长远眼光
Memo to:
Memo to:
Oaktree Clients
Oaktree Clients
From:
From:
Howard Marks
Howard Marks
Re:
Re:
长远目光
The Long View
过去一年半里,我的多份备忘录都触及了 2003 至 2007 年间的演变,这些演变引发了当前的金融危机。如今,人人都明白创新、风险承受力和杠杆在催生繁荣继而导致萧条中的作用,所以我想,是时候把目光放得更长远些了。
Many of my memos over the last year and a half have touched on the developments in 2003-07 that brought on the current financial crisis. By now, everyone understands the role of innovation, risk tolerance and leverage in the boom that led to the bust, so I think it’s now time to look back considerably further.
周期的意义
在我看来,投资者必须掌握两个关键概念:价值和周期。对每一项你正在考虑的资产,你都必须对其内在价值有一个坚定的判断。当价格低于内在价值时,通常就是买入时机。当价格更高时,就是卖出时机。简而言之,这就是价值投资。
但价值并非固定不变,它们会随着经济环境的变化而波动。因此,周期因素会影响资产的当前价值。比如,价值取决于盈利,而盈利又受经济周期和流动性价格的影响。
此外,证券价格深受投资者行为的影响,所以了解我们在市场周期中所处的位置,有助于我们安全地投资。眼下投资者心理如何,又告诉我们短期内该怎么做?我们希望在价格看起来有吸引力时买入。但如果投资者亢奋、乐观情绪蔓延,我们就要考虑,未来是否会有更好的买入机会。
The Importance of Cycles In my opinion, there are two key concepts that investors must master: value and cycles. For each asset you’re considering, you must have a strongly held view of its intrinsic value. When its price is below that value, it’s generally a buy. When its price is higher, it’s a sell. In a nutshell, that’s value investing. But values aren’t fixed; they move in response to changes in the economic environment. Thus, cyclical considerations influence an asset’s current value. Value depends on earnings, for example, and earnings are shaped by the economic cycle and the price being charged for liquidity. Further, security prices are greatly affected by investor behavior; thus we can be aided in investing safely by understanding where we stand in terms of the market cycle. What’s going on in terms of investor psychology, and how does it tell us to act in the short run? We want to buy when prices seem attractive. But if investors are giddy and optimism is rampant, we have to consider whether a better buying opportunity mightn’t come along later.
经验的教训——及其局限
回首过去四五年,我对我们看清市场周期和投资者行为所处位置这一点,感到满意。有备忘录谈到了预期回报偏低和风险溢价微薄(《风险与回报的今天》,2004 年 10 月),谈到了重蹈覆辙(《他们又来了》,2005 年 5 月),谈到了投资者对警示信号视而不见(《先看后见之明》,2005 年 10 月),以及接受更低回报和更少安全的意愿不断升温(《竞相触底》,2007 年 2 月)。重要的是,这些看法都体现在了橡树资本的实际行动中,让我们能为客户做出一些明智决策。
The Lessons – and Limits – of Experience I feel good about having been aware of where we stood in terms of the market cycle and investor behavior over the last four or five years. There were memos that talked about low prospective returns and meager risk premiums (“Risk and Return Today,” October 2004), repetition of past mistakes (“There They Go Again,” May 2005), investor inattention to warning signs (“Hindsight First, Please,” October 2005), and the rising willingness to accept lower returns and less safety (“The Race to the Bottom,” February 2007). Importantly, these views were factored into Oaktree’s actions, enabling us to make some good decisions on behalf of our clients.
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我列举这些成功,不是为了自我表扬,而是想指出一点:虽然我对短期周期看得很清楚,但我和几乎所有人一样,没能充分意识到周期攀升到这个水平所隐含的大格局危险。简而言之,我以为 2003-2007 年和我经历过的其他周期没什么两样,只是程度更深一些。我漏掉了一个事实:这次不仅程度不同,性质也不同。
这次不同,是因为在过去几十年里,越来越多的高点一个比一个高,低点也一个比一个高——在大量现象中都是如此——把我们带到了一个多年未见的宏观高位,其中潜藏着巨大的危险……我们现在正亲眼看着。
我第一次在花旗银行投资研究部做暑期实习生,距今已经四十年。正是我在 1969-1970 年、1973-1974 年、1977 年、1981 年、1987 年、1990 年、1994 年和 2000-2002 年目睹投资者受罚的经历,让我能察觉出 2003-2007 年的过度膨胀。但因为我没经历过经济大萧条,也没完整经历过痛苦的 70 年代那轮上涨,我缺少看清这些相对短促的繁荣/萧条/复苏周期究竟要把我们带向何方的视角。
I recite these successes not for the purpose of self-congratulation, but to point out that while I was highly aware of the short-term cycle, I – like almost everyone else, it seems – failed to fully appreciate the big-picture peril implied by the level to which the cycle had risen. In short, I thought 2003-07 was like the other cycles I’ve lived through, just more so. I missed the fact that it was different not only in degree, but also in kind. This episode is different because over the preceding decades, the accretion of progressively higher highs and higher lows – in a large number of phenomena – brought us to a macro-high that hadn’t been witnessed for many years and held great danger . . . as we’re seeing. Forty years have passed since I first served as a summer trainee in First National City Bank’s Investment Research Department. My experience in seeing investors punished in 1969-70, 1973-74, 1977, 1981, 1987, 1990, 1994 and 2000-02 is what enabled me to detect the excesses of 2003-07. But since I didn’t live through the Great Depression or work through the full run-up to the painful 1970s, I didn’t have the perspective needed to understand where those relatively short cycles of boom/bust/recovery were taking us.
长期趋势
回顾我的职业生涯,证券市场的表现显然受益于一系列利好的长期趋势(“长期”,按《韦氏新大学词典》的解释,指“关乎或涉及一段不确定期限的漫长时间”)。其中一些趋势其实早在二战结束时就已起步,一路延续到 2007 年,前后超过六十年。
宏观环境——二战结束后的那段时期,美国占据主导地位,一片繁荣。美国赶上了“婴儿潮”,本土没被战火波及,工厂和劳动力也顺利转向和平时期的用途。现代基础设施、完善的教育和医疗体系,以及技术进步,都帮了大忙。
企业增长——过去六十年,企业及其利润实现了强劲增长。尤其在这一时期的前段,美国开发出优质产品,生产效率很高,在世界其他地方找到了现成市场。自动化、信息技术、管理方式和生产效率的提升都功不可没。强劲的消费需求支撑了销售增长。
举债心态——下文还会细说,融资手段的进步,加上社会对举债的接受度提高,让企业得以加快增长速度、提高资本回报,也让消费者得以扩大消费。事实上,过去几十年里,美国各类经济主体都在增加债务使用。消费者、企业、政府和投资者都想借更多钱,金融服务行业便开发出相应产品来迎合需求。支出和
Long-Term Trends Looking back over my career, it’s clear that the securities markets have been riding a number of salutary secular trends (“secular,” as in “of or relating to a long term of indefinite duration” per Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary). Some of these actually began at the end of World War II and ran through 2007, for a total of more than six decades. Macro Environment – The period following World War II was one of American dominance and prosperity. The U.S. benefited from the “baby boom,” the fact that our shores hadn’t been reached by the war, and the effective transition of our factories and labor force to peacetime use. We were aided by a modern infrastructure, strong education and healthcare systems, and gains in technology. Corporate Growth – The last sixty years have seen strong growth in corporations and their profits. Especially in the early part of this period, the U.S. developed superior products, produced them very efficiently and found ready markets in the rest of the world. Gains in automation, information technology, management practices and productivity all contributed. Growth in sales was supported by strong consumer demand. The Borrowing Mentality – As further discussed below, advances in financing – and greater acceptance of the use of debt – allowed companies to augment their growth rates and returns on capital and allowed consumers to increase consumption. In fact, over the last several decades, economic units of all sorts in the U.S. increased their use of debt. Consumers, businesses, governments and investors all wanted to borrow more, and the financial services industry developed products to accommodate them. Spending and
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信贷在各个层面的扩张为投资提供了便利,促进了经济增长,但也为当前局面埋下了隐患。
投资的普及——回顾 1968 年,从事投资管理无异于进入银行业或保险业。投资并非如近二十年这般引人瞩目的领域。“知名投资者”在当时是个矛盾的说法;没有谁家喻户晓,不像后来的沃伦·巴菲特、乔治·索罗斯和彼得·林奇那样。投资公司并非商学院毕业生的首选雇主,投资经理人也没有占据杂志封面和收入榜顶端。但过去四十年间,人们对股票、共同基金、对冲基金和其他另类细分市场日益关注。甚至连住房也开始被视为投资工具。
投资者心理——态度随时代而变。曾受大萧条创伤的一代人淡出后,人们变得愈加自信、乐观和敢于冒险。经验让潜在投资者确信,股票可以指望带来高回报。近几十年里,曾有时段人们以为经济周期已被驯服。在艾伦·格林斯潘掌权期间,人们过度相信他有能力让经济持续稳定增长。而最近,人们又轻信了那种谬论,以为创新、金融工程和风险建模能消除投资中的不确定性。
上述种种发展,在过去几十年里构成了经济和市场的强劲顺风,也带来了长期的世俗上升趋势。
investment was facilitated through the extension of credit at all levels, contributing to economic expansion but also sowing the seeds for the current situation. Popularization of Investing – Back in 1968, working in investment management was no different from entering banking or insurance. Investing wasn’t the high-profile area it’s been the last two decades. “Famous investor” was an oxymoron; none were household names, like Warren Buffett, George Soros and Peter Lynch would become. Investment firms weren’t the B-school employer of choice, and investment managers didn’t dominate magazine covers and the top income brackets. But over the last forty years, increased attention was paid to equities, mutual funds, hedge funds and alternative niche markets. Even homes came to be viewed as investment vehicles. Investor Psychology – Attitudes morphed over time. Instead of a generation scarred by the Great Depression, people became increasingly confident, optimistic and venturesome. Experience convinced prospective investors that stocks could be counted on for high returns. In the last few decades, there’ve been times when people concluded the business cycle had been tamed. During Alan Greenspan’s reign, people came to believe inordinately in his ability to keep the economy growing steadily. And most recently, people swallowed the canard that innovation, financial engineering and risk modeling could take the uncertainty out of investing. The developments enumerated above constituted a strong tailwind behind the economy and the markets over the last several decades, and they produced a long-term secular uptrend.
