随着人员、货物和信息在全球流动,市场也随之遍及全球,整个世界成为一个大市场。在整个 19 世纪,受亚当·斯密和大卫·李嘉图的影响,以英国为首的政府推行促进自由贸易的外交政策。它们在全世界开辟新市场,打破国家和地区的贸易壁垒,整合全球资源,首次建立了一个以英国为主导的全球市场体系。凭借黄金支撑,英镑开始成为全球基础货币,其他国家将其货币与黄金和英镑挂钩,从而创建了一个全球金融体系。对于位于科技文明核心的英国、美国和西欧来说,19 世纪确实是一个黄金时代。

A review of 19th century world history shows a constant common thread tying together the fates of all the nations in the world. This thread is precisely the theme of the century, that is, all nations were either actively engaged in modernization or being swept up by it. At the center, the modernization process dominated by Britain entered a period of rapid development. In less than 100 years since James Watt invented the first steam engine, the power generated by a steam engine could already exceed the physical strength of 40,000 workers, and even then it did not seem to have reached its upper limit. The enormous power of the combination of steam engines and coal began to directly or indirectly start revolutions in many other sectors. This began with textiles, followed by iron and steel, shipping, railways, and then radios, telegraphs and telephones. By the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Germany and the USA began to lead a second Industrial Revolution. This started with the combination of the internal combustion engine and petroleum, which was followed by the appearance of automobiles and airplanes. Since then, fossil fuels have become the main source of power, and people, goods and information have been able to move non-stop across the world. Automobiles, airplanes, ships, railways, telephones, telegraphs, wireless communications and radios have suddenly made the whole world much smaller. With the flow of people, goods and information around the globe, markets have followed goods all over the world, and the entire world has become one big marketplace. Throughout the 19th century and influenced by Adam Smith and David Ricardo, governments led by Britain adopted foreign policies which promoted free trade. They opened up new markets throughout the world, broke down national and regional trade barriers, integrated resources globally and, for the first time, established a global market system dominated by Britain. Backed by gold, the pound sterling stated to become a global base currency, and other countries nations pegged their currencies to gold and to the pound, thus creating a global financial system. For Britain, the USA and Western Europe, which were located at the center of S&T civilization, the 19th century was truly a golden era.

然而,对于现代文明边缘地带的国家和人民来说,19 世纪则是另一番景象。与农业文明的传播类似,科技文明的传播方式要么是较发达地区殖民较不发达地区,要么是较不发达地区模仿较发达地区,或两者结合。这一过程既给较不发达地区的人民带来了进步,也带来了灾难。北美印第安人和澳大利亚原住民几乎被欧洲殖民者带来的病菌消灭。非洲(埃塞俄比亚除外)、印度和南美完全沦为殖民地,而中国则成为半殖民地国家。在原始农业文明东方核心区域的原中心地带中,只有日本选择自主现代化。它在 19 世纪末开始工业化,从而及时逃脱了被殖民的命运。至于那些未被工业化纳入现代文明核心的边缘国家,现代化进程带来的生活改善远不及苦难,它们被迫或自愿地成为全球经济的一部分。例如,在 1876 年和 1896 至 1902 年,印度季风突然减弱。原本仅仅是恶劣天气导致的作物歉收,却因粮价飙升和铁路迅速传播疾病而雪上加霜,造成灾难性后果。结果,印度、中国和非洲约 5000 万人死于饥荒和流行病。

However, the 19th century was an entirely different story for the nations and peoples at the periphery of modern civilization. As with the spread of agricultural civilization, the way S&T civilization spread was either through colonization of less developed regions by more developed ones, emulation of developed regions by less developed ones, or some combination of the two. This process brought both progress and calamity to those living in the less developed regions. The American Indians of North America and the aborigines of Australia were almost decimated by germs brought by the European colonialists. Africa (except Ethiopia), India and South America were totally colonized, while China became a semi-colonial nation. Of the centers of the original agriculture civilization’s Eastern core, only Japan chose to modernize on its own. It started to industrialize in the late 19th century and by doing so, Japan escaped the fate of being colonized just in time. As for those peripheral nations which had not been incorporated into the centers of modern civilization by industrialization, the improvements to life brought by the modernization process were far outweighed by suffering, and they were forced willy-nilly to become part of the global economy. For instance, in 1876 and from 1896 to 1902, the Indian monsoons weakened suddenly. What would have been only crop losses due to severe weather patterns worsened by inflated grain prices and fast spread of diseases by railways with calamitous consequences. As a result, about 50 million people in India, China and Africa died from famine and epidemics.

现代文明的传播有两个特别显著的特点。第一,农业文明的社会发展水平和文化程度越高,其工业化速度就越快。第二,完全殖民化的地区发展速度慢于未殖民化或半殖民化的地区。以日本为例:它已有很高的社会发展水平,且未被殖民;因此,它率先实现了工业化。中国原本有很高的社会发展水平,但它是半殖民地国家,因此工业化速度慢于日本。至于印度和撒哈拉以南非洲,它们的工业化速度更慢,目前才刚刚起步。

There are two particularly distinct characteristics of the spread of modern civilization. The first is that the higher the levels of social development and culture of an agricultural civilization, the faster its pace of industrialization. The second is that the totally colonized regions developed more slowly than uncolonized or semi-colonized regions. Take Japan for example. It already had a high level of social development and had not been colonized; hence, it was first to industrialize. China originally had a very high level of social development, but it was semi-colonized and therefore had a slower pace of industrialization than Japan. As for India and sub-Saharan Africa, their rates of industrialization were even slower, and they are just getting started now.

东方不可能成为文明 3.0 的发源地,这与其地理位置有关。但这并不意味着文明 3.0 无法传播到亚洲并在亚洲复制。在这些关键的历史节点上,这些国家的不同领导人做出了不同的选择,从而带来了截然不同的结果。日本与中国之间形成的鲜明对比,是说明这种巨大差异的最佳例证。

The East could not have been the birthplace of Civilization 3.0 because of its geographic location. However, this does not mean that Civilization 3.0 cannot be spread to and replicated in Asia. At these critical historic junctures, different leaders of these countries made different choices, bringing about drastically different outcomes. The clear contrast between Japan and China is the best example for illustrating this stark difference.

通过明治维新(1868-1912),日本开启了一场全面西化的运动。它在文化、经济、技术、科学和政治等方面全面研究和学习西方。日本一方面与西方保持稳定和平的关系,另一方面动员所有社会资源进行广泛的工业化。这是日本历史上第二次如此全面地效仿先进国家的经验。第一次是发生在唐朝(618-907)时期的全面汉化运动。

With the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912), Japan embarked on a movement to completely westernize. It comprehensively studied and learned from the West in culture, economics, technology, science and politics. On the one hand, Japan maintained stable and peaceful relations with the West, while on the other hand, it mobilized all its social resources to engage in wide-ranging industrialization. This was the second time in Japanese history when it so comprehensively emulated the experiences of an advanced country. The first was the total sinicization movement which took place during China’s Tang Dynasty (618-907).

第一次鸦片战争后,中国因镇压太平天国运动(1850-1864)而丧失了近二十年时间。在此期间,两千万人丧生,国库几乎空虚。随后的自强运动(或洋务运动)因领导不力而步履蹒跚。例如,慈禧太后(1835-1908)相信义和团运动(1899-1901)成员刀枪不入的传言。更糟的是,她怂恿义和团挑战西方列强,这直接导致了八国联军的入侵。此外,为了保护其前藩属国越南和朝鲜,中国与法国和日本两个世界强国开战,尽管中国当时仅处于工业化的初期阶段。这两场战争彻底摧毁了羽翼未丰的中国海军。更甚的是,在最关键的中国与外国交战的时期,慈禧太后挪用军费修建颐和园以庆祝她的生日。

After the First Opium War, China lost almost two decades as it put down the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864). 20 million people lost their lives and the imperial coffers were almost emptied during this time. The subsequent Self-Strengthening Movement (or Westernization Movement) stumbled badly due to bad leadership. Empress Dowager Cixi (1835-1908), for example, believed the rumor that members of the Boxer Movement (1899-1901) possessed invincibility against swords and guns. And worse, she encouraged them to challenge the Western powers, which directly led to an invasion by the Eight-Nation Alliance. Also, to protect its former vassal states of Vietnam and Korea, China went into war with two world powers, France and Japan, despite the fact that China was only in the beginning stage of industrialization. These two wars utterly destroyed the fledgling Chinese navy. Moreover, at the most crucial time when China was at war with foreign powers, Empress Dowager Cixi misappropriated military funds to build the Summer Palace in celebration of her birthday.

在始于 1868 年、持续三十多年的明治维新期间,日本完成了初步工业化。1889 年,它完成了宪法改革。1895 年,在工业化开始后不到三十年,它击败了清军;1905 年,它又击败了西方列强之一的俄国。日本在不到四十年内完成了整个工业化进程,而中国在这一现代化最关键的时期(1861-1908)却处于慈禧太后昏庸无能的统治之下。尽管是英国铁甲舰“复仇女神号”(HMS Nemesis)在 1840 年强行打开了中国的大门,迫使其睁开眼睛正视文明 3.0 的到来,但中国现代化进程真正的“复仇女神”(nemesis)却是日本。工业化后的日本认为它可以统一所有东方文明的中心,并以此为基础与西方抗衡。因此它发动了全面的殖民战争,直到 1945 年第二次世界大战战败。从 1895 年到 1945 年二战结束,中国要么受到日本的威胁,要么与日本交战。从 1861 年到 1945 年,中国先是因为无能的统治者,后是因为日本的入侵,几乎丧失了一个世纪。直到 1949 年,中国才有机会再次成为自己命运的主人。

During the Meiji Restoration which began in 1868 and lasted 30-plus years, Japan completed its initial industrialization. In 1889, it completed constitutional reforms. In 1895, after less than 30 years of industrialization, it defeated the Qing army, and again in 1905 it defeated Russia, one of the Western powers. Japan accomplished the entire process of industrialization in less than 40 years while China, during this most critical period (1861-1908) of modernization, was under the inept rule of Empress Dowager Cixi. Although it was HMS Nemesis, a British ironclad warship which forced open China’s doors in 1840 and forced it to open its eyes to the arrival of Civilization 3.0, the true “nemesis” of China’s modernization efforts was Japan. Post-industrialized Japan believed it can unify all the former centers of Eastern civilization and use this as a base to counterbalance the West. It therefore initiated all-out wars of colonization until its defeat in World War II in 1945. From 1895 until the end of WWII in 1945, China was either threatened by Japan or at war with Japan. China lost almost a century, from 1861 to 1945, first to incompetent rulers and then to Japanese invasion. It was not until 1949 when China had the opportunity to become master of its own fate again.

如果说 19 世纪是一个现代化或被逼着现代化的世纪,那么 20 世纪则是一个不同现代化道路相互竞争的世纪。这场竞争始于现代化中心国家的失败。1920 年代末,由于股市崩盘以及随后的政府金融和财政政策接连失败,处于中心地位的美国陷入了持续多年的大萧条,失业率高达 25%。这场大萧条通过全球化的贸易、金融和经济迅速蔓延至世界其他地区。自亚当·斯密出版《国富论》以及跨大西洋经济体在全球扩张以来,这只“看不见的手”似乎第一次失去了魔力。新当选的美国总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福(1882-1945)推出了一系列被称为“新政”的新政策,试图纠正失灵的自由市场。英国经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯(1883-1946)对这只“看得见的手”,即政府政策在自由市场经济中的作用,进行了全面的理论阐述。与此同时,在文明 3.0 中心的一些国家里,出现了另一种质疑跨大西洋经济体的声音。德国和日本都开始认为“看得见的手”而非“看不见的手”更能解决当前的危机。(卡尔)马克思的一些后继者走得更远,他们认为“看不见的手”之所以看不见,是因为它根本不存在。因此,无论是苏联的计划经济,还是德国和日本的国家资本主义,我们现在都拥有了一条不同的现代化道路。这两种模式之间的竞争最终导致了人类历史上规模最大、最致命的战争。所有处于现代文明中心或边缘的国家都被卷入这场战争,无一幸免。

If the 19th century was one of modernizing or being forced to modernize, then the 20th century was one of a contest between paths to modernization. This contest began with failures at the original centers of modernization. At the end of the 1920s, because of the collapse of the stock markets and a subsequent series of failed government financial and fiscal policies, the centrally positioned United States entered into a Great Depression which lasted for many years and saw unemployment reach 25%. This Great Depression quickly spilled over to the rest of the world through globalized trade, finance and economics. For the first time since Adam Smith’s publication of The Wealth of Nations and the worldwide expansion of the Trans-Atlantic Economy, the invisible hand seemed to have lost its magic. The newly elected US president Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882 –1945) unveiled a series of new policies called the New Deal in an attempt to remedy the malfunctioning free market. The British economist John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946) gave a comprehensive theoretical description of the visible hand, namely the role of government policy in a free market economy. At the same time, a different voice challenging the Trans-Atlantic Economy was raised in some countries located at the center of Civilization 3.0. Germany and Japan both began to consider the visible rather than the invisible hand as better able to resolve the crisis at hand. Some successors of (Karl) Marx went even further, arguing that the invisible hand was invisible because it was nonexistent. Thus, whether it was the planned economy of the Soviet Union or the state capitalism of Germany and Japan, now we had a different path towards modernization. The contest between these two models ultimately resulted in the largest and deadliest world war in human history. All nations either at the center or on the peripheral of the modern civilization were drawn into this war, and none were spared.

二战以及随后的冷战使得盎格鲁-撒克逊经济模式取得了彻底胜利。苏联解体后,前苏联和东欧国家开始进入全球市场。中国也在 1990 年代初全面接纳了市场经济。自由市场经济模式首次毫无阻碍地席卷全球。二战和冷战的另一个结果是,英美式的宪政民主政治模式在西欧、东亚、东欧、南美乃至印度等地得到了越来越多的复制。

Victory in WWII and the subsequent Cold War allowed the Anglo-American economic model to achieve complete victory. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, countries from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe began to enter the global market. China has also fully embraced the market economy after the early 1990s. For the first time, the free market economic model swept across the globe unimpeded. Another outcome of WWII and the Cold War was the growing replication of the Anglo-American political model of constitutional democracy in Western Europe, Eastern Asia, Eastern Europe, South America, and even India.

自 1840 年鸦片战争以来,中国长期背负着战争和无能政府的双重负担。直到 1970 年代末,它才进入一个同时拥有市场经济和科技发展的时代。在随后的三十年里,中国的国内生产总值增长了超过一百倍。它以史无前例的速度实现了工业化和现代化。尽管如今中国与最先进国家之间仍有差距,但中国已经展现出有朝一日能完全赶上西方的迹象。

Ever since 1840’s Opium War, China has been doubly burdened by wars and incompetent governments. It was not until the late 1970s that it entered into an era of having both a market economy and S&T development. In the 30 years since, China’s GDP has increased over a hundred-fold. It has industrialized and modernized at an unprecedented pace. Although today there is still a gap between China and the most advanced nations, China has already shown promises to be able to fully catch up with the West one day.

第十一章 现代化的本质及其铁律

引言:一种长期复合经济增长的模式开始形成,而且似乎没有尽头。自工业革命开始以来,这种现象已经持续了几百年,且看似没有终结。这在人类历史上是前所未有的。这种状态就是科技文明 3.0,或者更常说的现代化。

Chapter 11 The Nature of Modernization and Its Iron Law Introduction: A pattern of compounding economic growth over a long span of time began to develop that seemed to have no ends. Since the beginning of Industrial Revolution, this phenomena has lasted for several hundred years with seemingly no end. This was unprecedented in human history. Such a state of affairs is the state of Science &Technology Civilization 3.0, or what is more commonly known as modernization.

自由竞争市场是一种不断自我演进、自我推进和自我完善的机制。现代科技注入这一过程,使其速度更快。因此,当存在相互竞争的市场时,最大的那个最终将成为唯一。如果任何个人、社会、企业或国家脱离这个单一市场,它将开始稳步落后,并最终被迫加入其中。任何国家增强自身实力的最佳方式,就是放弃所有关税壁垒,加入全球最大的国际自由市场体系。落后的最佳方式就是闭关锁国。这就是文明 3.0 的铁律。

A freely competitive market is a mechanism which is constantly self-evolving, self-advancing, and self-perfecting. The injection of modern S&T into this process gives it greater speed. Thus, when there are competing markets exist, the largest one will eventually become the only one. If any individual, society, enterprise, or nation is removed from this single market, it will start to steadily fall behind and will ultimately be forced to join in. The best way for any nation to build up its own strength is to abandon all its tariff barriers and join the largest international free market system in the world. The best way to fall behind is to close itself off from other countries. Such is the Iron Law of Civilization 3.0.

英国政治经济学家大卫·李嘉图发现,劳动分工和交换能够创造更大的价值。他通过两个从事不同活动的人之间的交换来说明这一点。其中一个人可能在两项活动中都比另一个人更有能力,但如果他专注于自己更具优势的那项活动,并让第二个人去做他相对更擅长的事,那么他们相互交换后创造的价值将(比各自单独完成所有任务时)更大。他的法则表明,社会分工和社会交换能产生剩余收益,并从根本上解释了为何自古以来贸易就是财富创造的重要来源。他用公式 1+1>2 来说明这一概念。不难推断,参与交换的人越多,市场规模越大,创造的剩余价值就越多。因此,自由市场本身遵循规模经济原则。

David Ricardo, the British political economist, discovered that the division and exchange of labor could create greater value. He used an exchange between two individuals engaged in two separate activities to illustrate this. One individual may be more capable in both activities than the other, but if he concentrates on the activity in which he is even more capable and allows the second person to do what he is relatively better at, then the value they create after a mutual exchange will be greater (than if each had done both tasks alone). His rule shows that social divisions of labor and social exchanges create surplus benefits, and gives a fundamental explanation of why trade has been an important source of wealth creation since time immemorial. He used the formula 1+1>2 to illustrate this concept. It is not difficult to infer from this that that the greater the number of people engaged in exchanges, the larger the size of the market place, the greater the surplus values will be created. Hence, a free market itself follows the principle of economies of scale.

在现代文明 3.0 时代,劳动分工和交换所创造的价值由于人类知识的积累而进一步增加。与商品和服务相比,人类知识更容易积累。思想交流往往会产生 1+1>4 的方程式。当不同的思想交流时,各方不仅保留了自己的思想,还获得了他人的思想。此外,交流过程中还能碰撞出火花,创造出全新的思想。当思想相互碰撞时,它们会变得极具生产力。

In the age of modern Civilization 3.0, the value created by the division of labor and by exchange is further increased because human knowledge can be accumulated. Compare to goods and services, human knowledge is easier to accumulate. Exchanges of ideas often result in a 1+1>4 equation. When different ideas are exchanged, the parties not only retain their own ideas, they also obtain the ideas of others. Moreover, sparks can fly during exchanges, creating entirely new ideas. When ideas are having sex with each other, they become very productive.

文明 3.0 的一个显著特征是科技知识与产品的无缝融合。知识本质上是累积性的,因此当现代科技与自由市场相结合时,效率的提高和财富的创造大致遵循 1+1>4 的规模效应。知识的爆炸性增长几乎没有限制。在过去一个多世纪里,人类知识大约每十年翻一番。由于知识近乎无限的爆炸性增长,最新的科技进步能够以几乎可以无限降低的成本,提供几乎无穷无尽的新产品。再加上人类永不满足的需求,这就创造了一个不断扩张的现代经济。通过自由市场机制,现代科技导致产品种类无限增加,成本无限降低。结合无限的人类需求,结果是诞生了现代科技文明 3.0。一种长期复合经济增长的模式开始形成,而且似乎没有尽头。这在人类历史上是前所未有的。整个经济进入了一种可持续的复合增长状态。这种状态就是科技文明 3.0,或者更常说的现代化。社会鼓励科学知识的发现、研究和传播,同时鼓励技术的不断创新;现代科技能够无缝地融入自由市场经济体系;由科技驱动的经济因此能够实现复合且可持续的增长——这就是现代化的本质,这就是我们所说的现代化社会和现代化国家。

One of the salient feature of Civilization 3.0 is the seamless integration of S&T knowledge and products. Knowledge is inherently cumulative, so that when modern S&T is combined with free markets, increases in efficiency, wealth creation more or less follows the scale of 1+1>4. There are almost no limits to the explosive growth of knowledge. In the past century or more, human knowledge doubled roughly every 10 years. Because of the almost infinitely explosive growth of knowledge, the latest advances in S&T can provide almost endless new products at costs which can be almost endlessly lowered. Together with the insatiable human demand, this creates a ceaselessly expanding modern economy. Through free market mechanisms, modern S&T causes product varieties to increase endlessly and costs to be lowered endlessly. Together with unlimited human needs, the result is the birth of modern S&T Civilization 3.0. A pattern of compounding economic growth over a long span of time began to develop that seemed to have no ends. This was unprecedented in human history. The entire economy entered a state of sustainable and compounding growth. Such a state is the state of S&T Civilization 3.0, or what is more commonly known as modernization. Society encourages the discovery, study and spread of scientific knowledge while encouraging constant innovation in technology; and modern S%T can be seamlessly integrated into the free market economic system; and an economy guided by S&T can therefore grow on a compound and sustainable basis -- this is the nature of modernization, and this is what we call a modernized society and modernized country.

亚当·斯密和大卫·李嘉图的经济学理论解释了劳动分工和交换不仅适用于国家内部,也适用于跨境交换。由此不难推断,市场本身为何享有巨大的规模经济效应:市场参与者越多,他们进行的交换越多,创造的剩余价值就越大,市场配置资源就越优化,市场就越高效、越富裕、越成功,进而能更好地产生和支持更尖端的科学技术。自由竞争的市场是一个不断自我演化、自我进步、自我完善的内在机制。现代科学技术注入这一过程后,使其速度大大加快。

The economic theories of Adam Smith and David Ricardo explained how divisions of labor and exchanges apply not only within nations, but also applicable to exchanges across national borders. It is not hard to infer from this why markets themselves enjoy great economies of scale: the more market participants and the more exchanges they make, the greater the surplus value created, the more optimal the market allocates resources, the more efficient, wealthy and successful the market becomes, and the better it can then produce and support ever more cutting edge S&T. A freely competitive market is a mechanism which is constantly self-evolving, self-advancing, and self-perfecting. The injection of modern S&T into this process gives it greater speed.

因此,当存在相互竞争的市场时,规模最大的那个最终会变成唯一存活的那一个。任何个人、社会、企业或国家,如果脱离了这个单一市场,就会开始稳步落后,并最终被迫加入。任何一个国家要增强自身实力,最好的方法就是放弃所有关税壁垒,加入世界最大的国际自由市场体系。而要想落后,最好的方法就是闭关锁国。这就是文明 3.0 的铁律。

Thus, when there are competing markets exist, the largest one will eventually become the only surviving one. If any individual, society, enterprise, or nation is removed from this single market, it will start to steadily fall behind and will ultimately be forced to join in. The best way for any nation to build up its own strength is to abandon all its tariff barriers and join the largest international free market system in the world. The best way to fall behind is to close itself off from other countries. Such is the Iron Law of Civilization 3.0.

20 世纪发展道路的竞争生动地诠释了这一铁律。苏联和华约的市场曾经规模很大,但由于不是自由市场机制,其效率远低于美国以及战后欧洲建立的共同市场。在短短的 30 年内,整个苏联体系越来越落后于全球主流市场,最终输掉了冷战,被迫加入更大的全球市场。另一个例子是中国,在毛泽东时代采取了自力更生和孤立主义政策,在经济上遭受屈辱失败之后,终于在开放时代加入了全球市场。其他很好的反面例子包括伊朗、缅甸和古巴等国,在被国际制裁、被迫退出国际共同市场后的经济表现。我们再来设想一下,假如德国赢得了二战,建立了另一个以国家资本主义为主导的欧洲经济体系,我怀疑它会好到哪里去,因为尽管其规模庞大,但缺乏自由市场机制,科学技术也难以与市场无缝结合,更不会出现英美市场那种不断自我完善的过程。随着时间推移,最终结局可能会与苏联和华约集团类似。

The contest between paths of development in 20th century provides a vivid illustration of this Law. At one point, the market of the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact was very large, but because it was not a free market mechanism, its efficiency was much lower than that of the US and of the Common Market which was established in postwar Europe. Within the short span of 30 years, the entire Soviet system fell farther and farther behind the mainstream global markets. It ultimately lost the Cold War and was forced to join the larger global market. Another example was China, which in the Mao era adopted policies of self-reliance and isolationism. It finally joined the global market in the open door era after humiliation economic failures. Other good negative examples are the economic performances of countries like Iran, Myanmar and Cuba, after they were subjected to international economic sanctions and forced out of the international common market. Let us also contemplate that suppose Germany had won WWII and established another European economic system dominated by state capitalism. I doubt it would have fared much better due to the absence of a free market mechanism despite its otherwise large size. It would therefore have been difficult for S&T to seamlessly integrate with the market, and there would not have been the process of constant self-improvement found in the American and British markets. With the passage of time, the final outcome might have been similar to that of the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact.

一旦最早的自由市场在英国、大西洋边缘地区以及英美之间形成,它就显示出持续自我改善和自我演化的强烈趋势,效率稳步提高,规模稳步扩大。一旦它发展成为最大的自由市场,其他国家实际上别无选择,只能加入。所有其他独立形成的市场体系最终效率都更低,随着时间的推移而落后,最终要么主动选择,要么被迫加入最大的市场。到 20 世纪 90 年代初这一过程完成时,冷战结束,苏联集团解体并融入国际自由经济,中国也全面进入国际市场。此时,全球范围内形成了一个统一的国际自由市场体系,这一过程如今被称为全球化。这是可预见的结果,是文明 3.0 铁律不可阻挡的产物。全球化之后,商品、服务、科技和金融市场在全球范围内进一步融合、扩展和深化,使退出这个市场的代价越来越高。

Once the earliest free market was formed in Britain, the Atlantic periphery, and between Britain and the US, it displayed a strong tendency of continually self-improving and self-evolving. Its efficiency steadily increased and its scale steadily expanded. Once it developed into the largest free market, other nations had in fact no alternative but to join it. All other independently formed market systems were ultimately less efficient, and they fell behind with the passage of time so that in the end, they either deliberately chose to or forced into choosing to join in the largest market. By the time this process played out through the early 1990s, the Cold War had ended, the Soviet bloc had disintegrated and joined the international free economy, and China had also fully entered the international markets. At this point a single, unified international free market system was formed around the world, a process known today as globalization. It was a predictable outcome, an inexorable result of the iron law of Civilization 3.0. After globalization, the markets for goods, services, S&T and finance will be further integrated, expanded and deepened all over the world, making the price for leaving this market ever higher.

这里有一个有趣的问题:市场交换带来的规模经济效应在农业文明 2.0 时代也存在,为什么那个时代没有产生如此极端的全球化呢?主要原因是,在文明 2.0 时代,现代科学技术尚未出现,产品种类极为有限,成本降低的空间也很小。当存在贸易,特别是不受政府监管的私营部门贸易时,财富会增加,劳动分工也会深化。然而,这种增长并非无限。一旦土地和货币等生产要素集中到一定程度,需要进一步的社会分工时,就会出现一些社会动荡和不稳定。这时,政府常常会以维护社会稳定和顺应民意为由进行干预。例如,中国为了分散财富、实现社会稳定,经常使用各种形式的国有垄断与私营经济竞争。这不仅充实了国库,也使得负责这些经营的官员中饱私囊,可谓一石三鸟。中国历史上这类措施不胜枚举。由于光合作用所能转化的能量存在内在上限,农业文明 2.0 无法克服前几章讨论的五大挑战。应对五大挑战最有效的方法仍然是建立强大的政府,因此强大政府对私营经济的监管几乎是不可避免的。以中国为例,几千年来,由于政府控制,私营经济常常陷入“自由—繁荣—管制—衰落—再自由化”的循环。商人的利益和财富也随着政府这只“看得见的手”而难以预测地变化,以至于碰运气已成了商界被迫形成的集体记忆的一部分。这种心理已渗透到中国文化中,以至于时至今日,在世界各地的赌场里,总能找到比例过高的中国人在践行他们对运气的信仰。同样,从政府角度来看,经济干预已成为中国政府职能的一个传统部分。即使在今天,中国政府直接控制经济活动几乎是数千年历史造成的条件反射式的选择。

Herein lies an interesting question: the economies of scale resulting from market exchanges were also present in agrarian Civilization 2.0, so why did that era not produce such extreme globalization? The primary reason was that in Civilization 2.0, there was still no modern S&T, product variety was extremely limited and so was room for cost reduction. When there was trade, particularly private sector trade not subject to government regulation, wealth would increase, and so would division of labor. However, such increases were not unlimited. Once factors of production such as land and money reached certain levels of concentration and a further social division of labor was required, some social turmoil and instability would appear. Governments would then often intervene in the name of maintaining social stability and heeding public opinion. For example, in an attempt to spread the wealth and achieve social stability, China often used various forms of state monopolies to compete with the private sector. This not only filled the public coffers, but also allowed the officials in charge of these operations to line their own pockets, thus killing 3 birds with one stone. Chinese history is replete with examples of such measures. Because there is an inherent ceiling for the amount of energy conversion made possible by photosynthesis, Agrarian Civilization 2.0 was unable to overcome the five major challenges as discussed in previous chapters. The most effective way to address the five major challenges was still to establish a strong government, so regulation of the private economy by a strong government was almost inevitable. In China, for instance, over the past few millennia the private economy was often caught in cycles of “freedom-prosperity-regulation-decay-re-liberalization” because of government controls. The interests and wealth of merchants would also change unpredictably along with the visible hand of the government, so that trusting to luck has become part of the coerced collective memory of the business class. This psyche has permeated Chinese culture so much that to this day, in all the casinos of the world one can always find disproportionate number of Chinese exercising their faith in luck. Along the same lines, from the government perspective, economic intervention by the Chinese government has become a traditional part of its functions. Even today, the direct control of economic activities by the Chinese government is nearly a reflexive choice resulting from thousands of years of history.