短期周期
尽管存在潜在的上升趋势,但并非一帆风顺。经济与市场每隔几年便会被短期波动的周期性发作所打断。围绕趋势线的周期性起伏带来了频繁的涨跌。多数波动相对较小且短暂,但到了 20 世纪 70 年代,经济陷入停滞,通胀率达到 16%,普通股在两年内市值蒸发近半,《商业周刊》杂志甚至以“股票之死”为题刊发封面报道。不,我这四十年并非尽是美酒与玫瑰。
Short-Term Cycles Despite the underlying uptrend, there’s been no straight line. The economy and markets were punctuated every few years by cyclical bouts of short-term fluctuation. Cycles around the trend line made for frequent ups and downs. Most were relatively small and brief, but in the 1970s, economic stagnation set in, inflation reached 16%, the average stock lost almost half its value in two years, and Business Week magazine ran a cover story trumpeting “The Death of Equities.” No, my forty years haven’t been all wine and roses.
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我们不时看到经济景气与低迷交替——放缓与繁荣、衰退与复苏,股市也随之起落。这些波动源于正常的经济周期和外部事件(如 1973 年的石油禁运和 1998 年的新兴市场危机)。1975 年至 1999 年间,标普 500 指数有几年下跌,但跌幅从未超过 7.5%。而在上涨年份中,这 25 年里有 16 年回报率超过 15%,其中 7 年全年涨幅超过 30%。
尽管起起落落,投资者总体上获利丰厚,投资成为全民热潮,美国最富有的人正是靠买入普通股和整个公司登上财富之巅。一轮强劲的普涨行情就此展开,并在 2007 年达到顶峰。
From time to time we saw better economies and worse – slowdown and prosperity, recession and recovery. Markets, too, rose and fell. These fluctuations were attributable to normal economic cycles and to exogenous developments (such as the oil embargo in 1973 and the emerging market crisis in 1998). The S&P 500 had a few down years in the period from 1975 to 1999, but none in which it lost more than 7.5%. On the upside, however, 16 of those 25 years showed returns above 15%, and seven times the annual gain exceeded 30%. Despite the ups and downs, investors profited overall, investing became a national pursuit, and America’s richest man got that way by buying common stocks and whole companies. A serious general uptrend was underway, reaching its zenith in 2007.
大象的其余部分
有个老故事,说一群盲人在印度路上走着,碰到一头大象。每人摸到不同部位——象鼻、象腿、象尾或象耳——就根据自己摸到的那一小块,得出不同的解释:有人说像棵树,有人说像根芦苇,有人说像片棕榈叶。我们就是那群盲人。即便对所目睹的事件有清楚理解,也不容易获得拼凑全局所需的整体视野。在亲眼见到全貌运转之前,我们的认知只限于摸到的那几处。
直到 2007 年年中,我作为资金管理人的经历都只触及长期故事的一部分。也许,那看似潜在的长期上升趋势,本该被视为一个包含下跌与上涨的长期周期中的正面阶段。只有退后一步,站在远处打量这头巨兽,才能估出它的完整比例。
The Rest of the Elephant There’s an old story about a group of blind men walking down the road in India who come upon an elephant. Each one touches a different part of the elephant – the trunk, the leg, the tail or the ear – and comes up with a different explanation of what he’d encountered – a tree, a reed, a palm leaf – based on the small part to which he was exposed. We are those blind men. Even if we have a good understanding of the events we witness, we don’t easily gain the overall view needed to put them together. Up to the time we see the whole in action, our knowledge is limited to the parts we’ve touched. Until mid-2007, my experience as a money manager had been limited to part of the longterm story. Perhaps what looked like an underlying long-term uptrend should have been viewed instead as the positive part of a long-term cycle incorporating downs as well as ups. Only when you step back from the beast can you gauge its full proportions.
2009 年橡树资本管理有限合伙企业(Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.)
2009 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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长期趋势中的周期
这份备忘录里我最想谈的,是我认识到长期趋势本身也有周期,不只是围绕趋势的短期波动,而我们这些年正处在一个大周期的上行阶段。
过去几十年,投资者面对总体向好的经济环境,做出的反应是行动上越来越乐观、越来越信任,同时也越来越不谨慎、越来越不保守。回头去看,可以看到一种几乎从未中断的行为演进——这种行为(a)建立在有利的长期趋势持续延续之上,因此(b)可以说越来越看多。
如果只用一个词来概括,我想说是“意愿”在 steadily 攀升。在我四十年的商业生涯里——但很可能从二战结束就开始了——我相信投资者变得越来越愿意……
Cycles in Long-Term Trends The main thing I want to discuss in this memo is my realization that there are cycles in the long-term trend, not just short-term cycles around it, and we’ve been living through the positive phase of a big one. Over the last few decades, investors have reacted to the generally positive economic environment by taking actions reflecting increased optimism and trust, as well as reduced caution and conservatism. In hindsight, we can see nearly uninterrupted growth in behavior that (a) relied on a continuation of the favorable underlying trends and thus (b) can be described as increasingly bullish. Looking for just one word, I’d say there was a steady rise in “willingness.” Over my forty years in business – but probably carrying on from the end of the World War II – I believe investors grew increasingly willing . . .
要忘记“积谷防饥”、受托责任和保全资本这些老观念,
去追求资本增值,而不是满足于更稳妥、更持续的固定收益,
按增长潜力而非现有价值来投资,
相信股票能带来更优异的回报(详见后文专门部分),
大幅降低高等级债券在投资组合中的比重,
从股票和债券转向更另类的投资品种,
相信分散投资于高风险资产能增加收益而不增加风险,
如果你是一家银行或投资银行,就通过自营投资来追逐利润,
捐赠基金则试图“更像耶鲁”那样运作,
假设市场即使在艰难时期也能平稳运转,
相信市场能解决一切问题、引导建设性行为并高效配置资本,从而可以放松监管,
接受这样的观点:得益于市场有效性,资产价格永远是“正确的”,
信任美联储、艾伦·格林斯潘以及抑制周期的能力,
依赖量化分析师和金融工程师、电子表格和风险模型,
自信对未来走向了如指掌,
相信阿尔法、绝对回报、资金管理人中普遍存在的天才、免费午餐,以及无论定价如何都优越的资产类别,
崇拜并信任业绩亮眼的资金管理人,
与资金管理人分享投资收益,或许方式会激励他们为追求短期利润而加大风险,
把房产、艺术品、珠宝和收藏品视为金融资产,
相信房价不可能下跌,
通过电视、杂志和书籍把投资当作全民消遣,
“逢低买入”,
接受新范式,
放松尽职调查标准,不再带着怀疑去发问,
to forget old-fashioned concepts like “saving for a rainy day,” fiduciary responsibility and preservation of capital, to pursue capital appreciation rather than settle for more modest, steady income, to invest on the basis of growth potential rather than existing value, to trust that stocks would provide superior performance (see separate section below), to drastically reduce the representation of high grade bonds in portfolios, to move away from stocks and bonds and toward more exotic investments, to believe that diversification into risky assets would increase return more than risk, to pursue profit through proprietary investing if you were a bank or investment bank, and for endowments to try to be “more like Yale,” to assume that markets would function smoothly even in tough times, to trust in markets to solve all problems, induce constructive behavior and efficiently allocate capital, allowing regulation to be reduced, to accept that, thanks to market efficiency, asset prices are always “right,” to trust in the Fed, Alan Greenspan and the ability to restrain cycles, to rely on quants and financial engineers, spreadsheets and risk modeling, to feel confident they had a good handle on what the future held, to believe in alpha, absolute return, widespread genius among money managers, free lunches, and superior asset classes regardless of how they’re priced, to revere and trust money managers sporting good returns, to share investment gains with money managers, perhaps in ways that motivated them to take increased risk in pursuit of short-term profits, to view houses, art, jewelry and collectibles as financial assets, to believe that real estate prices couldn’t go down, to treat investing as a national pastime via TV, magazines and books, to “buy the dips,” to accept new paradigms, to relax diligence standards and forget to question skeptically,
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- 依赖过往统计均值——有时只是短短几年的数据——来评估潜在投资的安全性,
- 参与金融创新,投资于过于复杂或模糊难懂的东西,
- 相信风险已被消除,最近的例子就是证券化、分层和脱钩,
- 放弃流动性,
- 不断增加杠杆的使用(见下文独立章节),
- 用不可靠的资本为投资活动融资:短期借款和存款、不稳定的股权以及未来现金流,
- 忘记担忧、不再厌恶风险,于是在风险溢价不断收窄的情况下依然接受额外风险。
to use past statistical averages – sometimes covering brief time periods – to gauge the safety of prospective investments, to partake in financial innovation and invest in things too complex or opaque to be understood, to believe that risk had been banished, most recently through securitization, tranching and decoupling, to forgo liquidity, to make increasing use of leverage (see separate section below), to finance investment activities with undependable capital: short-term borrowings and deposits, impermanent equity, and future cash receipts, to forget to worry and be risk-averse, and thus to accept additional risk at shrinking risk premiums.
“意愿不断膨胀的时代”把许多趋势推向了更高的高点。上面列出的最后十项,正是引爆当前危机的主要因素。它们共同搭建起一座投资纸牌屋,这座屋子极度依赖持续的繁荣、乐观情绪和宽松的货币环境。
The “era of increasing willingness” carried many trends to higher highs. The last ten listed above were the prime ingredients giving rise to the current crisis. Together they produced an investment house of cards that was enormously dependent on continued prosperity, bullishness and easy money.
扩张性
除了“意愿”之外,这一时期最显著的趋势之一是“扩张性”的大幅上升——这是我对增加活动与资本比率之欲望的新标签。如果这个词听起来陌生,美国的常用术语是“杠杆”,而在英国则称“齿轮化”。
我上一份备忘录就是关于杠杆及其在我们当前所经历的危机中的核心作用。今天的问题在很大程度上是 2003 年至 2007 年间高杠杆水平的产物,但那些水平只是长达数十年演进过程中的顶点。
每个企业、政府、非营利组织或个人都有一定数量的权益资本、净资产或盈余。这部分资本反过来支撑一定水平的活动:生产与销售、借贷、政府行动、慈善拨款或消费。但在过去几十年里,如果你想做超出资本允许范围的事情,你可以从他人那里借入资本。
在我有生之年,借款规模发生了翻天覆地的变化:
Expansiveness In addition to “willingness,” one of the most significant trends during the period under discussion has been a massive increase in “expansiveness,” my new label for the desire to increase the ratio of activity to capital. If that sounds unfamiliar, the common term in America is “leverage,” and in England it’s “gearing.” My last memo was on the subject of leverage and its major role in the crisis we’re all experiencing. Today’s problems are largely a function of the high levels of leverage employed in 2003-07, but those levels were just the apogee of a progression that spanned decades. Every business, government, non-profit organization or individual has a certain amount of equity capital, net worth or surplus. That capital, in turn, will support a certain level of activity: production and sales, lending, government action, charitable grants or consumption. But over the last several decades, if you wanted to do more of these things than your capital permitted, you could borrow capital from someone else. Over the course of my lifetime, there have been extraordinary changes in the extent of borrowing:
消费者——45 年前我上大学时,买东西用支票或现金,硬币攒着打电话用。美国运通和晚餐俱乐部这类“旅行与娱乐”卡只向信用评级最高的人群开放,普通大众没有信用卡,直到 1967 年前后花旗银行推出“全能卡”(即现在的万事达卡)。过去,入不敷出的消费者常被形容为“负债”。如今我们很少听到——
Consumers – When I went off to college 45 years ago, I paid for purchases with checks or cash, and I saved up coins for the payphone. “Travel and entertainment” cards like American Express and Diners Club were available only to those with top credit ratings, and the masses lived without credit cards until Citibank introduced The Everything Card (now MasterCard) around 1967. In the old days, consumers who lived beyond their incomes were often described as being “in debt.” We don’t hear
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如今已不再使用这个说法,因为信用卡欠款和消费贷款未还清的人已是常态,而非例外。由此,从 1947 年到 2008 年,消费信贷余额增长了 260 倍,占国内生产总值的比例从 4.2% 上升到 17.9%。(数据来源:美联储及 Economagic 网站)
that term anymore, since people with unpaid credit card balances and consumer loans are the rule, not the exception. As a result, consumer credit outstanding grew 260 times from 1947 to 2008, increasing from 4.2% of gross domestic product to 17.9%. (Federal Reserve data and Economagic)
房主——过去,购房者往往要攒上多年钱,通常先付 20% 的首付,再用三十年期固定利率抵押贷款借下其余部分。他们按月还款,直到债务清零,然后开一场“烧抵押贷款合同”的庆祝会,以此宣告无债一身轻,可以无忧无虑地退休了。只有“手头紧”的人才会去借二按揭,比如为了应急付医药费。可这些年,这些老规矩全被扔到窗外去了,首付、固定利率、还清的贷款统统成了过时概念,取而代之的是百分之百融资、浮动利率、低息诱惑和连环再融资。二按揭也换了个名字,叫“房屋净值贷款”,仿佛是个小奇迹,让人能把手头房子必然升值的部分取出来花掉,房子还是那套房子,月供却水涨船高——赶巧碰上利率上调,或者借款人原本指望靠它体面退休,结果全落空了。
Homeowners – In the old days, homebuyers, having saved for years, usually put down 20% of the cost of a home and borrowed the rest through a thirty-year fixedrate mortgage. They made payments until that debt was eliminated, and they held mortgage-burning parties to celebrate the event, which would enable them to retire mortgage-free. Only people who were “in trouble” took out second mortgages, perhaps to meet emergency expenses. All of these concepts went out the window in recent times, when down payments, fixed rates and paid-off mortgages became things of the past, replaced by 100% financing, adjustable rates, teasers and serial refinancings. Second mortgages were relabeled “home equity loans,” little miracles that would let people draw out the inevitable appreciation in their homes, spend it, and end up with the same home and larger payments – perhaps just as interest rates moved up or as the borrowers hoped to be able to retire.
公司——"起初",公司借贷是极不民主的。20 世纪 70 年代末之前,只有信用评级达到投资级、即不低于 BBB 级的公司才能公开发行债券。但高收益债券的问世改变了这一切,这一创新让低评级发行人能以高利率借到资金。在高收益债券出现之前,公司只能被比自身规模更大的公司收购。而有了高收益债券,小公司和甚至富有的个人也能借到足够多的资金来收购企业巨头,于是催生了杠杆收购行业。近年来,不仅债务被加进了资本结构(尤其是通过收购),股权还在被抽走。收购公司用借来的钱以股息形式分掉所有者的股本,快速兑现利润;非收购型公司也常常借钱回购自家股票。这些举动用债务替换了公司资本结构中的股权,放大了经营结果,也压缩了容错空间。在当前的信贷危机中,这导致了大规模资本毁灭。
Corporations – “In the beginning,” corporate borrowing was most undemocratic. Prior to the late 1970s, only firms with investment-grade credit ratings of triple-B or better could publicly issue bonds. But that changed with the introduction of high yield bonds, an innovation permitting low-rated issuers to borrow at high interest rates. Before the advent of high yield bonds, companies could be acquired only by companies bigger than themselves. But with high yield bonds, small firms and even wealthy individuals could borrow enough to acquire corporate giants. This created the leveraged buyout industry. In recent years, not only was debt added to capital structures (particularly through buyouts), but equity was subtracted. Buyout companies used borrowed funds to dividend out their owners’ equity and provide quick profits, and non-buyout companies bought back their shares, often using borrowed money. These activities substituted debt for equity in companies’ capital structures, levering up their results and reducing their margin for error. In the current credit crisis, this has led to large-scale capital destruction.