那么,中国现在处于现代化进程的哪个阶段呢?这里我们定义:当不断进步的科学技术与自由市场的耦合使整个经济进入一个可持续的复合增长阶段时,这个社会就进入了文明 3.0 的现代时期。当今中国的市场经济已具雏形,但尚未完全自由。有形之手和无形之手仍在共同起作用,而且常常相互矛盾。

So where is China now in terms of its modernization process? Here we define that when the coupling of constantly-advancing S&T and a free market causes an entire economy to enter a stage of sustainable, compound growth, such a society will have arrived the modern era of Civilization 3.0. The market economy in China today has already taken embryonic form, but is not yet completely free. Both the visible and invisible hands are still at work, and often at odds with each other.

现代科学技术已被广泛研究和普及,但创新能力仍有不足。科学技术与经济的无缝融合尚未完全实现。尽管经济增长已持续了 30 多年,但尚未达到自动可持续复合增长的状态。显然,中国还不是一个完全现代化的国家,但已具备现代化的雏形。因此,我们可以说,今天的中国已经超越了文明 2.5,正在向文明 3.0 演进。

Modern S&T is already widely studied and widespread, but innovativeness is still wanting. A seamless integration between S&T and the economy has not yet been fully achieved. Although economic growth has been sustained for more than 3 decades, it has not yet reached a state of automatically sustainable compound growth. It is obvious that China is not yet a fully modernized state but it already has the embryonic forms of modernization. We can therefore say that China today has moved beyond Civilization 2.5 and is evolving towards Civilization 3.0.

第 12 章 未来几十年的中国——经济导论:未来几十年中国经济最重要的转型,将是从政府主导的市场经济转变为大部分由自由市场主导、政府仅扮演辅助角色的经济。国内消费和服务业将占其 GDP 的大部分。在这一转型过程中,中国仍有可能以高于全球平均水平的速度维持长期增长,直到其大致达到发达国家的水平。

Chapter 12 China in the coming decades – Economics Introduction:The most important transformation of China’s economy in the coming decades will be moving from a government-dominated market economy to a mostly free market economy where the government plays only a supporting role. Domestic consumption and services will account for the bulk of its GDP. During this transition, it will still be possible for China to sustain growth for a long period at a rate higher than the global average until it has roughly reached the level of developed countries.

中国是一个根基深厚的国家,有着伟大的成功历史,其执政党拥有强大的领导力。因此,未来几十年最可能发生的事情,往往正是中国最需要发生的事情。基于这一认识和假设,我想从经济、文化和社会等角度分享我对中国未来的预测。

China, a nation with deep roots, has a history of great success, and its ruling party exerts strong leadership. Therefore, what will most likely happen in the coming decades is often what China most needs to happen. Based on this understanding and assumption, I would like to share my predictions about China’s future from economic, cultural and social perspectives.

过去 35 年中国经济增长的规模、持续时间和速度几乎是史无前例的。在此期间,外贸和直接投资是推动经济增长的两大引擎。改革之初,中国一方面拥有大量廉价且纪律严明的劳动力,另一方面拥有执行力非凡的执政党,并且聚集了一批才华横溢的人才。改革开放开始后,过去被认为是短板的东西,在中国奋起直追的过程中变成了巨大的优势。政府利用其非凡的执行力,在外汇、资本、土地和劳动力等一系列问题上制定了政策。这些政策使得将数亿廉价中国劳动力融入全球经济成为可能,并最终使中国成为“世界工厂”。因此,外贸成为中国最大的经济引擎之一。尽管知识产权、设计和产品消费都在国外,中国在中间加工环节仍享有独特优势。在这一时期,中国政府在这一增长战略的制定和实施中发挥了主导作用,市场力量则起辅助作用。换句话说,市场行为是由一只“看得见的手”引导的。这一点在外贸和投资这两大增长引擎中尤为明显。例如,在中国式城镇化过程中,地方政府常常扮演着房地产开发商总负责人的角色。

China’s economic growth over the past 35 years has been almost unprecedented for its scale, duration and speed. During this period, foreign trade and direct investment have been the two main engines driving economic growth. At the outset of China’s reforms, on the one hand it had a large pool of inexpensive and highly disciplined labor, and at the same time, it had a ruling party with exceptional ability to execute, and which had assembled a group of highly talented people. After reforms and opening up began, what had been weaknesses in the past became great strengths as China sought to catch up. The government used its exceptional ability to execute to formulate a series of policies on issues ranging from foreign exchange and capital to land and labor. These policies made possible to integrate hundreds of millions cheap Chinese labor into the global economy and ultimately turned China into the “factory of the world.” Foreign trade therefore became one of China’s greatest economic drivers. Even though intellectual property, design and the consumption of products all resided in foreign countries, China still enjoyed unique advantages in the intermediate processing stages. During this period, Chinese government played a dominant role in formulating and implementing this growth strategy, with the market forces playing a secondary role. In other words, market behaviors were guided by a visible hand. This was particularly evident in the two engines of economic growth, foreign trade and investment. For instance, for the Chinese-style urbanization, local governments often played the role of a master real estate developer.

这样一种混合经济体制为何能取得如此巨大的成功?首先,中国的对外贸易其实只是国际自由贸易的一部分,而国际贸易本身基本遵循自由市场原则。中国只参与了这一更大循环中的一小部分,在这部分中,有形之手有可能占据主导地位。毕竟,设计和营销 iPhone 与制造 iPhone 是截然不同的事情。其次,当一个经济体从落后状态追赶时,情况也有所不同。一旦领先者已经铺平了道路,方向和目标清晰明确,追赶者只需沿着原路前行,或在可能时抄近路。在这一阶段,政府的“有形之手”甚至能推动经济发展进程加速。然而,这种发展模式一旦过了初期阶段,便有其局限性。尽管无人确切知晓这些局限的边界在哪里。我们所知道的是,一旦中国超越美国成为世界最大出口国,其对外贸易显然无法再维持两位数的增长率,或任何大幅高于全球平均水平的增速。同样,一旦投资接近 GDP 的 50%,并且像“鬼城”这样的投资浪费开始在全国各地出现,投资驱动的 GDP 增长也将遇到瓶颈。长期来看,像中国这样的大型经济体,真正可持续的长期增长只能来自国内消费。而在激发消费方面,企业家相比政府拥有决定性优势。而且,由于国内消费市场不再像对外贸易那样享有国际自由市场机制的益处,政府与市场之间、有形之手与无形之手之间,必须进行根本性的调整。

Why could such a hybrid economic system achieve such great success? First of all, Chinese foreign trade is in fact just a part of the international trade operating on essentially free market principles. China only participated in part of this larger cycle, and it was possible for the visible hand to dominate this small part. After all, designing and marketing iPhones is very different from manufacturing them. Secondly, circumstances are also different when an economy is catching up from behind. Once leaders have already paved the way, and directions and goals are clear, the catchers simply need to follow the original path or take some shortcuts when possible. During this stage, the visible hand of government can even push the process of economy development faster. However, this model of development has its limits once it passed the initial stage of development. Though no one knows with any certainty where these limits lie. What we do know is that once China surpasses US as the world’s largest exporting country, its foreign trade will obviously no longer be able sustain a double digit growth rate, or any rate substantially higher than the global average. Likewise, once investment approaches 50% of GDP and investment wastes such as “ghost towns” began to appear across the country, the investment-driven GDP growth will also encounter a bottleneck. Over the long term, truly sustainable long-term growth of a large economy like China’s can only be coming from domestic consumption. There, entrepreneurs will have decisive advantage over government in inducing consumption. And since the domestic consumption market will no longer have the benefits of international free markets mechanism the way foreign trades are, fundamental adjustments will have to be made between government and markets, between the visible and invisible hands.

自由市场在 3.0 科技文明中的首要作用,是通过创造性破坏来最有效地配置资源,而这与政府的基本职能是背道而驰的。政府在本质上是一个官僚巨兽,需要建立共识并协调不同层级才能前进。政府需要可预测的目标,并通过预算和规划来建设性地行动。当政府引领经济从落后状态追赶时,它拥有清晰的目标和前行的道路,因此能够动员强大的社会力量更强劲地向前推进。例如,政府更擅长长期基础设施建设(高速公路、高速铁路、机场、港口等),或帮助建设煤、石油、化工产品等传统产业。现代经济离不开基础设施和传统制造业——这是所有成功实现现代化的国家都走过的道路。当一个落后国家开始追赶时,一个能干的政府可以加速这一过程,因为这仍然属于政府的基本职能范畴。

The chief role of free markets in S&T Civilization 3.0 is to most effectively allocate resources through creative destruction, and this is contrary to -the basic function of a government. A government is by nature a bureaucratic leviathan which requires consensus building and coordination across different levels in order to move forward. A government needs predictable targets and acts constructively through budgeting and planning. When a government is leading economic development to catch up from behind, it had clear goals and path forward, therefor it is able to marshal powerful social forces push forward more forcefully. For example, a government is more capable of long term infrastructure building (highways, high-speed railroads, airports, ports, etc.), or in helping to build traditional industries such as coal, oil and chemical products. Modern economies cannot develop without infrastructure and traditional manufacturing industries – this has been the path taken by every successfully modernized country. When a backward nation begins to catch up, a capable government can accelerate this process as this is still within the basic function of government.

然而,一旦一个国家的追赶达到一定程度,要继续引领经济,政府将别无选择,只能去预判未来的竞争格局。在那里,面对快速变化的市场竞争环境以及不断需要挑选赢家和输家的局面,市场相对于政府的优势就变得显而易见。在一个没有任何外部干预的自由竞争市场中,无数受资本主义利益驱动的个体愿意冒险并接受失败。最终成功的人,只能是那些市场最需要的,因而也从社会获得最多资源的人。这个过程虽然混乱,却保证了资源的有效配置。但若这一过程要由政府来做,无异于作茧自缚,因为这违背了政府的基本职能和特性。例如,伊士曼柯达(Eastman Kodak)曾一度是历史上最伟大的公司之一。它发明了摄影和摄像技术,曾是美国最有价值的公司之一,然而它已不复存在。同样,施乐(Xerox)发明了复印技术,拥有多个领域的众多专利(其中一些曾是苹果成功的关键),但其辉煌时代早已远去,如今只是作为一家小公司勉强维持。再者,美国电话电报公司(AT&T)是电话的发明者,电话是人类历史上最伟大的发明之一,其子公司贝尔实验室曾是全球通信技术的摇篮,也是诺贝尔奖得主最集中的地方。然而,贝尔实验室最终消失,其设备业务也已不复存在。AT&T 被其他公司收购,只留下了名号。这种创造性破坏的力量与政府的基本角色之间存在着深刻的矛盾。很难想象,一个政府会选择彻底摧毁 AT&T,同时让一家濒临破产的电脑公司苹果成为全球市值最大的赢家。在中国,这就好比政府允许中国移动和中国电信同时破产,而选择一家在 20 世纪 80 年代最活跃的边缘电脑公司——四通(Stone Technology Corporation)——成为中国最大的电信公司。当政府选择经济的未来方向时,最可能的结果是经济陷入困境,或者做出错误选择,或者两者兼而有之。这就是为什么长期偏离自由市场经济的各种经济模式最终都失败了。中国未来几十年最重要的经济转型,将是从政府主导的市场经济,转向政府仅发挥支持性作用的基本自由市场经济。国内消费和服务将占 GDP 的大部分。经济资源将变得对所有人开放。金融、能源和土地资源将不再偏向于对外贸易和国有企业,而是通过市场机制对所有人开放,并以公平的价格在整个国家范围内流通。国有企业的特殊经营特权将被废除,它们与私营企业之间的自由竞争将逐步展开。国有企业的所有权和经营权也将逐步分离。私人资本将被引入国有企业,其管理层将完全由市场驱动。国有企业的大部分国家所有权将逐步划入国家社会保障体系,以充实社会安全网。随着社会保障体系逐步完善,私人储蓄也将通过逐渐成熟的证券市场等金融中介,有效流入实体经济。由此,资本、企业和消费之间将形成良性循环。城乡公民的区分将被消除,使所有公民享有平等权利。城镇化将继续快速推进,政府将逐步放弃其在经济发展初期扮演的核心角色。从中长期来看,政府将逐渐从经济的“明星球员”转变为专注于制定比赛规则并充当公正裁判的角色。其经济管理权力将主要通过负面清单而非正面清单来行使。

Yet once a country has caught up to a certain degree, to continue to lead the economy, the government will have no choice but to anticipate future competitive conditions. There, in the face of rapidly changing market competitive environment and the constant need to pick winners and losers, the advantages of the market over government becomes obvious. In a freely competitive market without any external interference, countless individuals driven by capitalistic interests are willing to take risks and accept failure. Those who are ultimately successful can only be those most needed by the market, and thus receiving the most resources from the society. This process, while messy, guarantees efficient allocation of resources. But if this process had to be done by government, it would be like making bricks without straw, as it would be contrary to the basic functions and features of government. Eastman Kodak, for example, was at one time among the greatest companies in history. It invented the technologies of photography and video camera, and was once one of the most valuable companies in the US, yet it no longer exists. Likewise, Xerox invented photocopying and owned many patents in a wide variety of fields (some of which have been keys to Apple’s success), but its glory days are long gone and it is barely scraping by as a small company. Again, AT&T was the inventor of the telephone, one of the greatest inventions in human history, and its subsidiary Bell Labs was once the cradle of the world’s communication technologies as well as the place with the highest concentration of Nobel laureates. Still, Bell Labs eventually disappeared and its equipment business also no longer exists. AT&T was bought out by other companies and only its name survives. There are profound contradictions between such forces of creative destruction and the basic role of government. It would be hard to imagine that a government would have chosen to completely destroy AT&T while making Apple, a computer company on the verge of bankruptcy, the winner with the largest market capitalization in the world. In China, this would be comparable to the government allowing China Mobile and China Telecom to go bankrupt simultaneously, while choosing Stone Technology Corporation (a marginal computer maker most active in the 1980s) to become the largest telecommunication company in China. When a government chooses the future direction of the economy, the most likely result will be that the economy gets into a rut, or the wrong choices are made, or both. This is why economic models which deviated from the free market economy over the long term all eventually failed. The most important transformation of China’s economy in the coming decades will be moving from a government-dominated market economy to a mostly free market economy where the government plays only a supporting role. Domestic consumption and services will account for the bulk of its GDP. Economic resources will become accessible to everyone. Financial, energy and land resources will no longer be skewed toward foreign trade and SOEs (state-owned enterprises); rather, they will become accessible to everyone through market mechanisms and circulate throughout the entire country at fair prices. The special operating privileges of SOEs will be abolished and free competition between them and private companies will gradually take place. Ownership and management of SOEs will also be gradually separated. Private capital will be mixed into SOEs, and their management will be entirely market-driven. Large part of state-ownership of SOEs will gradually be added to the country’s social security system to buffer a social safety net. As the social security system is gradually refined, private savings will also flow effectively into the real economy through financial intermediaries such as gradually matured securities markets and banks. Hence, a virtuous cycle of capital, enterprises and consumption will be formed. The distinction between urban and rural citizens will be eliminated so that all citizens enjoy equal rights. Urbanization will continue to take place rapidly, and the government will gradually relinquish the central role it played in the early stages of economic development. In the mid to long term, the government will gradually transition away from being a star player in the economy and focus instead on drawing up the rules of the game and serving as an impartial referee. Its economic management powers will be exercised primarily through a negative list rather than a positive list.