金融机构——在所述数十年间,银行和投资银行逐渐远离了作为放贷人、顾问、经纪人和代理人赚取利息、费用和佣金的传统角色。相反,它们越来越多地涉足做市(当市场无法承接某笔交易时,买入或卖出大宗股票以服务客户)、自营交易(用自己的账户投资,而非代表客户),以及创设衍生品(有时最终持有头寸),所有这些都建立在更高的杠杆基础之上。“1980 年,银行负债相当于美国国内生产总值的 21%。2007 年,这一数字升至 116%……投资银行的资产负债表规模往往是其资本的 20 至 30 倍,这并不罕见,很大程度上要归功于 2004 年证券交易委员会的一项规则修改,该修改豁免了五家最大投行此前将其债务与资本比率限制在 12 比 1 的监管规定。”(《名利场》,2008 年 12 月)
Financial Institutions – Over the decades in question, banks and investment banks moved away from working for interest, fees and commissions as lenders, advisers, brokers and agents. Instead, they went increasingly into positioning (buying or selling blocks of stock to accommodate clients when the market wouldn’t take that side of a trade), proprietary trading (making investments for their own accounts, not on behalf of clients), and creating derivatives (sometimes ending up with a holding), all on the basis of increased leverage. “In 1980, bank indebtedness was equivalent to 21 percent of U.S. gross domestic product. In 2007 the figure was 116 percent. . . . It was not unusual for investment banks’ balance sheets to be as much as 20 or 30 times larger than their capital, thanks in large part to a 2004 rule change by the Securities and Exchange Commission that exempted the five largest of those banks from the regulation that had capped their debt-to-capital ratio at 12 to 1.” (Vanity Fair, December 2008)
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政府方面——各级政府在用财政收入之外,越来越学会花借来的钱。联邦、州和地方债务急剧膨胀,既用于资本项目(还算合理),也用于赤字开支(就没那么合理了)。联邦债务从 1980 年的 1 万亿美元增长到今天的 11 万亿美元。怎么做到的?比如 2003 年和 2004 年,政府每收 1 美元的所得税,就花掉 1.42 美元。就这样,美国变成了一个债务国,靠债券买家——尤其是海外买家——来让它超支度日。同样,州和地方债务从 2000 年的 1.19 万亿美元增长到 2005 年的 1.85 万亿美元,平均每年增长 9.2%。一个极端的愚蠢创新例子是,大量市政债券之所以能发行,是因为信用差的发行人能买到债券保险;但几乎没什么潜在投资者去查这些保险公司的财务实力。
Governments – Similarly, governments at all levels learned increasingly to spend borrowed money in addition to their revenues. Federal, state and local debt ballooned to facilitate both capital projects (reasonably) and deficit spending (less reasonably). The Federal debt grew from $1 trillion in 1980 to $11 trillion today. How? In 2003 and 2004, for example, the government spent $1.42 per $1 of income taxes. In this way, the U.S. became a debtor nation, dependent on bond buyers – particularly from abroad – to let it spend beyond its means. Likewise, state and local debt grew from $1.19 trillion in 2000 to $1.85 trillion in 2005, an average increase of 9.2% per year. In an extreme example of unwise innovation, much of the issuance of muni bonds was made possible because weak issuers could obtain bond insurance; few prospective investors, however, looked into the financial strength of the insurers.
一般投资者——五十年前,投资者扩大投资活动的主要方式是通过“保证金”借款,即向经纪人借钱买股票。新股购买的初始保证金严格限制在 100%(例如,账户里每有 1 美元权益,最多只能买 2 美元的股票)。但华尔街越来越有创造性,近十年来推出了“内含杠杆”的产品。这些产品让投资者无需明确借款就能获得远超 100% 的杠杆。对冲基金和套利基金、担保贷款凭证、债务抵押凭证、杠杆收购基金、信用违约互换及其他衍生品,所有这些都让终端投资者参与高杠杆投资,却无需动用保证金或借款。近乎讽刺的是,对保证金的上限限制依然保留,而监管机构却拒绝对这些其他投资结构施加任何限制或监管,尽管它们能提供几乎无限的杠杆。
Investors in General – Fifty years ago, the main way investors expanded their activities was through the use of “margin,” borrowing from their brokers to buy stock. Initial margin for new purchases was strictly limited to 100% (e.g., at most you could buy $2 worth of stock for every $1 of equity in your account). But Wall Street proved increasingly creative, and in the current decade it came up with products “with the leverage inside.” These made much more than 100% leverage available to investors without any explicit borrowing. Hedge and arbitrage funds, collateralized loan obligations, collateralized debt obligations, leveraged buyout funds, credit default swaps and other derivatives; all of these delivered participation in highly leveraged investments without requiring the end investor to use margin or take out loans. In what approached a joke, the prim limit on margin was maintained even as regulators declined to apply any limits or regulation to these other investment structures, despite their ability to provide almost infinite leverage.
机构投资者——由于享有免税待遇,养老基金、慈善基金和教育捐赠基金无法通过借贷放大收益。但它们可以(也确实)运用上述部分策略。机构投资者还采用“可转移阿尔法”策略,在指数期货上叠加对冲基金投资,模拟出超过 100% 的仓位配置,并向私募股权合伙基金超额承诺出资,以确保资金得到充分利用。
Institutional Investors – Given their tax-exempt status, pension funds and charitable and educational endowments can’t borrow to increase their returns. But they can (and did) make use of some of the strategies listed above. Institutional investors also employed “portable alpha,” overlaying hedge fund investments with index futures to simulate more-than-100%-invested positions, and they overcommitted to private equity partnerships to ensure their capital would be fully deployed.
过去几十年,借贷资金的使用在各个层面都扩大了。这主要并非源于法律或制度的变革,而是习俗和态度的转变,加之金融机构对新产品创新的推波助澜。在我信奉的所有投资格言中,这一条最为重要:“智者始,愚者终。”实践和创新往往从新奇走向主流,再走向过度,尤其是当它们初期获得成功时。早期投资者安全行事,后来者却在 2003-07 年间,以过度杠杆施加于价格虚高且往往不合适的资产上。正如我在《一切都好》(2007 年 7 月)中所写,杠杆是这个时期的“番茄酱”,用来让不佳的底层投资看起来诱人。结果已经糟糕透顶。
The use of borrowed money expanded at all levels over the last few decades. This occurred largely without changes in laws or institutions. Instead, the changes were in customs and attitudes, abetted by financial institutions’ innovation of new products. Of all the investment adages I use, this one remains the most important: “What the wise man does in the beginning, the fool does in the end.” Practices and innovations often move from exotic to mainstream to overdone, especially if they’re initially successful. What early investors did safely, the latecomers tried in 2003-07 with excessive leverage applied to overpriced and often inappropriate assets. As I wrote in “It’s All Good” (July 2007), leverage was the “ketchup” of this period, used to make unattractive underlying investments appear tasty. The results have been disastrous.
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再举一个例子,出自 11 月 24 日的《华尔街日报》:
谈到繁荣转衰败,“过度投资和过度投机往往举足轻重;但若非借助借来的钱,后果远不至于如此严重。”
这句话并非针对当下时局;而是欧文·费雪 76 年前的论述(《大萧条之债务通缩理论》,《计量经济学》,1933 年 3 月)。借来的钱让经济主体得以扩大活动规模,但并不会增加价值或让局面变好;它只会放大收益,也让亏损更加痛苦。拉斯维加斯有句老话:“赌得越多,赢的时候赢得越多。”但人们总忘了补一句:“……输的时候也输得更多。”
吉姆·格兰特在《格兰特利率观察》中用一句漂亮的话展示了他对语言的驾驭,把流动性和杠杆称为“心智之钱”。他的意思是,这两者无形而短暂,不像资产或股本资本那样可靠。今天有人肯借钱给你,到期时却可能拒绝续贷。因此,杠杆纯粹取决于放贷方的情绪。2003 年至 2007 年宽松随意的放贷,已演变成极度的信贷紧缩,而信贷的枯竭既是当下最大问题的根源,也是其标志。那些靠借钱扩张经营规模的人,应当始终考虑放贷方改变心意的可能性。
Here’s another way to put it, from The Wall Street Journal of November 24, When it comes to booms gone bust, “over-investment and overspeculation are often important; but they would have far less serious results were they not conducted with borrowed money.” That statement wasn’t made in reference to current events; that was Irving Fisher writing 76 years ago (“The Debt-Inflation Theory of Great Depressions,” Econometrica, March 1933). Borrowed money lets economic units expand the scale of their activity. But it doesn’t add value or make things better; it just makes gains bigger and losses more painful. There’s an old saying in Las Vegas: “The more you bet, the more you win when you win.” But they always forget to add “. . . and the more you lose when you lose.” In one of those beautiful phrasings that demonstrate his mastery of language, Jim Grant of Grant’s Interest Rate Observer has described liquidity and leverage as “money of the mind.” By this he means they’re intangible and ephemeral, not dependable like assets or equity capital. Someone may lend you money one day but refuse to renew your loan when it comes due. Thus, leverage is purely a function of the lender’s mood. The free-and-easy lending of 2003-07 has turned into an extreme credit crunch, and the unavailability of credit is both the root and the hallmark of today’s biggest problems. Those who expand the scope of their operations on the basis of borrowed money should always consider the possibility that lenders will change their mind.
企业世界中的债务运用
关于债务,有三个方面值得注意。第一,所有企业都会借钱。债务被广泛用于融资,涵盖从库存到资本投资的各类事项。如果企业必须等买家付了款,才能订购新货来卖,生意就会慢得多。如果所有资本都必须是股权,资本成本会高得多,企业规模也会小得多。借贷让商业世界运转起来。
第二,债务很少被偿还。企业很少减少总负债。债务不是被还清,而是不断展期。这让借款人的偿付能力取决于信贷的持续可得性。
第三,鉴于收益率曲线通常向上倾斜,短期借款几乎总是最便宜的。正因如此,第一国民城市银行在 1960 年代发明了商业票据,让企业能以短期利率借入资金,通过每隔一个月左右续期的短期票据实现。收益率曲线的上行斜率鼓励人们借短投长,能顺利滚动债务时,这带来经济上的最大化;滚动不了时,就是灾难。(近来“拍卖利率优先股”的失败,就是试图用短期利率做长期融资、去博弈收益率曲线的愚蠢行为的绝佳例证。)
Use of Debt in the Corporate World Note three things regarding debt. First, all businesses borrow. Debt is used broadly to finance things ranging from inventories to capital investment. If companies had to wait to get paid by buyers before ordering new goods to sell, business would go much slower. And if all their capital had to be equity, capital would be much more costly and companies would be much smaller. Borrowing makes the business world go ’round. Second, debt is rarely repaid. Businesses rarely reduce their total indebtedness. Rather than being paid off, debt is simply rolled over. That makes the solvency of the borrowers contingent on the continuous availability of credit. Third, given that the yield curve normally slopes upward, short-term borrowing is almost always the least expensive. That’s what led First National City Bank to invent commercial paper in the 1960s, enabling companies to borrow at short-term rates through short-dated paper that would be renewed every month or so. The upward slope of the yield curve encourages people to borrow short even when investing long, resulting in economic maximization when they’re able to roll over their debts but disaster when they aren’t. (The recent failure of “auction-rate preferreds” was a good example of the folly of trying to game the yield curve by financing for the long term at short-term rates.)