在从政府引导型市场经济向政府支持型的完全自由市场经济转型期间,中国仍有可能以高于全球平均水平的增长率维持长期增长,直到大致达到发达国家的水平。

During its transition from a government-guided market economy to a government-supported fully free market economy, it will still be possible for China to sustain growth for a long period at a rate higher than the global average until it has roughly reached the level of developed countries.

第十三章 未来几十年的中国 - 文化导言:中国未来的文化很可能会发展成传统文化的复兴,并伴随其现代转型。

Chapter 13 China in the coming decades - Culture Introduction: China’s future culture will most likely develop as a renaissance of traditional culture accompanied by its modern transformation.

中国未来的文化很可能会发展成传统文化的复兴,并伴随其现代转型。首先,中国别无选择,必须将传统文化恢复至其应有的地位。任何文化都是由时间和地点塑造的。不同地方的人们有着不同的历史、宗教信仰、生活方式和生活习惯,这些共同构成了让人们感到“宾至如归”的东西。这就是文化。文化渗透极深。文化就是信仰。它需要数千年才能形成,不能迅速改变。在大航海时代和现代交通方式出现之前的大约六万年里,人类生活在隔离的地理区域。在如此漫长的时间内形成的文化、基本信仰、生活习惯和生活方式,是极难改变的。因此,中国人在近代时期抛弃自己的传统文化,拥抱一种非主流的西方文化,确实是一种奇特的现象,只有通过其自身独特的近代史才能理解。然而,在当今的和平环境下,正如中餐适合中国人的口味一样,中国人也确实别无选择,只能回归自己的传统文化。他们将需要重新确立他们的“中国性”,作为中国文化复兴所必需的首要要素。中国文字体系的现代化改革,已使今天的中国人很难阅读传统经典典籍,从而在民众与其传统文化之间制造了一道断层。随着经济水平的提高,人们在追求越来越大的文化和精神需求。一场中国式的文化复兴很可能发生,它将让今天的中国人重新发现中国文化的精华及其悠久的文化遗产,并使他们重新理解,为何在过去两三千年的时间里,中国文化为一代又一代的中国人提供了完整的精神滋养。在个人层面,中国文化的精华在于它通过刻意而持续的自我修养,塑造了“儒家式完人”的品格。在社会层面,中国的文化复兴必须为其民众和社会提供一套共同遵守的道德伦理,以及慰藉心灵的信仰和信念。没有这样的基础,任何社会都无法维持长期的繁荣、进步与和平。

China’s future culture will most likely develop as a renaissance of traditional culture accompanied by its modern transformation. First, China has no choice but to restore traditional culture to its legitimate position. Any culture is shaped by time and place. People from different places have different histories, religious beliefs, lifestyles and customs living habits, which collectively makes people feel “at home.” This is culture. Culture penetrates deeply. Culture is faith. And it takes thousands of years to form, and it cannot be changed quickly. For some 60,000 years before the Age of Discovery and the emergence of modern transportation methods, human beings lived in isolated geographic locations. The cultures, fundamental beliefs, living habits and lifestyles formed over such a long period are very difficult to change. Thus it is truly a peculiar phenomenon that the Chinese people would abandonment their traditional culture and embrace a non-mainstream western culture in modern times, and it can only be understood through its own unique modern history. However, under today’s peaceful circumstances, just as Chinese cuisine suits Chinese appetites, Chinese people really have no choice but to return to their traditional culture. They will need to re-establish their “Chineseness” as the first ingredient necessary for China’s cultural renaissance. The modern reform of the Chinese writing system has made it very difficult for today’s Chinese to read traditional classic tests, thus creating a fault line between people and their traditional culture. With their rising economic levels, people are pursuing ever-greater cultural and spiritual needs. It is very likely that a Chinese-style cultural renaissance will take place, one which allows today’s Chinese to rediscover the best of Chinese culture and their long cultural heritage, and which renews their understanding of why Chinese culture has provided complete spiritual nourishment for generation upon generation of Chinese over the past two to three thousand years. On an individual level, the best of Chinese culture lay in how it shaped the characters of “Confucian Madeirans” by deliberate and constant self-cultivation. On a societal level, China’s cultural renaissance has to provide its people and society with a common set of morals and ethics to abide by, as well as beliefs and faith with which to console the soul. Without such a foundation, no society can sustain long term prosperity, progress and peace.

第二,为了跟上科技文明的步伐,传统文化本身也必须通过演进实现现代化。在其现代化进程中,西方世界文化也经历了文艺复兴、宗教改革和启蒙运动。这些过程使当代西方文化成为(科技)文明 3.0 的有机组成部分。中国传统文化的许多理念,如勤劳、重视教育和家庭,不仅适应(农业)文明 2.0,在科技文明时代也能绽放光彩。随着东亚儒家文化圈国家的经济成功,这些传统价值观再次引起关注。然而,(科技)文明 3.0 也给传统文化带来了一些新的问题和挑战,必须重新审视并进一步发展。文化复兴与演进是一个漫长而艰难的过程,只能依靠理性思维(推理)和科学方法才能发生,并且只有经过长期、持续的努力才能结出果实。

Secondly, in order to keep pace with S&T Civilization, traditional culture itself must modernize by evolving. During its course of modernization, the culture of the western world also underwent the Renaissance, religious Reformation and the Enlightenment. These process allowed cotemporary Western culture to become an organic component of (S&T) Civilization 3.0. Many concepts in traditional Chinese culture, such as industriousness and an emphasis on education and family, are not only suited to (Agricultural) Civilization 2.0, they can also shine brightly in the age of S&T Civilization. With the economic success stories of the countries in the East Asian Confucian cultural sphere, these traditional values are once again attracting attention. However, (S&T) Civilization 3.0 also poses some new problems and challenges for traditional culture, which must be reexamined and further developed. Culture renaissance and evolution is a prolonged and difficult process, one that can take place only with rational thinking (reasoning) and scientific methods, and can only bear fruits after a long-term, sustained efforts.

理性思维(推理)和科学方法是科技文明社会的显著特征,尤其是在处理文化和社会问题时。科技创新需要思想自由,而思想的解放必然会促使人们运用理性思维,批判性地思考和审视传统社会的所有既定假设。他们将依赖事实和逻辑,而非权威和教条。这一过程始于 17 和 18 世纪西方的启蒙运动。其核心驱动力之一,来自以艾萨克·牛顿爵士为代表的近代科学革命所催生的、对理性和科学方法的空前自信。与此同时,欧洲正面临着跨大西洋经济和殖民主义带来的一系列划时代变革,轴心时代的传统思想资源完全不足以应对这些新挑战。欧洲的启蒙运动,是试图运用理性思维重新审视和思考生命、社会、政治、宗教、哲学、艺术和人文科学等所有问题的一场尝试。这场“思想风暴”名义上持续了一个世纪,但从某种意义上说,它从未真正结束,因为从那时起,理性、科学方法和思想的自由市场已成为科技文明的常态。自然科学的进步不断加深理性思维和科学方法对人文和社会领域的影响。随着基于公认事实和逻辑的知识的积累,社会共识将持续增长。在西方现代进程的两三百年间,文化现代化的努力从未停止,正是这样,社会才发展出了强大的精神基础,使其能够吸收剧烈社会和经济变革所带来的心理创伤。

Rational thinking (reasoning) and the scientific method are notable characteristics of a S&T civilization society, particularly when it comes to cultural and social issues. Scientific and technological innovations require freedom of thought, and the unshackling of thought will inevitably cause people to use rational thinking to critically consider and examine all the established assumptions of traditional society. They will rely on facts and logic rather than authorities and dogmas. This process began in the Enlightenment movement in the West during the 17th and 18th centuries. One of its core drivers came from the unprecedented confidence in rationality and the scientific method resulting from the modern scientific revolution exemplified by Sir Isaac Newton. Meanwhile, Europe was at the time confronting a series of epochal changes brought about by the Trans-Atlantic economy and colonialism, and the traditional conceptual resources of the Axial Age were utterly inadequate for meeting these new challenges. The Enlightenment movement in Europe was an attempt to use rational thinking to reexamine and reconsider all the issues of life, society, politics, religion, philosophy, arts and the humanities. This “brain storm” nominally lasted for a century, but in a certain sense, it has never actually ended because from that time on, rationality, the scientific method and the free marketplace of ideas have become the norm in S&T civilization. Progress in the natural sciences has continued to deepen the impact of rational thinking and the scientific method on the humanities and society. As knowledge based on commonly accepted facts and logic accumulates, social consensus will continue to grow. During the two or three centuries of modernization in the West, efforts to modernize culture never ceased, and this was how society developed the strong spiritual underpinnings which enabled it to absorb the psychological trauma caused by dramatic social and economic changes.

从元朝(1271–1368)开始,科举制度聚焦于理学(“理”)的教义。朱熹(1130–1200,宋代儒家学者,理学领军人物,中国最有影响力的理性主义新儒家)的《四书章句集注》(中国公元前 300 年前四部权威儒家经典)成为官方意识形态,也是科举考试的唯 一科目内容。清朝(1636–1911)期间,“八股文”(明清时期科举考试必须掌握的一种文章格式)也被定为考试格式,极大地限制了(新)思想的空间,并在一定程度上禁锢了学者的思维。尽管儒学在明清两代继续发展,但它已失去了唐宋时期的那种活力、创造力和广度。1840 年后,中国出现了一次短暂的启蒙运动。然而,在国内外压力和政权崩溃的威胁下,“启蒙”很快让位于“救国”。文化启蒙也仅限于批判传统,几乎没有时间进行文化重建。事实上,即使今天,中国的情况也没有根本改善;理性和科学思维在关于社会问题的公共话语主流中仍然缺席。如今,学者们或许能在自己狭窄的专业领域内保持客观和专业,但在公共领域涉及社会和人文问题时,理性思维则大为减少。由于缺乏公认的事实和逻辑,也没有达成共识的基础,不同观点之间的争论仿佛平行轨道,永不相交。各种奇怪的新思潮像风中的浮萍在社会中飘荡,造成人们思想的波动。这种情况带来了许多问题。其中,对社会最具破坏性的是无法有效积累知识。没有社会文化知识的长期积累,没有思想的自由市场机制,社会赖以依赖的智慧就几乎无法产生,进而也无法建立起人们共同遵守并维护和平秩序的社会共识。

From the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) on, the Keju system focused on the teachings of the school of reason (“Li”). The Commentaries on the Four Books (four authoritative books of Confucianism in China written before 300 BC) By Zhu Xi (1130 – 1200, a Song dynasty Confucian scholar who was the leading figure of the School of Principle and the most influential rationalist Neo-Confucian in China) became the official ideology and was the only subject content of the Keju exams. During the Qing Dynasty (1636-1911), the “eight-legged essay” (Baguwen, a style of essay writing that had to be mastered to pass the Keju examinations during the Ming and Qing dynasties) was also set as the format for the exams, greatly narrowing room for (new) ideas and to a certain extent stifled the thinking of scholars. Although Confucian studies had continued to develop during the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing dynasties, it lacked the vigor, inventiveness and breadth it once had during the Tang (618-907) and Song (960-1279) dynasties. A brief enlightenment movement appeared in China after 1840. However, under domestic and foreign pressures and the threat of regime collapse, the "enlightenment" soon gave way to “nation-saving”. The cultural enlightenment was also limited to criticizing traditions and there was little time for cultural rebuilding. In fact, even today the situation in China has not fundamentally improved; rational and scientific thinking are still not in the mainstream of discourse of social issues. Today, scholars might manage to be objective and professional in their own narrow disciplines, but when it comes to social and humanistic issues in the public domain, there is much less rational thinking. Because there are no commonly accepted facts and logic and no basis for consensus, arguments between different viewpoints seem to be on parallel tracks, never converging. Various strange new ideas float through society like duckweed blown about by the wind, creating volatility in people’s minds. This situation has created many problems. Of these, the most damaging to society is the inability to cumulate knowledge effectively. Without the long term buildup of social and cultural knowledge and without a mechanism of free market of ideas, it is almost impossible to create wisdom on which a society can rely, and in turn to create a social consensus for people to abide by and to maintain peace and order.

中国在其现代化进程中,很可能会走西方的道路。它也必须为社会的自我更新奠定新的精神基石。这段旅程将是漫长而艰巨的,需要努力、耐心和坚持。中国的启蒙运动,并不仅仅是翻译和引进西方经典到社会中去。这当然也不意味着全盘否定中国传统文化。相反,它应该从盘点现状并达成客观认识开始;换句话说,承认我们可能并非拥有所有答案。或许需要进行一次现代版的“整理国故”(胡适在 1919 年发起的一项倡议),以重新发现中国传统的光辉与灿烂。只有立足于传统的坚实基础上,中国才能批判地吸纳外来文化,并逐步、缓慢地建立起社会共识。理性思维和科学方法,仍是在社会和文化领域建立可信共识的唯 一有效途径。现在,我想举一个具体的例子。

China, in its course of modernization, will likely follow the path of the West. It will also have to lay a new spiritual cornerstone on which the society can renew itself. This journey will be a long and arduous one requiring hard work, patience and persistence. An enlightenment movement in China does not simply mean translating and introducing western classics to its society. It certainly does not mean a wholesale rejection of Chinese traditional culture. Rather, it should begin by taking stock and arriving at an objective understanding of the current state; in other words, by accepting the fact that we may not have all the answers. A modern version of the "adjustment of national cultural heritage" (an initiative taken by Hu Shi in 1919) may be called for to rediscover the radiance and brilliance of Chinese tradition. Only by standing on the solid foundation of that tradition can China critically embrace foreign cultures, and gradually and slowly build social consensus. Rational thinking and the scientific method will remain the only effective way to build credible consensus in the social and cultural sectors. Now I would like to offer a concrete example.

中国传统文化描述了五种基本人际关系:君臣、父子、夫妇、兄弟(长幼)、朋友。在文化上,每种关系都由其各自的道德规范来约束:父子有亲、君臣有义、夫妇有别、长幼有序、朋友有信。这五种基本关系基本上适用于彼此认识的人,因此,中国文化是一种熟人关系文化。它有一套完整的、被所有人遵守的规则来治理熟人之间的关系,但对于陌生人则没有规则。在传统社会,与陌生人互动的机会很少,因此也就没有必要建立这样的行为准则。这五种关系对于一个农业社会来说已经足够,但在文明 3.0 时代,在自由市场经济时代,许多人际关系发生在陌生人之间,这为现代社会带来了一系列问题。

Traditional Chinese culture described five cardinal relationships between people: ruler & subject, father & son, husband & wife, friends, elders and juniors. Culturally, each relationship is governed by its own moral code: closeness/filial piety between father and son, loyalty between ruler and subject, separation of roles between husband and wife, order between elders and juniors, and trust between friends. These five cardinal relationships basically apply to people who know each other, so Chinese culture is a culture of personal relationships among acquaintance. It has a complete set of rules governing relationships between people familiar with each other and observed by all, but there are no rules regarding strangers. In traditional society, there were few opportunities to interact with strangers, and therefore no need to establish such codes of conduct. The five cardinal relationships were sufficient for an agrarian society, but in the age of Civilization 3.0, in the age of free market economies, many interpersonal relationship are between strangers, so this has created a host of problems for modern society.