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以下就是由此得出的结论:
Here’s what follows from the above:
大多数公司都有债务,不只是那些进行过收购或建设厂房的公司。公司在正常经营过程中也会借款。许多公司短期借款沉重,因此面临近期内大量债务到期的困境。一旦资本市场关闭,不仅增长难以获得融资,而且因普遍无法再融资,也可能出现大量违约。
Most companies have debt, not just those that have made acquisitions or built plants. Companies borrow in the normal course of business. Many companies have heavy short-term borrowings and thus the need to deal with substantial maturities in the period immediately ahead. With the capital markets closed, not only will growth be difficult to finance, but significant defaults may also arise due to a widespread inability to refinance.
虽然我一向不愿预测未来,但我想接下来一年左右,很可能以偿还和再融资借款遭遇重大困难为特征。值得注意的是,在此背景下,“据路透社报道,11 月,没有一只低于投资级的公司债券发行——这是自 1991 年 3 月以来首次出现这样的空档。”(breakingviews.com,12 月 3 日)
While I always hesitate to predict the future, I think there’s a good chance the next year or so will be characterized by significant difficulty repaying and refinancing borrowings. It’s worth noting in that context that “In November, there wasn’t one sub-investment grade corporate bond issued, according to Reuters – the first such hiatus since March 1991.” (breakingviews.com, December 3)
关于股票的态度
过去一个世纪里最大的变化之一——只有几十年前便已成年的人,或读过相关历史的人,才能完全看清——发生在人们对股票(或我们过去所称的普通股)的态度上。
直到上世纪中叶,股票仍被视为高度投机性的东西,债券才是大多数投资组合的基石。有趣的是,与此相关,最近有报道称,标普 500 指数当前的股息收益率首次在 50 年里超过 10 年期国债。直到 1950 年代,股票总是提供更高的当前收益率……原因很简单,它们必须如此。人们投资主要为了收益,而风险更高的证券——股票——只有承诺比债券更高的收益率,才能吸引买家。
这一局面在 20 世纪下半叶发生了改变:
Attitudes Regarding Equities One of the biggest changes in the past century – fully visible only to those who already were adults several decades ago or who’ve read about it – took place in terms of attitudes towards equities (or what we used to call common stocks). Up until the middle of the last century, stocks were considered highly speculative, and bonds were the bedrock of most investment portfolios. Interestingly in that connection, it was reported recently that the S&P 500 now out-yields the 10-year Treasury for the first time in 50 years. Until the 1950s, equities always provided higher current yields . . . for the simple reason that they had to. People invested primarily for yield, and riskier securities – stocks – would attract buyers only if they promised higher yields than bonds. This changed in the second half of the 20th century:
普通股投资得以普及,我认为美林证券的查理·梅里尔功不可没。
20 世纪 60 年代芝加哥大学进行开创性计算机研究之前,股票的长期回报从未被科学量化过。后来,证券价格研究中心得出年复合增长率 9.2% 的数据,引得无数投资者胃口大开。
成长股投资的概念在 20 世纪 60 年代普及开来;我记得读过一份券商宣传册,讲的是一些盈利增长惊人的公司。这引发了“漂亮五十”投资热潮,投资者(尤其是银行信托部门)争相买入高增长公司的股票,根本不看估值。
Common stock investing was popularized; I believe Charlie Merrill of Merrill Lynch deserves a lot of the credit for this. Prior to some pioneering computer work at the University of Chicago in the 1960s, the historic returns on stocks had never been scientifically quantified. Then the Center for Research in Security Prices came up with the 9.2% compound annual return that fired many investors’ appetites. The concept of growth-stock investing was popularized in the 1960s; I remember reading a broker’s brochure about companies with exciting earnings growth. This led to the “nifty-fifty” investing craze, in which investors (and especially bank trust departments) bought the stocks of fast-growing companies regardless of valuation.
20 世纪 70 年代,股市繁荣破灭。我们经历了石油禁运、一场非常严重的衰退、高达 16% 的通货膨胀率,以及 1973-74 年标普 500 指数 45% 的下跌。
The equity boom burst in the 1970s. We experienced an oil embargo, a very serious recession, inflation rates ranging up to 16%, a 45% decline in the S&P 500 in 1973-74,
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漂亮五十股票的亏损则要大得多。股市一连多年萎靡不振,券商经纪人甚至去开出租车(这不是修辞),《商业周刊》在黯淡的十年结束时,以一篇看空股票的封面报道收尾。
事实上,20 世纪 70 年代的经济、市场与人心持续低迷了那么久,以至于与其说那是围绕长期上行趋势的一次下行周期,不如说那十年标志着长期趋势本身的下行(显然,这种事并没有一个客观标准)。不管你怎么称呼它,这次下跌幅度之大,道琼斯工业指数花了将近十一年才重新回到 1973 年初创下的高点。
但到了 1982 年,股市重新走入了长达 25 年的牛市,对股票的崇拜反而变本加厉。沃顿商学院的杰里米·西格尔教授写了《股市长线法宝》,证明历史上从未有过一段较长时间里股票跑不赢现金、债券和通胀。人人都得出结论:股票才是首选资产类别,是最理想的投资。机构组合里股债比通常是“65/35”,但随着 20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代的强劲表现进一步点燃了人们的热情,股票长期回报率被上调至 11%,股票在组合中的权重也越来越高。很少有投资者意识到,过往回报越高,往往预示着未来回报越差——而不是越好;也很少有人意识到,普通股的回报不可能永远跑赢企业利润的增长速度。1999 年,詹姆斯·格拉斯曼凑热闹出了一本《道指 36000 点》,声称正因为股票是如此扎实的投资,股权风险溢价其实高得不合理,也就是说股价被低估了。这几乎就标志着这轮长周期见顶了。
2000 年“科技-传媒-电信”泡沫破裂后,股市迎来了将近 70 年来首次连续三年下跌。大盘指数在 2002 年后企稳,并在 2007 年重新回到 1999 年的高点,但投资者不满足于股票不加杠杆的回报,又把目光转向了私募股权和股票对冲基金。这一切恰好赶在信贷危机爆发之前发生。去年标普 500 指数下跌 38.5%,是 1931 年以来最大的年度跌幅,十多年的涨幅被一笔勾销。
我在想,股票会不会重新回到被众人追捧的神坛上,以及能回到什么程度。《华尔街日报》在 12 月 22 日说得很到位:
20 世纪 30 年代和 70 年代漫长熊市的一个特征又回来了:普通投资者对股票的信心正在流失。在过去那种磨人的熊市里,散户投资者在巨额亏损中感到被灼伤。曾经备受信任的公司和机构接连倒下,进一步耗尽了他们的信心。许多心灰意冷的投资者远离股市,十几年甚至更久都不愿再进场。今天的投资者同样正目睹股市崩盘、华尔街倒闭潮和丑闻。许多人已经夺门而出。
and considerably larger losses in nifty-fifty stocks. The stock market stayed in the doldrums for years, brokers drove cabs (literally), and Business Week ended a dismal decade with its downbeat cover story on stocks. In fact, the economy, markets and attitudes turned so negative for so long in the 1970s that rather than a downward cycle around the long-term upward trend, one might say the decade marked a downturn in the long-term trend (clearly there’s no standard for these things). Regardless of what you call it, the decline was so big that it took almost eleven years for the Dow Jones Industrials to get back to the high it reached at the beginning of 1973. But in 1982, stocks returned to what would be a 25-year bull market, and there arose an even greater cult of equities. Wharton Professor Jeremy Siegel wrote Stocks for the Long Run, showing there’d never been a long period in which stocks hadn’t outperformed cash, bonds and inflation. Everyone concluded stocks were the asset class of choice and the ideal investment. “65/35” was the usual stock/bond balance in institutional portfolios, but eventually stocks became more heavily weighted, as strong performance in the 1980s and ’90s further fired peoples’ ardor and as stocks’ long-term return was upgraded to 11%. Few investors recognized that increasing past returns bode poorly – not well – for subsequent returns, or that common stock returns couldn’t forever outpace the rate of growth in corporate profits. In 1999, James Glassman chimed in with his book Dow 36,000, asserting that because stocks were such solid investments, equity risk premiums were higher than they should have been, meaning their prices were too low. That pretty much marked the long-cycle top. When the “tech-media-telecom” bubble burst in 2000, stocks went into their first threeyear decline in almost 70 years. The broad indices stabilized after 2002 and returned to their 1999 highs in 2007 but, wanting more than equities’ unlevered return, investors shifted their focus to private equity and to equity hedge funds. All of this occurred just in time for the onset of the credit crisis. Last year’s 38.5% decline in the S&P 500 was the biggest since 1931, zeroing out more than a decade of gains. I wonder whether and to what extent equities will be returned to the pedestal of popularity. The Wall Street Journal put it aptly on December 22: One of the hallmarks of the long market downturns in the 1930s and the 1970s has returned: Rank-and-file investors are losing faith in stocks. In the grinding bear markets of the past, huge stock losses left individual investors feeling burned. Failures of once-trusted firms and institutions further sapped their confidence. Many disenchanted investors stayed away from the stock market, holding back gains for a decade or more. Today’s investors, too, are surveying a stock-market collapse and a wave of Wall Street failures and scandals. Many have headed for the exits:
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投资者在 10 月一个月内从股票基金撤资创纪录的 720 亿美元……
如果历史有指引作用,他们可能不会很快回来。
我想做一个异端断言:股票并非自切片面包以来最伟大的东西,而是一种资产类别,表现好坏取决于定价。投资者在 1999 年顶峰时掉入陷阱,因为他们被股票长期平均回报以及近期涨幅所诱惑。他们没有问“股票的历史回报是多少?”,而应该问“如果你在平均市盈率为 29 倍时买入股票(当时正是如此),历史回报会是多少?”投资者再次相信了神奇资产类别,忘记了合理估值的重要性。
事实是,股票并非优越,而是劣质资产类别……从结构上说就是如此。与债务不同,它们不承诺年度利息或到期偿还,也不在公司出问题时对资产拥有优先索取权。它们提供的只是无上限的利润分成。债务承诺一系列合同支付,普通股则获得这些支付后剩余的残值。因此,股票较高的历史平均回报和潜在未来回报,应被视为对其劣等地位和更大波动的补偿而已。它们并不神奇,只是当定价合理、契合未来利润时表现良好的证券。如果未来几年经济面临缓慢增长,普通股跑赢公司债券并非必然。
Investors pulled a record $72 billion from stock funds overall in October alone . . . . If history is any guide, they may not return quickly. I want to make a heretical assertion: that equities aren’t the greatest thing since sliced bread, but rather an asset class that can do well or poorly depending on how it’s priced. Investors fell into a trap at the 1999 peak because they were seduced by stocks’ long-term average return in addition to their recent gains. Rather than ask “What’s been the historic return on stocks?” they should have asked “What’s been the historic return on stocks if you bought them when the average p/e ratio was 29 (which it was at the time)?” Once again, investors came to believe in the magic asset class and forgot the importance of reasonable valuation. The truth is, rather than being superior, equities are an inferior asset class . . . structurally, that is. Unlike debt, they don’t promise annual interest or repayment at maturity, and they don’t carry a senior claim against the company’s assets in case of trouble. All they offer is an uncapped participation in profits. Debt promises a stream of contractual payments, and common stocks provide the residual that remains after those payments have been made. Thus equities’ higher historic average and potential future returns should be viewed as nothing more than compensation for their inferior status and greater volatility. They’re not magic, just securities that can perform well when they’re priced right for the coming profits. If sluggish growth lies ahead for the economy in the next few years, it’s no given that common stocks will outperform corporate bonds.
风水轮流转
据说马克·吐温曾言:“历史不会重演,但总会有相似的韵脚。”
错误沿袭着长期存在的模式,却以新的方式上演。因此,值得指出的是,危机前几年的诸多事件与引发大崩盘前的“咆哮的二十年代”有着诸多相似之处。
Go Around, Come Around Mark Twain is alleged to have said “History doesn’t repeat itself, but it does rhyme.” Mistakes follow long-standing patterns, but applied in new ways. Thus it’s worth noting a few of the many ways in which events of the pre-crisis years are reminiscent of the Roaring Twenties that preceded the Great Crash.
20 世纪 20 年代,股票操纵者联手通过持续做空压低股价。这些“空头袭击”造成的损害促使“提价规则”出台,规定只能在股价高于前一笔成交价时才能做空。这一规则让空头难以打压股价,并一直生效至 2007 年 7 月。废除该规则后,空头得以再次压低疲弱金融机构的股价,这成为 2008 年一个标志性事件。
In the 1920s, stock manipulators banded together to force down the price of stocks through non-stop short selling. The damage caused by these “bear raids” led to implementation of the “uptick rule,” under which shares could be shorted only at prices higher than the last. This rule made it hard for short sellers to drive down prices, and it remained in effect right up until July 2007. Its elimination enabled bears to once again drive down the stocks of weakened financial institutions, an emblematic event in 2008.
银行与投资银行同处一室,被指为 1929 年大崩盘的主要罪魁祸首之一(参见我最喜欢的一本书,费迪南德·佩科拉的《华尔街的誓言》,1939 年)。这促成了《格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法案》的通过,强制两者分离。该法案在 1999 年被废止,而二者一旦
The combination of banking and investment banking under the same roof received a good part of the blame for the Great Crash (see one of my favorite books, Wall Street Under Oath by Ferdinand Pecora, 1939). This led to passage of the Glass-Steagall Act mandating separation of the two. It was revoked in 1999, and when they were
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两者重新结合后,银行家的审慎与投资银行家的风险偏好之争,最终以投资银行家的胜利告终,这使得那些“大到不能倒”的机构陷入险境。这一因素在当前危机中扮演了不小的角色。
recombined, the battle between bankers’ caution and investment bankers’ risk tolerance was won by the latter, putting institutions that were “too big to fail” in jeopardy. This played no small part in the current crisis.
上世纪 20 年代,“桶店”为投资风险提供了便捷的入口。它们从小客户那里接下针对股票走势的“对赌”,却不把指令真正送到交易所。相反,它们把指令单“扔进桶里”,风险自己扛。瞧,不经过股票市场交易,照样能接触投资风险。前几天,查理·芒格提醒我,桶店和如今的衍生品合约何其相似,后者同样允许在不实际交易标的证券的情况下下注投资。在本世纪头十年风险累积的过程中,高杠杆衍生品扮演了重要角色。
Also in the ’20s, “bucket shops” provided easy access to investment risk. They would take “side bets” on the direction of stocks from small customers without actually sending orders to the exchange. Instead, they’d throw order slips “in the bucket” and hold the risk themselves. Voilà: investment exposure without a stock market transaction. The other day, Charlie Munger reminded me of the similarity of bucket shops to today’s derivative contracts, which likewise permit bets on investments without any actual transactions taking place in the underlying securities. Massively levered derivatives played a big part in this decade’s build-up of risk.
诸如此类的事态并非随机发生。它们是乐观与热情升温、谨慎消退、对保护性监管的渴求减弱之后的必然下一步。忧虑的松弛最终会引发环境变化,从而纵容过度的滋生。
Developments like these don’t happen randomly. They’re the logical next step after optimism and ardor have increased, caution has subsided, and the desire for protective regulation has abated. The relaxation of worry eventually leads to environmental changes that permit excesses.