在一个人情社会中,关系比法律更重要,这给社会秩序带来了巨大挑战。同时,花费在人际关系上的时间也是对社 会资源的浪费。更不利的是,缺乏规范陌生人之间行为的道德准则。这是商业交往中缺乏信任的主要原因,而信任正是自由市场经济的润滑剂。如果一个人可以欺骗陌生人而毫无负罪感,那么一个遵守所有五伦原则的“好人”,在商业领域也可能成为作恶者。信任的丧失,不仅对商业环境有破坏性影响,对科学技术的发展也同样如此。后者是一个持续积累、逐步进步的过程,需要大量人群之间广泛而长期的合作。没有信任基础,建立这样一个基于信任的合作体系就非常困难。

In a society of personal relationships, relationships are more important than laws, and this poses great challenges to social order. Also, the time spent on interpersonal relationships is a waste of social resources. Even more detrimental is the lack of a moral code to govern conduct between strangers. This is a major reason for the lack of trust in business dealings, and trust is precisely the lubricant of a free market economy. If one can deceive strangers without any sense of guilt, then a “good” person who observes all the principles of the five cardinal relationships could still become an evildoer in the business world. The loss of trust has a destructive impact not only on the business environment, but also on the development of science and technology. The latter is a process of continual buildup and gradual progress which needs broad-based and long-term cooperation among lots of people. Without a foundation of trust, it is very hard to establish such a trust-based cooperative system.

今天的中国,无论是在科技还是人文研究领域,都仍然远远落后于世界先进水平。这也是信任缺失成为拖累中国现代化进程的一个关键原因。它对中国社会及其人际关系所造成的损害,现在比以往任何时候都更容易看到。

China today still lags far behind the world’s advanced levels in its research both in S&T and in the humanities. This is also a key reason why lack of trust has become a major drag on the course of China's modernization. It is easier than ever to see the damage it has done to China's society and its interpersonal relationships.

文化复兴的一个重要方面,是重新建立一套基于传统但适应现代文明的价值体系。因此,中国文化必须提出第六种基本关系,来定义和规范陌生人之间的关系。这种关系的道德和伦理原则,应当重建信任社会的基础,并与传统的五伦有机地融合在一起。

An important aspect of a cultural renaissance is the reestablishment of a value system that is based on tradition but suited to modern civilization. Hence, Chinese culture must propose a 6th cardinal relationship to define and govern relationships between strangers. The moral and ethical principles of this relationship should rebuild the foundations of a trust-based society and be organically integrated with the traditional five cardinal relationships.

那么,一个正直、可信、可敬、可亲的人,应该如何对待一个完全陌生的人呢?我觉得最好的答案是诚实。诚实并不意味着把所有实情都说出来,但绝对意味着不说假话、不故意误导别人,更不用说刻意欺骗了。诚实的反面是欺骗。陌生人之间有可能以诚实为道德基础,而且这也会带来很多好处。有了诚实,陌生人之间更容易建立信任。有了相互信任的基础,交换就变得更容易,进而创造剩余价值。诚实带来信任,让关系接近朋友之间的水平,成为传统五伦之一,融入一个人的个人关系网。关系网立刻得到增强,价值也提升了。如果是商业交换,价值就翻倍。陌生人之间做到诚实并不难,一旦做到了,就会产生乘数效应。这种乘数效应的一个正面例子可以在今天的社交网络经济中找到,比如 Facebook 和微信。同时,当社会把诚实作为陌生人之间的行为准则时,乘数效应也会放大不诚实行为造成的损失。例如,如果 A 和 C 在没有诚实规则的世界里是陌生人,他们会互相欺骗。后来,通过共同朋友 B 的介绍,A 和 C 可以成为朋友。当他们回顾过去、谈起之前的欺骗时,可以一笑了之、互相原谅,因为当时他们只是陌生人。但一旦社会把诚实作为陌生人之间的行为准则,即使有共同朋友 B 的介绍,A 和 C 再次见面时也会非常尴尬。由于互不信任,他们无法成为朋友。更糟的是,他们可能会把对方排除在各自的社交网络之外,造成多重损失。在今天的社会里,这个负面乘数效应的例子可以在公众对假冒伪劣产品和不良商家的谴责和打击中找到。

So how should a righteous, trustworthy, loving and respectful person treat a complete stranger? I feel the best answer is with honesty. Honesty does not mean telling all that is truthful, but it definitely means telling no lies and not deliberately misleading others, to say nothing of deliberately deceiving others. The opposite of honesty is deceit. It is possible to have honesty as a moral basis between strangers, and this would also yield many benefits. When there is honesty, it is easier to build trust between strangers. With a foundation of mutual trust, exchanges become easier, which in turn create surplus value. With honesty comes trust, which causes the relationship to approach the level of that between friends, to become one of the traditional five cardinal relationships, and to become part of one’s personal relationships. The web of relationships is immediately enhanced and gains in value. If there is a commercial exchange, value is added twice. It is not hard to have honesty between strangers, and once this is achieved, there will be a multiplier effect. One positive example of this multiplier effect can be found in today’s social network economy, as exemplified by Facebook and WeChat. Also when society accepts honesty as the code of conduct between strangers, the multiplier effect will also magnify the losses caused by dishonest behavior. For example, if A and C are strangers in a world without rules on honesty, they will deceive one another. Later, through an introduction by mutual friend B, A and C can become friends. When the two look back and talk about their prior deceptions, they can simply laugh it off and forgive each other because they were strangers at the time. But once honesty is accepted by society as a code of conduct between strangers, even with an introduction by mutual friend B, A and C would feel very embarrassed upon meeting again. They would be unable to become friends because of their mutual distrust. Even worse, they might exclude each other from their respective relationship networks, causing multiple losses. In today’s society, examples of this negative multiplier effect can be found in the public condemnation of and damage actions against counterfeit products and disreputable merchants.

由于第六伦(陌生人之间的诚实)在奖赏和惩罚上有乘数效应,如果中国社会和政府大力推广这一理念,它很可能成为中国文化的核心价值观之一。这将使诚实加速中国进入文明 3.0 时代的步伐,并更好地与国际社会和商业规范接轨。

Because the 6th cardinal relationship of honesty has a multiplier effect on rewards and penalties, if China’s society and its government strongly promote this concept, it may well become one of the core concepts of Chinese culture. This would enable honesty to accelerate the pace at which China enters into the age of Civilization 3.0 and better integrate with international social and business norms.

在西方社会,基督教建立了陌生人之间的行为准则,但这缺乏人际关系网络的乘数效应。可以想象,一旦第六伦的道德原则——陌生人之间的诚实——在中国确立,并编织进传统五伦的关系网中,它将为科技经济的发展提供更大的动力。中国文化现代化过程中的另一个例子是个人角色的变化。家庭是中国传统社会的基本单位,个人修养强调为大局牺牲和奉献。科举制度也让大多数知识分子把注意力集中在考试覆盖的极窄领域。在科技文明时代,创新能力已成为成功的最重要因素。创新是个性的延伸。因此,未来(中国)文化将更强调个人主义,更尊重人与人之间的差异,鼓励个人成长,从而加速创新。

In Western societies, Christianity established a code of conduct between strangers, but this lacks the multiplier effect of personal networks. One can imagine that once the 6th cardinal relationship’s moral principle of honesty between strangers is established in China and woven into the relationship networks of the 5 traditional cardinal relationships, it will provide even greater impetus to the development of a S&T economy. Another example in the course of modernization of Chinese culture is the role of the individual. The family was the basic unit in traditional Chinese society, and cultivation of the individual emphasized sacrifice and dedication to the greater good. The imperial examination system also caused most intellectuals to focus their attention on the very narrow area covered by the examinations. In the age of S&T civilization, the ability to innovate has become the most important ingredient for success. Innovation is an extension of individuality. Thus, future (Chinese) culture will place greater emphasis on individualism, have greater respect for differences between people and encourage personal growth, thereby accelerating innovation.

此外,中国文化的现代化还需要与英语在语言上进一步趋同。

Moreover, the modernization of Chinese culture will require further linguistic convergence with English.

在文明 3.0 时代,经济活动和知识的全球传播,以及世界各国人民之间的交流,需要一种共同语言。如同自由市场一样,语言具有规模效应,最早被多数人使用的语言将成为所有人的语言。目前,英语就是这样一个通用且开放的系统。就像微软操作系统或安卓系统一样,每个人都用同一个系统来编写应用程序。今天,几乎所有重要的创新思想首先以英语出现,无论是在自然科学、社会科学、商业、文化还是艺术领域。英语已经不再是美国或英国的专属领地。它早已成为全球商业和创意领域专业人士的共同语言。中文和其他语言可能没有机会成为共同语言。因此,文化的现代化将包括对英语的接纳。这将使最新知识能够立刻无缝地融入中文,并使后者逐步从新知识的使用者转变为创造者。总而言之,中国文化的复兴和演进将在科技文明的背景下进行。通过理性思维和科学方法,对传统文化进行“整理国故”。它将持续演进和发展,经过长期的积累,逐步形成社会共识。这也将为中国人民和中国社会提供一个所有人都遵守的道德准则,以及安抚心灵的共同信仰和信念。有了这样的基础,中国就能在全球科技文明的进步中保持前沿地位,并逐步做出一个拥有世界五分之一人口的国家应有的贡献。

In the era of Civilization 3.0, the global spread of economic activities and knowledge and the exchanges between people from countries around the world will require a common language. As in the free market, language enjoys economies of scale, and the first to be used by many will become the language of all. At present, English is such a common and open system. Like the Microsoft OS or Android, everyone uses the same system to write apps. Today, almost all important innovative ideas first appear in English, whether they are in natural sciences, social sciences, commerce, culture or the arts. English is no longer the exclusive province of the USA and Great Britain. It has long since become the common language of world business and of professionals in creative fields. Chinese and other languages probably will not have a chance of becoming the common language. Therefore, the modernization of culture will include the embrace of the English language. This will allow the latest knowledge to be immediately and seamlessly integrated into the Chinese language, and enable the latter to gradually transition from a user to a creator of new knowledge. To sum up, the renaissance and evolution of China's culture will take place against the backdrop of S&T Civilization. Through rational thinking and the scientific method, there will be “adjustments of the national heritage” in traditional culture. It will continue to evolve and develop, and over a long period of sustained buildup, a social consensus will be gradually established. This will also provide the Chinese people and Chinese society with a moral code which all will abide by, as well as common beliefs and faith to console the soul. With such a foundation, China will be able to stay in the forefront of advances in the global S&T civilization and gradually make the contributions to the world that a country with one-fifth of the world's population ought to.

第十四章 未来几十年的中国预测——政治 引言:尽管科举制度有缺陷,它仍然是文明 2.0 时代最伟大的制度创新。它是中国在其漫长历史中能维持一个相对稳定、人口众多、疆域辽阔的社会的根本原因之一。今天的中国政治仍然受到科举制度的影响,学历的重要性深深扎根于中国人民的观念中。然而,科举制度未能解决最高权力者如何选拔及其合法性的问题。作为农业文明 2.0 的产物,它在应对文明 3.0 给政府带来的特殊挑战方面有些不足。另一方面,宪政民主诞生于文明 3.0 时代,为解决科举制度的弱点提供了宝贵经验。因此,中国未来政治演进最可能的方向,将是东西方两大制度创新的有机融合,即科举制度与宪政民主的结合。

Chapter 14 A Forecast for China in the Coming Decades -Politics Introduction: In spite of its weaknesses, the Keju system was still the greatest institutional innovation of Civilization 2.0. It was one of the most fundamental reasons why China was a country able to maintain a relatively stable society with a large population and vast land area over its long history. Chinese politics today are still influenced by the Keju system, and the importance of credentials is a concept deeply rooted in the minds of the Chinese people. However, the Keju system was unable to solve the problems of how those with supreme power were selected and their legitimacy. As the product of Agricultural Civilization 2.0, it was somewhat inadequate for meeting the special challenges posed to governments by Civilization 3.0. Constitutional democracy on the other hand, was born during Civilization 3.0 and offers valuable experiences which address the weak points of the Keju system. Therefore, the most likely development in China's future political evolution will be an organic integration of the two major innovations of institutions of the east and west, that is, the Keju system with constitutional democracy.

在政治上,西方现代化过程中出现的重大制度创新之一是宪政民主。从概念上讲,这一制度源于启蒙运动的主张,即统治者的权力来自人民的授权,也就是说,一个政府的权力来自其公民的同意和授权。这是轴心时代“民贵君轻”理念的扩展。

Politically, one of the great institutional innovations which emerged during the course of modernization in the west was constitutional democracy. Conceptually, this system originated in the Enlightenment doctrine that the power of the ruler is delegated by the people, that is, the power of a government comes from the consent and empowerment by its citizenry. This was an expansion of Axial Age concept that emphasizing people over rulers.

宪政意味着有限政府,即宪法限制政府的权力。一方面,没有个人权利凌驾于宪法之上,但与此同时,个人权利和自由受宪法保护,免受政府任意干涉。宪政下的民主是一种制度,公民参与政府选举和分配政治权力的机构。从政治进步和演进的角度看,宪政民主的出现与文明 3.0 的到来相吻合,反映了商业阶层社会地位的上升以及政府在经济和社会中角色的转变。新的自由市场经济力量开始进入政府,逐步将其角色从控制和过度干预经济活动,转变为支持经济活动、保护公民财产权、提供并保障技术创新所需的思想和言论自由空间。

A constitutional government means a restricted government, one where the constitution limits government power. On the one hand, no individual rights are above the constitution, but at the same time, individual rights and liberties are safeguarded by the constitution from arbitrary government interference. A democracy under a constitution is a system in which citizens participate in the election of the government and in the institutions which allocate political powers. In terms of political progress and evolution, the emergence of a constitutional democracy coincided with the arrival of Civilization 3.0, reflecting the rise in the social position of the business class and the changing role of government in the economy and in society. New free market economic forces began to enter into government, gradually changing its role from one of controlling and excessively interfering with economic activities to one of supporting them, of protecting the property rights of its citizens, and of providing and securing room for the freedom of ideas and speech required for technological innovation.