The Culmination
终结时刻
当长期周期的钟摆摆向负向极端时,可以确信它终会转向好转,越过中点,继续荡向弧线的正向一端。最终钟摆会升到高得无法停留的顶点,然后它会摆回来,不管是靠自身重量,还是靠外部力量,或者两者兼有。然而,在从“升温”走向“炽热”的过程中,我相信可以预见它会催生出狂躁而危险的行为。
当前这个长期周期可能始于二战后的复苏期。它得益于第 2 页和第 3 页讨论的那些积极因素,为消费者、购房者、企业、非营利组织和投资者带来了巨大的资本创造。但它从“健康”一路走到“过度”,最终酿成过去十八个月的事件,其中很多可以归结为“资本毁灭”这个标题之下。
最突出的例子也许是伯纳德·马多夫一案:一位备受信任、业绩优异的投资经理人据称伪造业绩记录,欺骗朋友和陌生人,亏损或盗走了 500 亿美元。欺诈行为的增多,可以视为泡沫化、周期驱动市场的正常组成部分——事实上也许是其标志性特征。谁听说过熊市里有贪污案?2008 年 12 月 20 日《金融时报》的几行文字,点出了马多夫事件的周期属性:
据称的伯纳德·马多夫骗局规模……令人震惊,却并不意外。历史告诉我们,泡沫催生骗局。在史上最大的信贷泡沫之后,我们现在可能迎来了史上最大的骗局……历史学家查尔斯·金德尔伯格认为,“骗局
The Culmination When the long-term pendulum is at its negative extreme, it can be counted on to turn for the better at some point, passing the midpoint and continuing toward the positive part of its arc. Eventually the pendulum will reach an apex so high that it’ll be incapable of staying there. Then it will swing back, whether under its own weight or because of exogenous forces, or both. In the course of moving from merely heated to torrid, however, I believe it can be counted on to bring out behavior which is manic and dangerous. The current long-term cycle may have begun in the post-World War II recovery. It benefited from the positive factors discussed on pages 2 and 3 and resulted in great capital creation for consumers, homebuyers, businesses, non-profits and investors. But it continued on from “healthy” to “excessive,” resulting in the events of the last eighteen months, many of which can be summed up under the heading of capital destruction. The greatest single example may be the case of Bernard Madoff, in which a trusted, highperforming investment manager allegedly fabricated his record, deceived friends and strangers alike, and lost or stole $50 billion. An increase in fraud can be viewed as a normal component – in fact, perhaps emblematic – of frothy, cycle-driven markets. Who hears of embezzlement during bearish times? A few lines from the Financial Times of December 20 indicate the cyclical aspects of the Madoff affair: The size of the alleged Bernard Madoff scam . . . is astounding, yet unsurprising. History tells us that bubbles spawn swindles. After the biggest credit bubble of all time, we now may have the biggest swindle of all time. . . . The historian Charles Kindleberger believed that “swindling
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需求决定供给,遵循凯恩斯定律,即需求决定自身的供给……”
麦道夫的故事平淡无奇……但在一个收益率普遍下降的信贷泡沫中,却引人入胜……
当赎回潮冲击麦道夫的基金时,庞氏骗局……变得难以为继……[1920 年代]泡沫中膨胀起来的名声,在 1929 年大崩盘中迅速蒸发,那次崩盘暴露了大量骗局。今天,对冲基金业的赎回潮正产生同样的效果。
在上升周期中已经升值的主流证券,未来只能提供微薄回报,促使投资者转向别处。麦道夫稳定的 10% 至 11% 回报率,在 1990 年代不会让人眼前一亮,但在 2000 年代却极具诱惑力。再加上周期顶部总是伴随的乐观情绪、轻信态度和松垮作风,氛围正好适合约翰·肯尼斯·加尔布雷思所说的优质“窃财”(bezzle)。但当形势从难以维持的高位回落时,投资者提出赎回,谎言便暴露无遗。
麦道夫骗局与取消上涨规则(uptick rule)一样,都源自同一个疯狂上升周期的温床。骗局;高价房屋上无法支撑的抵押贷款;过度杠杆的对冲基金、债务池和收购;资本不足的保险公司;不能兑现承诺的管理者……正如沃伦·巴菲特所说,潮水退去时,它们全部暴露无遗。迄今为止的结果如何?史上最大欺诈案曝光;银行迄今减记 1 万亿美元;仅美国就承诺 7.8 万亿美元用于“复苏行动”;道琼斯工业指数创下 77 年来最大跌幅;十多年的股票升值付诸东流;美国所有主要非银行投行消失;以及要求更多、更好监管的呼声。如今,信贷泡沫的破裂已波及整体经济,我们看到消费者收入、信心和支出不断下降;房屋销售、房价和新屋开工率急剧下滑;失业率升至多年高位。所有这些都是长期周期的一部分。
is demand-determined, following Keynes’s law that demand determines its own supply. . . .” Mr. Madoff’s story was dull . . . but compelling in a credit bubble where yields were everywhere falling. . . . When a wave of redemptions hit the Madoff funds, the Ponzi scheme . . . became unworkable. . . . Reputations inflated in the bubble [of the 1920s] promptly evaporated in the 1929 crash, which exposed a plethora of swindles. Redemptions of the hedge funds business are having the same effect today. Having appreciated in the up cycle, mainstream securities offered only meager returns going forward, causing investors to turn elsewhere. Madoff’s steady 10-11% returns wouldn’t have blown off anyone’s socks in the 1990s, but they were enticing in the 2000s. Add in the optimism, credulity and loosey-goosey attitudes that always accompany the top of a cycle, and the atmosphere was right for what John Kenneth Galbraith called a good “bezzle.” But when things retreated from the lofty level that couldn’t be maintained, investors put in for redemption and the falsehoods came to light. The Madoff scam was cut from the same up-cycle-gone-wild cloth as the elimination of the uptick rule. Scams; unsupportable mortgages on overpriced homes; overleveraged hedge funds, debt pools and buyouts; insurers with inadequate capital; managers incapable of doing what they said they could . . . as Warren Buffett says, they’re all exposed when the tide goes out. What are the results to date? The outing of the biggest fraud in history; $1 trillion of write-offs by the banks thus far; $7.8 trillion committed to “recovery activities” by the U.S. alone; the biggest decline in the Dow Jones Industrials in 77 years; more than a decade of equity appreciation lost; the disappearance of every major U.S. non-bank investment bank; and a cry for more and better regulation. Now that the bursting of the credit bubble has affected the general economy, we’re seeing declining consumer incomes, confidence and spending; plummeting home sales, home prices and housing starts; and the highest unemployment rate in many years. All of this is part and parcel of the long-term cycle.
未来趋势
与“意愿增强的时代”不同,未来数月乃至数年,许多事物将面临更大困难。凡是依赖以下因素的,日子都会更难过:
Trends Just Ahead Unlike the “era of increasing willingness,” many things will face increased difficulty in the months and years just ahead. It’ll be tougher times for anything dependent on:
乐观情绪、意愿与扩张倾向,
经济活动与消费开支的增长,
举借、偿付、归还或再融资债务的能力,
资产出售与去杠杆的能力,以及
强劲的资产价值与投资回报。
bullishness, willingness and expansiveness, increasing economic activity and consumer spending, the ability to incur, service, repay or refinance debt, asset sales and the ability to delever, and strong asset values and investment returns.
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显然,正是在金融世界,而不是“现实世界”里,积聚起了狂热的乐观情绪、豪赌心态和过度扩张,为当前的危机埋下了种子。但金融部门的态度与创新,却让上述种种过度行为得以蔓延到现实世界,而我们现在正在那里品尝苦果。金融部门破天荒的过度行为——以及随后的修正——导致了实体经济破天荒的疲弱,这绝非巧合。
上面列出的那些要素要想完全恢复,长期趋势再度强劲向上,可能还需要好一阵子。政府正在竭尽全力恢复它们,但并没有一张成功的路线图。我们所有人都只能提心吊胆地等待。不过,在接下来的时期,尽管我们会期盼短期周期复苏,但第 2 页和第 3 页列出的那些长期趋势,其向好程度很可能比不上当前危机爆发前的那几十年。
周期性复苏何时到来?这个问题同样没有路线图可循。大多数经济学家的预测依赖的模型,是从投资、生产、就业和消费等变量之间的关联外推得出的,但这些模型忽略了乐观情绪、豪赌心态和过度扩张等心理因素。1 月 3 日,《纽约时报》有篇文章报道,一项对经济学家的调查发现,他们普遍认为复苏将在 2009 年下半年开始。但文章补充说,这些经济学家:
……的预测基于计算机模型,这些模型倾向于认为美国经济基本面健全,即便在最糟糕的时候也是如此。这使得预测者总体上属于比较乐观的一群……他们的计算机模型很难把情绪因素考虑进去,比如信贷危机和房价下跌带来的冲击,正是这些因素严重阻碍了借贷和消费。
这些模型还假定,像美国这样的市场经济,其自然状态就是高水平的经济活动,并且经济几乎会本能地从衰退中反弹回那种高水平。但这等于假设银行和其他贷款机构没有像今天这样惜贷,没有让国家失去强劲经济所需的信贷。
这些预测者可能会辩称,他们的模型平均而言是有效的。但我猜测,他们模型有效的时期,并不包含我在此讨论的那种长期趋势陷入迟滞的情况。认识到历史数据在哪些时候不应被外推,是审慎应对未来的重要一环。
在此背景下,重要的是我想指出,近几十年不应被视为我们必定会回归的常态。相反,那是最好的时光。多数年份回报丰厚;多数投资都有回报(往往风险越高回报越好);多数投资者赚得盆满钵满。金融服务业……
Clearly, it was in the financial world, not the “real world,” that the great excesses of bullishness, willingness and expansiveness developed, planting the seeds for the current crisis. But financial-sector attitudes and innovations allowed excesses in all the things listed above to be visited upon the real world, where we’re now experiencing difficulty in them. It’s no coincidence that history-making excesses in the financial sector – and the correction thereof – led to history-making weakness in the real economy. It may be a good while before the elements listed are fully restored and the longterm trend roars upward again. The government is doing everything it can to reinstate them, but there’s no roadmap for success. We all have to wait with fingers crossed. However, in the coming period, while we’ll be hoping for the short-term cycle to recover, it’s quite likely that the long-term trends listed on pages 2 and 3 will be less salutary than they were in decades leading up to the current crisis. When will cyclical recovery arrive? For this, too, there’s no roadmap. Most economists rely for their predictions on models that extrapolate relationships between investment, production, employment and consumption, for example, but they omit psychological considerations such as bullishness, willingness and expansiveness. On January 3, a New York Times article reported that a survey of economists had found consensus that recovery would commence in the second half of 2009. But it added that the economists: . . . base their forecasts on computer models that tend to see the American economy as basically sound, even in the worst of times. That makes these forecasters generally a more optimistic lot . . . their computer models do not easily account for emotional factors like the shock from the credit crisis and falling housing prices that have so hindered borrowing and spending. Those models also take as a given that the natural state of a market economy like America’s is a high level of economic activity, and that it will rebound almost reflexively to that high level from a recession. But that assumes that banks and other lenders are not holding back on loans, as they are today, depriving the nation of the credit necessary for a vigorous economy. These forecasters might assert that their models have worked on average. But I’d guess the period during which they worked didn’t include sluggishness in long-term trends of the nature I’m discussing here. Recognizing times when historic data shouldn’t be extrapolated is an important part of dealing prudently with the future. Importantly in this context, I want to point out that the recent decades shouldn’t be considered a norm to which we’re sure to return. Instead, they were the best of times. Most years saw good returns; most investments paid off (often the riskier the better); and most investors made a lot of money. The financial services industry
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繁荣持续,人们赚得盆满钵满,过程中也玩得不亦乐乎。从 1987 年到 2007 年,“证券、商品合约和投资”这一领域的增长速度是经济总产出的两倍。据 12 月 19 日的《纽约时报》报道,2007 年,该行业员工的平均薪资是其他经济领域平均薪资的四倍多。
换句话说,当时正值高潮。所有金融船只都被抬了起来,掩盖了谁在没穿泳衣游泳的事实。在那种时期,你可以靠技术赚钱,也可以单凭激进捞钱,两者很难分清。
在我看来,优秀的投资者是那些在好时光里赚得比坏时光里亏得多的 人。未来几年的退潮会让我们看清他们是谁。在这个阶段为客户表现相对出色的基金经理,将得到认可和回报。其余的则不应再像过去那样轻松地募集资金或收取费用。当然,我们希望橡树资本属于前者。几年后我们都会知道答案。在新的、经过教训的环境里,我觉得没有人会像过去那样急于下结论。
前几天,我和一位记者交谈,他总结了我的话:“这么说,怀疑情绪会更重;投资者会更加厌恶风险;募资会更难;费用会面临更多审视。那对生意来说会更糟,对吧?”短期内,对让客户失望的基金经理来说,确实如此。但从长远看,这会为我们所有人创造一个健康得多的环境。
prospered, and its people made a lot of money and had inordinate fun doing so. From 1987 to 2007, “securities, commodity contracts, and investments” grew twice as fast as total gross output. And according to The New York Times of December 19, in 2007, “. . . the average salary of employees [in that category] was more than four times the average salary in the rest of the economy.” In other words, it was high tide. All financial boats were lifted, obscuring who was swimming without a bathing suit. In times like those, you can make money through skill or just aggressiveness, and it’s hard to tell which is which. In my view, superior investors are the ones who make more money in the good times than they give back in the bad. The ebb tide in the next few years will show us which they were. Managers who perform relatively well for their clients in this period will be recognized and rewarded. The rest shouldn’t be able to amass funds or command fees as effortlessly as they did in the past. Of course, we hope Oaktree will be among the former. We’ll all know in a few years. In the new, chastened environment, I don’t think anyone will jump to conclusions as readily as they did in the past. The other day, I was speaking with a reporter who summed up what I had said: “So skepticism will be greater; investors will be more risk-averse; fund raising will be harder; and fees will receive more scrutiny. That’ll be worse for business, right?” For the short run and for managers who failed their clients, it likely will. But in the long run, it’ll make for a much healthier environment for all of us.