宪政民主是一个渐进过程。在历史上最成功的宪政民主国家中,宪法先于民主,财产权和经济自由先于选举权和政治自由。以英国为例——最早也是最成功的宪政民主国家。到 1830 年,英国已经进入文明 3.0 时代。宪政已实行了一个多世纪,公民享有了充分的自由。然而此时英国选民只能投票选举下议院议员,而有资格投票的人不到总人口的 2%。虽然统治者权力来自人民这一理念已被接受,但人民权力的演变是一个非常缓慢的过程。政治权力最初由国王与封建领主共享。后来,有产阶级获得了投票特权。在有产阶级内部,大地主最先获得投票权。随后扩大到中小有产者,再到白人男性、女性和有色人种。最后,所有达到成年年龄的人都可以投票。从英国和美国的经验中,我们可以看到公民的政治参与水平与经济发展水平直接相关,经济发展水平越高,参与率也越高。投票权的平等也始于资格平等,然后逐步扩大。只有在西方社会达到一定社会发展水平,几乎所有人都成为中产阶级并接受基础教育之后,才最终实现了“一人一票”的普选权,人人都有选举权和被选举权。这一过程直到 1940 年代末二战结束后才真正成为现实。

Constitutional democracy is a gradual process. In the most successful constitutional democracies in history, a constitution preceded democracy, and property rights and economic freedom preceded voting rights and political freedoms. Take, for example, Great Britain -- the earliest and most successful constitutional democracy. By 1830, Great Britain had already entered the age of Civilization 3.0. Constitutional rule had been in place for over a century and its citizens enjoyed ample freedoms. Yet at this time British voters could only vote for members of the House of Commons, and those eligible to vote accounted for less than 2% of the total population. Although it was accepted that the rulers' powers came were given by the people, the evolution of people’s powers was a very gradual process. Political power was initially shared by kings with their feudal lords. Later, the propertied classes gained voting privileges. Within the propertied classes, major landowners were the first to have voting rights. This was subsequently extended to medium and small property owners, then to white males, women and people of color. Finally, anyone who had reached the age of adulthood could vote. From the experiences of Great Britain and the USA, we can see a direct link between citizens’ level of political participation and their level of economic development, and the higher the level of economic development, the greater the rate of participation. Equality of voting rights also started with equality of eligibility and was then gradually extended. It was only after Western societies had reached a certain level of social development, when almost everyone had become a member of the middle class and received a basic education, that there was finally universal suffrage “one man, one vote” and everyone had the right to elect and be elected. This process did not truly become a reality until the late 1940s, after the end of WWII.

当社会政治权力的分配由选举结果决定时,每个人都有机会。这个体系具有开放性、透明度和机会平等,因此具有内在的合法性,也相对公平且可持续。宪政民主对英美两国最大的贡献,是让这两个社会稳步、渐进地进入了文明 3.0。政府基本不干预市场活动,并在国际上推动自由贸易;公民享有充分的自由和产权保护;他们参与政治的民主权利随着收入的提高而逐步、缓慢地放开。英美自由市场经济与宪政民主制度相结合,催生了平等的经济和政治机会,塑造了西方模式的文明 3.0,并创造了当时最有效、最庞大的自由市场体系。由于文明 3.0 关于规模经济的铁律,这个市场最终演变成了今天大型的全球化国际市场。

When the distribution of social and political power is determined by election outcomes, everyone has a chance. There is openness, transparency and equality of opportunity, so this system has an inherent legitimacy, and is also relatively fair and sustainably viable. The greatest contribution made by constitutional democracy to Great Britain and the USA was to move the two societies steadily and gradually into civilization 3.0. The government basically did not interfere with market activities and promoted free trade internationally; citizens enjoyed ample freedoms and protection of their property rights; their democratic rights to participate in politics increased along with their incomes and were gradually and slowly opened up. The British and American free market economies coupled with their constitutional democratic systems gave rise to equal economic and political opportunities, shaped the Western model of Civilization 3.0, and created the most effective and largest free market system of the day. Because of Civilization 3.0’s iron law regarding economies of scale, this market ultimately became the large globalized international market of today.

然而,宪政民主也有其自身的问题。在完全民主的环境下,民粹政治更善于代表小群体和短期利益,但往往与社会的整体和长期利益相悖。金钱对选举过程的腐蚀只会加剧这一问题。当冲突无法解决时,几乎可以瘫痪那些维护整体公众利益的长期政策(正如当前美国国会的情况)。温斯顿·丘吉尔那句名言“民主是最坏的政府形式,除了所有其他已被尝试过的形式之外”并非只是幽默之语。现在让我们看看中国的科举制度。其特点之一是,它是一个赋予人们政治权力资格的制度。通过公开、透明、公平的考试和竞争性评估机制,任何人都可以获得享受某些政治特权的资格。通过评估候选人的学习和治理能力来选拔最优秀者,政府可以量才录用,将最有才华的人才放在最重要的岗位上。每个人都有平等的机会进入政府服务,而政府反过来可以从民众中选拔出大量具有政治天赋的人才,从而获得卓越的远见和执行能力。这一伟大的制度创新让中国领先了西方一千多年。今天它仍然具有强大的生命力。当今世界包括中国在内的许多成功的公务员制度和职业军队,都在某些方面不同程度地受到科举制度的影响。

However, constitutional democracy has its own share of shortcomings. Under fully democratic circumstances, the politics of public opinion are better at representing small group and short term interests, but are often at odds with the overall and long term interests of society as a whole. The corrupting effect of money in the election process only exacerbates the problem. When conflicts cannot be resolved, they can almost paralyze long term policies which safeguard overall public interests (as is the case with the current U.S. Congress.) Winston Churchill’s famous saying that "democracy is the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried” is not merely a humorous remark. Let us now look at China's Keju system. One of its features is that it was a system for qualifying people to enjoy political power. Through open, transparent, and fair examinations and a competitive assessment mechanism, anyone could become qualified to enjoy some political privileges. By evaluating candidates for their abilities to learn and govern and thereby selecting the most outstanding ones, the government could appoint people based on their abilities and place the most capable talents in the most important positions. Everyone had an equal opportunity to enter government service, and the government in turn could select a large number of the politically gifted from among the populace, thereby giving it exceptional vision and ability to execute. This great institutional innovation allowed China to surpass the West for over a thousand years. Today it still has robust vitality. Many of the successful civil service systems and professional armies the world over, including those in China, have to some degree or other been impacted in some aspects by the Keju system.

这个制度同样有其弱点。首先,它仅限于(选拔)官僚。它隶属于皇权,而皇权是世袭制,不是择优制。血统与能力之间没有必然联系,因此,纵观中国历史,所有政治都受制于皇帝的能力。明君与昏君之间的差异巨大。当审视慈禧太后长达五十年的统治与同时期明治日本和西方(的发展)对比时,只能扼腕叹息。此外,由于在农业文明中,政治往往是平民有才华者向上攀升的唯一途径,官员更有动力将政治特权转化为经济利益,腐败成为这种制度无法根治的顽疾。

This system likewise has its weaknesses. First, it was only limited to (selecting) bureaucrats. It was subordinated to imperial power, and imperial power was a hereditary system, not a merit-based one. There is no necessary link between lineage and ability, and as a result, throughout its history all politics in China was limited by the abilities of its emperors/empresses. The differences between wise and incompetent rulers were enormous. One can only wring one’s hands when examining the contrast between the 50 year reign of the Express Dowager Cixi and contemporary (developments in) Meiji Japan and the West. Moreover, because politics was often the only avenue for talented commoners to advance themselves in an agricultural civilization, officials had even stronger motivation to translate their political privileges into economic benefits, and corruption became an incurable flaw of such a system.

尽管存在这些弱点,科举制度仍然是文明 2.0 最伟大的制度创新。它是中国这样一个在漫长的历史中能够保持人口众多、幅员辽阔的社会相对稳定的最根本原因之一。今天的中国政治仍然受到科举制度的影响,学历(的重要性)深深植根于中国人的心中。

In spite of these weaknesses, the Keju system was still the greatest institutional innovation of Civilization 2.0. It was one of the most fundamental reasons why China was a country able to maintain a relatively stable society with a large population and vast land area over its long history. Chinese politics today are still influenced by the Keju system, and the (importance of) credentials is a concept deeply rooted in the minds of the Chinese people.

科举制度无法解决最高权力者如何产生及其合法性的问题。同时,它面临着农业文明 2.0 的挑战,并且难以完全满足文明 3.0 对政府提出的特殊挑战。宪政民主诞生于文明 3.0,它为解决科举制度的弱点提供了宝贵的经验。因此,中国未来政治演进最可能的发展方向,将是东西方两大制度创新的有机融合,即科举制度与宪政民主的结合。以科技为基础的 3.0 经济需要一个保护私有产权、为科技创新提供必要自由空间、并尽量减少直接经济干预的政府。为此,司法必须逐步独立,以便法律既能约束政府的行政权力,又能保护个人权利和自由;军队等国家机器必须受到宪法限制。在这个基础上,可以逐步建立宪政政府。

The Keju system was unable to solve the problems of how those with supreme power were selected and their legitimacy. At the same time, it was confronted by the challenges of an Agricultural Civilization 2.0 and somewhat inadequate for meeting the special challenges posed to governments by Civilization 3.0. Constitutional democracy was born during Civilization 3.0 and offers valuable experiences which address the weak points of the Keju system. Therefore, the most likely development in China's future political evolution will be an organic integration of the two major innovations of institutions of the east and west, that is, the Keju system with constitutional democracy. A S&T-based economy 3.0 needs a government which will protect private property rights, provide the free space necessary for scientific and technological innovation, and minimize its direct economic intervention. To this end, the judiciary must gradually become independent, so that laws can both constrain the executive power of the government and protect individual rights and freedoms; instruments of the state such as the military must be subject to constitutional limits. A constitutional government can then be gradually established on this foundation.

同时,政治参与应向公民逐步开放,但与西方相比,参与方式应更符合中国的历史和文化传统。例如,政府应通过选举获得合法性,但人们必须首先拥有资格才能选举和被选举。职位越高,资格要求越严格,有资格选举和被选举的人数就越少,以此类推,逐级而上。例如,在村或社区层面,成年人实行一人一票的自治。要成为公务员,候选人必须通过严格的考试。高级职位对教育背景、过往成就、诚信和民意支持有更高的要求。资格应与职位相称。到了最高国家领导人层面,他们必须从极少数最符合条件的候选人中选出。这将是一种基于资格的选举:即通过考试、评估和有限选举相结合的混合方法来选拔最优秀的人才。在实践中,这意味着公民的政治参与程度将大致等于其经济发展水平。从历史经验来看,公民政治参与的热情与其经济发展水平直接相关。当经济发展水平较低时,增长是首要需求。当经济达到中等发展水平(如当今中国大陆)时,环境保护和人身安全变得更重要。当经济高度发达时,政治参与的需求达到顶峰(如当今的香港和台湾)。为了吸引最优秀的人才并为所有公民提供平等机会,作为中国唯一的现代政党,执政党必须向社会全面开放,并通过考试、评估和公平竞争,让每个有能力的人都有机会参与党内的权力分配。在适当的时候,应将高级官员的薪酬与私营部门同等职位的薪酬挂钩,制定相应的关系指数,并通过高薪(公务员)与严格的法律惩罚相结合来促进廉政。同时,政府权力应大幅削减,尤其是在经济领域。管理权限应从正面清单逐步过渡到负面清单。在此基础之上,应对腐败实行零容忍。为了尽可能限制腐败,应采取多管齐下的方法,包括非常严格的法律、无情的党纪、媒体监督和关心此事的公民举报等措施。

At the same time, political participation should be gradually opened up to the citizenry, but compared with the West, the mode of participation should be more suited to Chinese history and cultural traditions. For example, the government should acquire legitimacy through elections, but people must first have credentials in order to elect and be elected. The higher the position, the more stringent the credential requirements and the smaller the number of those eligible to elect and be elected, and so on progressively, level by level. For instance, at the village or neighborhood level, there would be one-person-one-vote for adults and self-government. To become a civil servant, candidates would have to pass rigorous examinations. High offices would have even higher requirements for education, previous achievements, integrity and popular support. Credentials should be commensurate with positions. By the time we get to the highest state leaders, they would have to be selected from a very small pool of the most highly qualified candidates. This would be a type of credentials-based election: that is, the best people would be selected using a hybrid method involving examinations, evaluations, and limited elections. In practice, it would mean that the degree of political participation by citizens would approximate their level of economic development. Judging from historical experience, the enthusiasm of citizens for political participation is directly correlated to their level of economic development. When an economy is at a low level of development, growth is the foremost demand. Environmental protection and personal safety become more important when an economy reaches a medium level of development (as in mainland China today.) When it becomes highly developed, the demand for political participation reaches its apex (as in Hong Kong and Taiwan today.) In order to attract the best and brightest and provide equal opportunities to all citizens, the ruling party, as China's only modern political party, must be opened up to the entire society, and, through examinations, assessments and fair competition, it must give everyone who has the ability an opportunity to participate in the allocation of power within the party. At the appropriate time, it should bring the compensation of high-level officials in line with that of their counterparts in the private sector, develop an index for corresponding relationships and promote clean government through the combination of high salaries (for civil servants) and strict laws of punishments. At the same time, government powers should be greatly reduced, particularly in the economic sector. Management powers should gradually transition from a positive list to a negative list. Upon such a foundation, zero tolerance for corruption should be enforced. To keep corruption as limited as possible, a multi-pronged approach should be used, including measures such as very strict laws, merciless party discipline, media scrutiny and whistleblowing by concerned citizens.

完成这一系列改革后,中国将创造对所有公民开放、机会均等的经济和政治向上流动的渠道。许多人将从事自由市场经济活动,竞争将是公平的,赢家和输家将由他们的能力决定。同时,许多有公益精神和才华的人将进入政府。通过基于资格的考试,最优秀的人将被任命,这些精英将在宪法限制下治理国家。

Having completed such a series of reforms, China will have created channels for economic and political upward mobility that are open to all and with equal opportunities for all. Many people will engage in free market economic activities, competition will be fair and winners and losers will be determined by their abilities. At the same time, many public-spirited and talented people will go into government. Through credential-based examinations, the best people will be appointed and these elites will govern the country subject to the limits of the constitution.

追求结果平等但接受机会平等是人的天性。任何能够提供机会均等的社会都将能够实现可持续发展,并实现持久的和平与繁荣。自 1840 年鸦片战争以来,中国大部分时间都饱受战争和无能政府的摧残。直到 20 世纪 70 年代末,国内外环境的变化才首次让中国拥有了一个可以专注于现代化的内外环境。在随后的三十多年里,取得了前所未有的成就。随着中国从 2.5 文明迈向 3.0 文明,它将自然面临前面讨论过的各种挑战。然而,自 1840 年以来的 170 年中,中国从未处于如此有利的境地。在未来几十年里,它将迎接挑战、解决问题,并最终演变为 3.0 文明,从而实现世界上人口最多国家的全面现代化。

Pursuing equality of outcomes but accepting equality of opportunities is human nature. Any society that can offer equal opportunities will be able to develop sustainably and achieve long lasting peace and prosperity. Ever since the Opium War of 1840, China has mostly been blighted by wars and incompetent governments. It was not until the late 1970s that changes in the domestic and international environments gave China, for the first time, an internal and external environment where it could focus on modernization. In the ensuing 30-plus years, it has achieved unprecedented results. As China moves from Civilization 2.5 to Civilization 3.0, it will naturally encounter the various challenges discussed earlier. However, in the 170 years since 1840, China has never been in a better position. In the coming few decades, it will confront challenges, solve problems and ultimately evolve into Civilization 3.0, thereby achieving the complete modernization of the most populous country in the world.

第 15 章 文明 3.0 时代的东方与西方关系 导言:由于共同利益、文明 3.0 铁律、全人类面临的共同挑战以及历史教训,东西方之间的差异、冲突和误解更可能是局部的、暂时的、可控的,并且不会持久。在未来几十年里,互信、合作、共同利益和共同发展仍将是本世纪的主流。

Chapter 15 East-West Relations in the Age of Civilization 3.0 Introduction: Because of common interests, the Iron Law of Civilization 3.0, the common challenges facing all humankind and the lessons of history, the differences, conflicts and misunderstandings between East and West are more likely to be localized, transitory, manageable, and not prolonged. Over the next several decades, mutual trust, cooperation, common interests and co-development will still be this century’s mainstream.

首先,我想谈谈文明 3.0 时代东西方关系中一些根本性的硬约束。任何政府、国家或领导人都无法回避这些约束。

First, I’d like to discuss some of the fundamental hard constraints on east-west relations in the age of Civilization 3.0. No government, nation or leader can avoid these constraints.

第一个约束是文明 3.0 的铁律。一旦一个强大的国际市场形成,没有任何国家能够离开它。任何离开的国家都会落后,离开得越久,落后得越快,直到最终被迫重新加入。这是第一个约束。

The first constraint is the Iron Law of Civilization 3.0. Once a robust international market has been formed, no nation will be able to leave it. Any nation that does so will fall behind, and the longer it stays away, the more quickly it will fall behind, until it is finally forced to rejoin. This is the first constraint.

第二个约束是由于在核武器时代,大国都拥有可以多次摧毁对方、并在此过程中摧毁地球上所有生物的核打击能力。因此,在这个时代,大国之间的关系遵循相互确保摧毁(MAD)的原则。在这种机制下,主要大国之间不太可能发生没有底线的全面战争。

The second constraint is due to the fact that in the age of nuclear weapons, major powers all possess nuclear strike capabilities that can destroy each other many times over, and in the process destroy all the living things on earth. Thus in this era relations between the great powers are guided by the principle of mutually assured destruction (MAD). Under such a mechanism, an all-out war with no bottom line is unlikely between major national powers.

第三个制约因素来自 3.0 文明时代给全人类带来的独特挑战。这些挑战只能通过国际合作,特别是大国之间的合作来应对。一个例子是二氧化碳温室效应导致的全球气候变化,它直接威胁到所有人的生存。如果没有所有国家的共同应对,特别是没有中国和美国的积极参与,任何应对措施基本上都将是无效的。处理有自杀倾向的恐怖极端分子,尤其是那些拥有大规模杀伤性武器(核武器、化学武器或生物武器)的组织和个人,道理也一样。同样,当今的全球化经济需要全球化的协作管理。特别是在 2008-2009 年金融危机这样的危机时期,国际合作,尤其是经济超级大国之间的合作,绝对至关重要。从更长远来看,人类长期生存的一个基本需求将是让 3.0 文明摆脱对化石燃料的完全依赖,将化石燃料保留下来,用于只有它们才能提供的农用肥料。这也需要所有国家的共同努力。

The third constraint comes from the unique challenges posed by the age of Civilization 3.0 to the entire human race. These can only be addressed through international cooperation, particularly cooperation between major powers. One example is global climate change caused by the greenhouse effect from carbon dioxide, which directly threatens the existence of all people. Without a joint response from all countries, and especially without the active participation of China and the US, any response will basically be ineffective. The same is true in dealing with terrorist extremists with suicidal tendencies, especially those organizations and individuals with weapons of mass destruction (nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons). Likewise, the globalized economy of today requires globalized collaborative management. Particularly during crises such as the financial crisis of 2008-2009, international cooperation, especially cooperation between economic superpowers, is absolutely essential. Looking farther ahead, a fundamental need of long term human survival will be to relieve Civilization 3.0 from its total dependence on fossil fuels, reserving fossil fuels for the agricultural fertilizers which only they can provide. This will also require the joint efforts of all countries.

如今的东西方关系正是在这三个主要制约因素下发展的。由于这些硬性制约,大国之间爆发全面、持久的战争不太可能。没有哪个国家愿意脱离国际市场,大国也会努力维护现有体系以服务于自身利益。

East-west relations today have been developing under these three major constraints. Because of these hard constraints, it is very unlikely that all out, protracted war will break out between major powers. No nation is willing to leave the international market, and major powers will endeavor to safeguard the current system to serve their own interests.

它们还将为了自身以及所有国家的利益,在共同利益领域深化合作。

They will also deepen cooperation in areas of common interests for their own sakes and for the sake of all nations.

然而,和平与合作并不意味着没有竞争。与传统国家间的争斗不同,土地和人口将不再是争夺的主要对象。当然,对化石燃料资源的争夺在相当长一段时间内仍将是个例外。如今,国家间的竞争主要发生在经济领域。最重要的竞争往往是看不见的,它们关乎科学技术水平、制度的吸引力、市场容量和教育水平。最成功的国家将是那些能够最大限度发挥其公民潜力,并吸引全世界最有才华人才的国家。但是,有竞争就有赢家和输家,就会有冲突。

However, peace and cooperation do not mean the absence of competition. Unlike the case of struggles between traditional countries, land and population will no longer be the primary objects of contention. Of course the fight over fossil fuel resources will remain an exception for a relatively long period. Today, competition between countries mainly takes place in the economic arena. The most important competitions are often invisible, and they are over the levels of science and technology, the attractiveness of institutions, market capacities and educational levels. The most successful countries will be the ones that can maximize the potential of their citizens and attract the most talented people from around the world. But where there is competition there will be winners and losers, and there will be conflicts.

客观地说,当今东西方关系仍存在许多不确定性。中国的崛起仍让西方深感不安,东西方之间也持续存在相互不信任。在某些条件下,这种不安和猜疑可能恶化成敌意、冲突和对抗。

Objectively speaking, there are still many uncertainties in east-west relations today. The rise of China still produces a profound uneasiness in the West, and both East and West continue to harbor mutual distrust. Under certain conditions, such uneasiness and suspicions can deteriorate into hostility, conflict and confrontation.

由于中国在近代历史上曾被西方殖民一百多年,中国对西方的根深蒂固的不信任完全可以理解。对西方人来说,东西方关系充满不确定性的原因有很多。乍一看,这些原因包括文化和心理层面。中国人和西方人属于不同种族,有着不同的文化、历史和习俗。中国的人口是西方的几倍。因此,当中国的经济和国际地位及影响力相对上升,而美国和西方相对衰落时,西方产生(对中国崛起的)不安感和(对中国崛起的)否认心态,完全是可以预见的。当中国的经济总量超过美国成为世界第一时,这种心理反应会变得更加强烈。在更深层次上,西方的不安更源于政治经济制度和价值观体系的差异。如今,中国的经济在很大程度上仍然是国家资本主义,看得见的手仍占据主导地位。政治上,它是一个一党制体系,公民尚未享有充分的自由。这种情况下,西方很容易做最坏的打算,将当今中国与二战前的日本和德国相提并论。这两个原因交织在一起,加深了东西方之间的不信任。

Because China was subjugated by the West for more than a hundred years in its recent history, China’s deeply rooted mistrust of the West is entirely understandable. To those in the West, there are many reasons why east-west relations are filled with uncertainties. At first glance, these reasons include that of cultures and psychologies. Chinese and Westerners belong to different races with different cultures, histories and customs. China’s population is several times larger than that of the West. Thus, at a time when China’s economic and international status and influence are relatively rising, and when the US and the West are relatively declining, the sense of unease (about China’s rising) and denial (of China’s rising) in the West is entirely predictable. When China’s overall economic output surpasses that of the US to become the largest in the world, this psychological reaction will become even stronger. At a deeper level, the unease of the West stems even more from differences in political and economic institutions and value systems. Today, China’s economy is still, to a large extent, state capitalism, with the visible hand still in a dominant position. Politically, it has a one-party system where citizens still do not enjoy adequate freedoms. Given these circumstances, the West will easily assume the worst and associate today’s China with pre-WWII Japan and Germany. The intertwining of these two reasons deepens the mistrust between East and West.

从心理学角度看,西方的恐惧感是可以理解的。然而,最坏的情况基本上不可能发生,因为人不能两次踏进同一条河流,历史很难重演。今天我们早已知道日本和德国发生了什么,而且我们也知道,鉴于 3.0 文明的铁律,中国不可能长期脱离国际市场。即使日本和德国在二战中获胜,它们最终也会在经济上失败,就像前苏联那样。此外,中国以前也曾尝试过闭关锁国、自力更生的道路。很清楚,这条路行不通,而鉴于中国人的智慧,他们肯定不会重回这条路。更重要的是,中国当前的经济和政治体制是过渡性的。在未来几十年里,中国更有可能实施完全的自由市场经济,并发展出一种兼具科举制和宪政民主特色的、有中国特色的政治体制。一旦中国完成了这种经济、政治和文化的现代化,其许多经验对西方社会也将有所裨益。在此背景下,从长远历史视角来看,不安、猜疑、误解,甚至敌意和冲突都只是暂时的。如果在中国向现代化转型期间,中西方的领导人在处理冲突时理性而明智,并且将东西方关系建立在合作与互利的基础上,那么在接下来几十年的改革成功之后,关系自然会变得更加紧密,互信与合作也将得到加强。

Psychologically speaking, the sense of fear in the West is understandable. Nevertheless, the worst case scenario basically cannot happen because no man ever steps into the same river twice and history can hardly repeat. Today we already know what happened to Japan and Germany, and we already know that given the iron law of Civilization 3.0, China cannot leave the international market for too long. Even if Japan and Germany had emerged from WWII victorious, they would still eventuallyfail economically, just as the former USSR did. Besides, China has tried the path of isolationism and self-reliance before. It is very clear that this path is unworkable, and given the intelligence of the Chinese, they will certainly not go back onto this path again. More importantly, China’s current economic and political systems are transitional ones. In the coming decades, China will more likely implement a fully free market economy and develop a political system with Chinese characteristics, one which combines Keju with constitutional democracy. Once China has accomplished this modernization in economics, politics and culture, much of its experience can be also useful to Western societies as well. Against this backdrop, from a long-term historical perspective, unease, suspicions, misunderstandings, even hostility and conflicts are transitory. If, during China’s transition to modernization, Chinese and Western leaders are rational and wise in managing their conflicts, and if they maintain East-West relations on a basis of cooperation and mutual benefit, then after the reforms are successful in the next few decades, the relationship will naturally grow closer, and mutual trust and cooperation will be strengthened.

从中国的角度来看,未来几十年将是全面现代化的最佳时期。其最大的国家利益应在于努力创造最佳的国际环境。中国的外交政策应聚焦于维护国际自由市场经济秩序、维护世界和平、避免与其他国家特别是主要经济体发生直接冲突,并积极参与国际合作,应对全人类面临的共同挑战。与为现代化争取最佳国际环境相比,任何从国际冲突中获得的收益都将相形见绌。

From China’s vantage point, the next few decades will be the best period for comprehensive modernization. Its greatest national interest should lie in an effort to create an optimal international environment. China’s foreign policy should focus on maintaining the international free market economic order, maintaining world peace, avoiding direct conflicts with other countries, particularly major economies, and actively participating in international cooperation to address the common challenges facing all humankind. Compared to obtaining the best possible international environment for modernization, any gains from international conflicts will pale into insignificance.

为了实现中国国家利益的最大化,中美关系将至关重要。中国和美国不仅拥有许多共同利益,还面临许多共同挑战,并且在经济等许多领域具有很强的互补性。由于科学技术是 3.0 文明的首要经济驱动力,美国在全球经济中的领先地位在未来许多年内仍将保持不变。尽管中国最终可能拥有世界最大的经济总量,但美国在人均 GDP 和科技发展方面仍将领先。中国的制造能力和市场深度都与美国形成互补。中美关系是维护地区和平、促进全球经济持续发展的基石。同时,在适当的时候,中国应该与世界人民进行更多直接对话。它应该使用各国通用的语言,阐述其当前和未来的改革方向、目标以及对现代化后中国的愿景,从而逐步增进理解,消除误解。随着中国的成长,它也可以开始在全球问题上承担更多责任,维护现有的全球经济秩序。

To maximize China’s national interest, Sino-American relations will be of the utmost importance. China and the United States not only share many common interests, they also face many common challenges, and they have strong complementarity in their economies and many other areas. Because science and technology are the foremost economic drivers of Civilization 3.0, the leading status of the US in the global economy will remain unchanged for many years to come. Although China may eventually have the world’s largest economic output, the U.S. will still lead in GDP per capita and S&T development. China’s manufacturing capability and market depth all complement those of the US. Sino-American relations are the cornerstone for the maintenance of regional peace and for the promotion of sustained global economic development. Also, at the appropriate time, China should engage in more direct dialogues with the peoples of the world. It should use language common to all countries to articulate the current and future directions of its reforms, its goals and its vision for post-modernization China, thereby gradually enhancing understanding and dispelling misunderstandings. As China grows, it can also begin to assume more responsibilities on global issues and maintain the existing global economic order.

由于共同利益、3.0 文明的铁律、全人类面临的共同挑战以及历史的教训,东西方之间的分歧、冲突和误解更可能是局部的、暂时的、可控的,并且不会持久。在未来几十年里,互信、合作、共同利益和共同发展仍将是本世纪的主流。

Because of common interests, the Iron Law of Civilization 3.0, the common challenges facing all humankind and the lessons of history, the differences, conflicts and misunderstandings between East and West are more likely to be localized, transitory, manageable, and not prolonged. Over the next several decades, mutual trust, cooperation, common interests and co-development will still be this century’s mainstream.

第十六章 人类命运共同体 引言:在过去六万到七万年间,人类面临着无数威胁,经历了无数变迁。但未曾改变的是,人类在应对挑战过程中所展现出的伟大创造力和进取精神。这种强大力量一直是人类文明发展的原动力。

Chapter 16 Humanity’s Common Destiny Introduction: Over the past 60,000 to 70,000 years, the human race has faced countless threats and experienced countless changes. What has not changed has been the great creativity and enterprising spirit humans have displayed in the course of dealing with challenges. This powerful force has always been the dynamite behind the development of human civilization.

3.0 文明最根本的驱动力,是无限的科技发展与人类不断增长的需求有机融合。然而,这些科技进步常常将我们引向一些意想不到的方向。

The most fundamental driver of Civilization 3.0 is the organic integration of limitless S&T development and endlessly growing human needs. However, these S&T advances often lead us in some unexpected directions.

例如,人们非常在意外貌,喜欢追随最新的时尚潮流。这些欲望促使整容手术发展到今天,人们在外貌上有了越来越多的选择。未来科技的发展将把人与人之间的差异变成个人偏好和选择。以肤色为例,有人可能喜欢白皙的皮肤,有人喜欢棕色皮肤,有人喜欢黑色皮肤——这些都可以成为个人选择。外表甚至性别都可以自由选择。由于科技发展与市场的融合,只要人们有需求,就一定会实现。

For instance, people attach great importance to the way they look and they love to follow the latest fashion trends. These desires have caused cosmetic surgery to develop to the point where people have increasingly greater choices regarding their physical appearance. Future developments in science and technology will turn differences between people into personal preferences and choices. Take skin color, for example. Some may prefer a fair skin, some a brown skin, and some a black skin – these can become personal choices. External appearances and even gender can be freely selected. Because of the integration of S&T development and the markets, as long as people have a demand for something, it will happen.