长线眼光的重要性
和往常一样,一些最重要的教训在于,(a) 研究并记住过去发生的事;(b) 意识到事物的周期性。凑近了看,盲人可能把大象的腿当成一棵树——目光短浅的投资者也可能以为上升趋势(或下跌趋势)会永远持续下去。但如果我们退后一步,纵览历史的漫漫长河,就该能记得长期周期在反复重演,并看清自己正处在周期的哪个位置。做不到这一点,代价最为惨痛。约翰·肯尼思·加尔布雷思在《金融狂热的简史》中提醒我们:
促成……狂热的,还有两个因素,在我们这个时代和过去都鲜有人注意。其一是金融记忆的极度短暂。于是,金融灾难很快被遗忘。再于是,当相同或高度相似的情形再次出现时——有时只隔短短几年——它们会被一代新的、往往年轻、且总是极度自信的人,当作金融乃至整个经济领域里一项光辉的创新发现来欢呼。在人类努力的各个领域里,历史的作用很少像在金融世界中那样微不足道。过去的经验,只要它还留在记忆里,就……
The Importance of the Long View As usual, some of the most important lessons concern the need to (a) study and remember the events of the past and (b) be conscious of the cyclical nature of things. Up close, the blind man may mistake the elephant’s leg for a tree – and the shortsighted investor may think an uptrend (or a downtrend) will go on forever. But if we step back and view the long sweep of history, we should be able to bear in mind that the long-term cycle repeats and understand where we stand in it. The failure to do so can be most painful. John Kenneth Galbraith provided a reminder in A Short History of Financial Euphoria: Contributing to . . . euphoria are two further factors little noted in our time or in past times. The first is the extreme brevity of the financial memory. In consequence, financial disaster is quickly forgotten. In further consequence, when the same or closely similar circumstances occur again, sometimes in only a few years, they are hailed by a new, often youthful, and always supremely self-confident generation as a brilliantly innovative discovery in the financial and larger economic world. There can be few fields of human endeavor in which history counts for so little as in the world of finance. Past experience, to the extent that it is part of memory at
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一切,都被视为那些没有洞察力去欣赏当下令人难以置信的奇迹之人的原始避难所,而不屑一顾。
吉姆·格兰特在 2003 年 1 月 31 日的《格兰特利率观察家》中,出色地将周期性运动置于恰当视角:
华尔街今天正处于其周期性低迷之一。许多人称之为信心危机,意思是信心不足。而对之前过度自信的危机关注较少。物质进步是累积的,但市场是周期性的。首先,投资者过度信任,然后他们过度怀疑。他们相信没有哪种价格对股票或债券来说过高,然后他们又怀疑任何价格是否过低。因此,轻信之后是犬儒主义,不合理的高价之后是荒谬的低价。
中央银行将努力稳定经济,公司管理层将力求实现平稳的盈利增长。但只要人类决定证券价格,市场周期就将成为常态,而非例外。贪婪、恐惧和错失担忧的极端情绪永远不会被消除。
有时投资者会过于承受风险,有时又会过于规避风险。在一段时间的顺利之后,他们会忘记以怀疑的态度去探究,就像在近期事件重创证券价格(和投资者心理)之后,他们会问太多问题、犹豫不决。仅仅两年前,投资者还一头扎进市场,唯恐不这样做就会错失巨大收益。现在他们把钱捂在钱包里,说“我再也不在乎能否在市场上赚到一分钱,我只是不想再亏了。”这种心态的转变——贯穿整个金融体系——是造成当今许多深度冻结的原因。
过去几十年,我们的经济和市场受益于积极的基本趋势,投资者因承担风险而获得了丰厚回报。结果,看涨情绪、意愿和扩张性不断上升。当这些趋势达到不可持续的过度状态时,它们受到了猛烈的修正。我现在认为,不仅短期的经济繁荣与萧条周期会定期重复,而且有利的长期趋势也必然会出现这种偶发的剧烈回调……就在时间流逝抹去对过去修正的所有记忆,并将投资者行为(以及资产价格)推至不可持续的高位之时。
持续数十年的繁荣上升趋势及其爆炸性结局,是人性走向极端这一倾向的必然结果。希望当前长期泡沫的破裂能在未来几年内结束,也希望下一次循环是又 30 年、50 年或 70 年之后。这一次已经提供了足以用一辈子的刺激。
2009 年 1 月 9 日
all, is dismissed as the primitive refuge of those who do not have the insight to appreciate the incredible wonders of the present. Jim Grant did a good job of putting a cyclical movement into perspective in the January 31, 2003 issue of Grant’s Interest Rate Observer: Wall Street today is in one of its recurrent sinking spells. Many call it a crisis of confidence, by which they mean under-confidence. Less attention is given to the preceding crisis of overconfidence. Material progress is cumulative, but markets are cyclical. First, investors trust too much, then they doubt too much. They believe that no price is too high to pay for a stock or a bond, then they doubt that any price is too low. So credulity is followed by cynicism, unreasonably high prices by ridiculously low ones. Central banks will try to stabilize economies, and company managers will strive for smooth earnings growth. But as long as human beings determine security prices, market cycles will be the rule, not the exception. The extremes of greed, fear and worry over missing out will never be banished. At times investors will be too risk-tolerant, and at others they’ll be too risk-averse. They’ll forget to inquire skeptically after things have gone well for a while, just as they’ll ask too many questions and hesitate too much when recent events have decimated securities prices (and investors’ psyches). As little as two years ago, investors rushed headlong into things, fearing that if they didn’t, they’d miss out on big gains. Now they’re keeping their money in their wallets, saying “I don’t care if I ever make a penny in the market again, I just don’t want to lose any more.” This change in attitudes – throughout the financial system – is responsible for a lot of today’s deep freeze. Over the last several decades, our economy and markets benefited from positive underlying trends and investors were well rewarded for bearing risk. As a result, there was rising bullishness, willingness and expansiveness. When these trends reached unsustainable excesses, they were corrected with a vengeance. I’m now of the opinion that not only will short-term economic cycles of boom and bust repeat regularly, but also that favorable long-term trends are bound to see a recurrence of this sort of occasional massive pullback . . . at that moment when the passage of time has erased all memory of past corrections and taken investor behavior (and thus asset prices) to unsustainable highs. Buoyant, decades-long up-trends and their explosive endings are the inevitable results of the tendency of human nature to go to extremes. Hopefully the current bursting of the long-term bubble will end within the next few years, and hopefully the next iteration is another 30, 50 or 70 years away. This one’s providing enough excitement for a lifetime. January 9, 2009
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