其他文化差异也会发生变化。在人类首次走出非洲的六万年里,文化传播到了世界各个地区,它是为适应各地地理环境而发展出的独特信仰和生活方式的集合体。文化是区分不同地区人群的标志,但未来,这些区别将变成个人追求的选择和偏好。

There will also be changes in other cultural differences. In the past 60,000 years since humans first ventured out of Africa, culture spread to all regions of the world, and it is the sum total of unique beliefs and lifestyles which developed in order to adapt to local geography. Culture is what distinguishes people from different regions, but in the future, these distinctions will become choices and preferences pursued by individuals.

未来,语言将几乎可以即时翻译。这将使世界各地的人们能够通过同声传译技术,用各自的语言相互交流。然而,从语言发展的角度来看,语言本身也具有规模效应。英语已经成为世界上最大的开放系统。就像过去的微软 Windows 和今天的安卓系统一样,最多的应用都是以英语为通用平台,最有创造力的人都在使用英语。因此,虽然创造性的合作仍需要使用一种通用语言,但这种语言将变得越来越容易学习,也越来越容易翻译成其他语言。食物也是如此——生活习惯可以改变。例如,许多亚洲人仍有乳糖不耐受的问题,但这很快会被科学技术改变,任何人都将能够享用各种不同类型的食物。

In the future, language will be almost instantaneously translatable. This will allow people from all over the world to communicate with each other in their own languages through the use of simultaneous translation technology. However, in terms of linguistic development, language itself also has economies of scale. English has already become the largest open system in the world. As was the case with Microsoft Windows in the past and Android today, the most numerous applications are those with English as the common platform, and the most creative people are all using English. Therefore, while creative collaborations will still have to use a common language, this language will become increasingly easy to learn and it will become increasingly easy to translate into other languages. The same is true of foods – living habits can change. For example, many Asians still suffer from lactose intolerance, but this will soon be changed by science and technology, and anyone will be able to enjoy all different types of foods.

所有这些例子的目的在于说明,数千年来将人与人区别开来的那些根本差异,最终将变成个人选择,而非历史遗留。因此,国籍、文化、宗教等传统国家的基础将被动摇,这些既有的根基将缓慢消失。至于宗教,它所有高度具体的预言都将被科学逐一证伪,但其基本意义仍将留存。宗教必须回答的终极问题是那些根本性的世界观:人类从何而来?人的本性是什么?人类存在的意义是什么?人死后去向何方?科学将为这些问题提供越来越好的答案,甚至有一天可能取代宗教来回答它们。然而,宗教的另一个功能是提供精神慰藉,抚平痛苦与磨难,赋予生活意义,让人们对未来充满信念与希望。在这一角色上,宗教、传统艺术、信仰与哲学将逐渐趋同,人们通过艺术、宗教、哲学、爱与同理心所共享的体验将日益强大。所有宗教中能够存续下来的共同之处,是人与人之间的共情,尤其是同情心。一种普世宗教将基于这样的基础形成,而艺术将日益成为全人类共同的精神寄托之源。

The purpose of all these examples is to show how the basic differences which distinguished people from one another for tens of thousands of years will eventually become personal choices rather than historical carryovers. Thus the foundations of traditional states such as nationality, culture and religion will be shaken, and these existing foundations will slowly disappear. As for religion, all of its highly specific predictions will gradually be proven wrong by science, but its basic significance will remain. The ultimate questions which religion must answer are those of a fundamental world view: where do humans come from? what is their inherent nature? what is the raison d’être of human existence? where do people go after they die? Science will provide increasingly good answers to these, and may even one day take the place of religion in answering them. However, another function of religion is to provide spiritual comfort, soothe suffering and pain, give meaning to life, and fill people with faith and hope in the future. In this role, religion, traditional art, faith and philosophy will all gradually converge, and the experiences shared by people through art, religion, philosophy, love and empathy will grow increasingly powerful. The commonality in all religions which will survive is empathy between people, particularly compassion. A universal religion will take shape based on such a foundation, and the arts will increasingly become the source of spiritual sustenance common to all humanity.

与此同时,文明 3.0 的铁律将创造一个单一的全球共同市场,因此,应对全球共同经济的挑战将变得必要。文明 2.0 时期发展起来的国家机构将变得不适用,因为这些国家的基础已经消失,所以一个全球性国家的出现不仅是可能的,而且是必要的。一个全球政府将管理一个共同的全球经济市场,并(与成员国)共同协调金融与财政政策。这样一个全球政府将能更好地应对全人类面临的挑战,无论是核武器、生物恐怖主义、全球气候变化,还是化石燃料资源的完全枯竭。气候变化将变得更加极端,人为二氧化碳的温室效应将更加明显,这将对所有人类、所有国家和所有地区产生巨大影响。米兰科维奇循环在未来很长一段时间内将继续存在,甚至可能因人类活动而加剧。我们现在拥有过去 70 万年的气候数据,并了解到长期来看气候变化可能非常剧烈。只有全球政府才能应对这一点。

At the same time, the Iron Law of Civilization 3.0 will create a single global common market, and as a result, it will be necessary to manage the challenges of a common global economy. The state institutions which originally developed during Civilization 2.0 will become inadequate because the foundations of these states will have disappeared, so a new global state is not only a possibility, but a necessity. A global government will manage a common global economic market and jointly coordinate financial and fiscal policies (with member nations). Such a global government will be better able to deal with the challenges confronting all humanity, be they nuclear weapons, biological terrorism, global climate change or the complete depletion of fossil fuel resources. Climate changes will become more extreme, the greenhouse effects of anthropogenic carbon dioxide well become more obvious, and this will have an enormous impact on all people, all countries and all regions. Milankovitch cycles will continue to exist for a long time to come, and may even become stronger due to human activities. We now have climate data for the last 700,000 years and understand that changes in climate can be very large over long periods of time. Only a global government can deal with this.

另一个长期挑战涉及资源。工业革命始于煤炭与蒸汽机的结合,随后是内燃机与石油的结合,以及化石燃料与电力的结合。当今所有文明都建立在电力的基础之上。可以说,文明 3.0 完全基于化石燃料的使用,而科技 3.0 之所以如此强大,是因为化石燃料的能量转化率远高于光合作用。化石燃料最初也是通过光合作用形成的,但它们作为有机碎屑在地下储存了数亿年,并发生了化学反应。它们每单位极高的能量密度是数百万甚至数亿年积累与浓缩的结果。它们是地球储存了数亿年后馈赠给人类的宝贵遗产。然而,尽管这份遗产丰富,它仍然是有限的,并且终有一天会被我们目前浪费的使用方式耗尽。这可能需要几个世纪,也可能需要超过一千年,但肯定会被用完。那么未来的能源是什么?农业必须依赖基于化石燃料的化肥,那么人类将如何养活自己?这是全人类面临的一个严峻挑战。

Another long term challenge involves resources. The Industrial Revolution started with the combination of coal and steam engines, followed by the combination of the internal combustion engine and petroleum, and that of fossil fuels and electrical power. All of today’s civilization is based on a foundation of electricity. We could say that all of Civilization 3.0 is based on the use of fossil fuels, and the reason why S&T 3.0 is so powerful is because fossil fuels have a much higher energy conversion rate than photosynthesis. Fossil fuels were also originally formed through photosynthesis, but they were stored underground for hundreds millions of years as organic debris and underwent chemical reactions. Their very high energy density per unit is a result of millions or even hundreds of millions of years of accumulation and concentration. They are a precious legacy given to humanity by the earth after being stored up for hundreds of millions of years. However, despite the abundance of this legacy, it is still finite and will surely one day be exhausted by our current wasteful use. This might take a few centuries or it might take over a thousand years, but it will definitely be used up. So what will be the future energy sources? Agriculture must rely on chemical fertilizers based on fossil fuels, so how will the human race feed itself? This is a daunting challenge confronting all of humanity.

科技将增强人们之间的共同认同感,消除那些构成传统民族国家存在基础的差异。文明 3.0 的全球共同市场也将加深我们的共同利益,而全人类共同面临的挑战必须共同应对。因此,一个全球政府将是必然的结果。事实上,纵观历史,人们在这方面已经做了许多有益的试验。例如,通过征服、殖民和同化一百多个族群,最终在早期中国形成了中华民族。美国在过去几个世纪里成功成为一个多民族、多文化的熔炉。同样,经过几个世纪的内战,欧洲最终从共同市场向共同政府过渡。这些都是非常成功的经验。二战之后发展起来的国际组织,无论是联合国、世界银行、国际货币基金组织、世界贸易组织还是二十国集团,都是国家间成功合作的典范。因此,在未来几十年或下个世纪,走向全球政府的运动完全是可以预见的。

S&T will strengthen the sense of common identity between people and dissolve those differences between them which form the basis for the existence of traditional nation-states. The global common market of Civilization 3.0 will also deepen our common interests, and the challenges shared by all humanity will have to be dealt with jointly. Hence a global government will be the inevitable result. In fact, throughout history people have already done many useful experiments in this regard. For instance, through the conquest, colonization and assimilation of over a hundred ethnic groups, the Chinese people were ultimately formed in early China. The U.S. successfully became a multi-ethnic, multicultural melting pot over the past several centuries. Likewise, after centuries of internecine warfare, Europe finally transitioned from a common market toward a common government. These are all very successful experiences. The international organizations which developed after WWII are all models of successful cooperation between countries, whether they be the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, the WTO or the G20. Therefore, in the coming decades or the coming century, a movement toward global government is entirely to be expected.

从更长远来看,人类面临的另一个严峻挑战是地球容纳人类的能力。自 50 年前硅基计算技术发现以来,其处理速度每 18 个月翻一番。按照这个速度,几十年内硅基材料的智能计算能力将达到甚至超越人脑。届时,人脑将首次与机械大脑兼容,或者人们或许能够将大脑的所有内容、记忆和 DNA 存储在计算机中,从而延长自己大脑的寿命。当然,人脑不仅是一个碳基有机超级计算机——它也是一个有机的信号发射器,而我们目前对此知之甚少。然而,我们已经实现了机械装置与其他人体器官的兼容,并将在这方面做得越来越好。例如,仿生学允许信号通过血液传输,使假肢能够像自然肢体一样活动。科学发展的机械力可以使肌肉力量增加无数倍。如果机械大脑的处理速度变得与人脑相当甚至更高,并且我们更好地理解了人脑的有机化学,那么机械大脑可能成为人脑的延伸。届时,大脑很可能在不丧失其身份的情况下被修复或替换。换句话说,机械大脑将能够取代碳基大脑。硅与碳、无机与有机之间最根本的区别在于寿命。有机大脑有有限的寿命,而无机大脑的寿命要长得多。因此,人类的寿命也将经历一些变化,并获得一些新的意义。如果人类与机器合为一体,或者人类修复器官的能力使他们的寿命无限延长——至少是在“生命”的某种意义上——那么迟早人口会增长到超出地球承载能力。从 10 万年前的 2 万人口,到今天人类人口增长到 70 亿,这已经是一个巨大的变化。我们可以想象,如果预期寿命可以无限增加,那么几百年或几千年内,地球的容量终将达到饱和状态。到那时,人们将不得不离开地球,前往其他星球寻找生存空间,就像大约 6 万年前他们离开非洲一样。

Over the longer term, another daunting challenge that will confront the human race will be the capacity of the earth to accommodate humans. Since the discovery of silicon-based computing 50 years ago, its processing speed has doubled every 18 months. At this rate, within a few decades the intelligent computing power of silicon-based materials will be comparable or even superior to that of a human brain. Then human brains will, for the first time, become compatible with mechanical ones, or perhaps people will be able to store all the contents, memories and DNA of their brains in computers, thereby extending the lifespan of their own brains. Of course the human brain is not only a carbon-based organic supercomputer -- it is also an organic transmitter of signals, and we currently know very little about this aspect. However, we have already achieved compatibility of mechanical device with other human organs and will continue to get better at doing so. For example, bionics allows signals to be transmitted through the bloodstream, enabling prostheses to move like natural limbs. Scientifically developed mechanical force can increase muscle power by endless multiples. If the processing speed of mechanical brains becomes comparable to or even greater than that of human brains, and if we better understand the organic chemistry of the human brain, then mechanical brains may become extensions of human brains. It will then be highly likely that brains can be repaired or replaced without losing their identities. In other words, mechanical brains will be able to replace carbon-based brains. The most fundamental difference between silicon and carbon, between inorganic and organic, is lifespan. Organic brains have limited lifespans, whereas inorganic ones have much longer lifespans. Human lifespans will therefore also undergo some changes and acquire some new meanings. If humans and machines become one, or if the ability of people to repair their organs allows their lifespans to be extended indefinitely – at least in a certain sense of “life” – then sooner or later the human population will grow beyond the carrying capacity of the earth. From a population of twenty thousand over a hundred thousand years ago, the human population has grown to 7 billion today, which is already an enormous change. We can imagine that if life expectancy can be infinitely increased, then within hundreds or thousands of years, the earth’s capacity will at some point reach a state of saturation. At that time, people will have to leave the earth to seek living space on other planets, just as they left Africa some 60,000 years ago.

在过去的 6 万到 7 万年间,人类面临着无数的威胁,经历了无数的变迁。未曾改变的是人类在应对挑战过程中展现出的巨大创造力和进取精神。这股强大的力量一直是人类文明发展的炸药。当然,人类仍然有其原始本能。正如(伊恩)莫里斯所说,历史的确是由“懒惰、贪婪、恐惧的人们,寻找更轻松、更有利可图、更安全的方式做事”所创造的。所有动物都是如此,但我们与其他所有动物的区别在于我们使用的非凡工具。人类大脑释放出的强大创造力和进取精神,以及通过艺术表达的非凡精神力量,使我们从最早在非洲的祖先时代开始,踏上了一条非常漫长的旅程。在超过 10 万年的历程中,我们完全征服了地球,而在不远的将来,我们可能会超越地球,走向浩瀚宇宙,寻找新的家园。未来仍然值得期待。

Over the past 60,000 to 70,000 years, the human race has faced countless threats and experienced countless changes. What has not changed has been the great creativity and enterprising spirit humans have displayed in the course of dealing with challenges. This powerful force has always been the dynamite behind the development of human civilization. It is true of course that humans still have their primal instincts. As (Ian) Morris says, history is indeed created “by lazy, greedy, frightened people looking for easier, more profitable, and safer ways to do things.” All animals are like this, but we differ from all other animals because of the extraordinary tools we use. The powerful creativity and spirit of enterprise unleashed by human brains and the extraordinary spiritual power expressed through art allowed us to embark on a very long journey from the time of our earliest ancestors in Africa. In the course of over a hundred thousand years, we have completely conquered the earth, and in the not too distant future, we may go beyond earth toward the vast universe in search of a new home. The future is still worth looking forward to.

(完)原著作者:李录。英文翻译:凌冠、Adam McVier、June Mei。特别感谢赵璞、常婧对英文版的校对。

(The End) Original work in Chinese by Li Lu Translated by Ling Lau, Adam McVier and June Mei Special thanks to Eva Zhao and Jing Chang for proofreading the English edition