沙发上
Memo to:
Memo to:
Oaktree Clients
Oaktree Clients
From:
From:
Howard Marks
Howard Marks
Re:
Re:
在沙发上
On the Couch
12 月 12 日,周六,我早早醒来,前一天股市、信贷和原油经历了大幅下跌,脑子里思绪万千,再也睡不着了。于是,我来到书桌前,开始写一份备忘录,想把各种想法梳理到一起。我知道从动笔到最终成稿可能会隔很长时间,因为每当我理清一个念头,又会有两个新想法冒出来。结果,这份备忘录足足花了一个月才完成。
芝加哥大学的理查德·塞勒教授是行为经济学和决策研究领域的顶尖专家(实际上,他在这个领域地位显赫,甚至还在电影《大空头》里客串过一把)。他在新书《“错误”的行为》开头引用了维尔弗雷多·帕累托的论断:“政治经济学以及一般意义上的每一门社会科学,其基础显然是心理学。”我认为,这句话同样适用于投资这门并不那么科学的领域。
我一直反复强调一个观点——可以追溯到 1994 年 1 月那篇《识别投资机会的随想》——要想成功,投资者不仅要懂金融、会计和经济学,还要懂心理学。要想判断市场处于周期的哪个阶段、为什么处于这个阶段、又该采取什么行动,就必须深入了解投资者的心理运作方式。在我看来,市场近期的表现——尤其是 12 月 11 日那天,以及 2015 年其他几个时点——都印证了这一观察。
这份备忘录,就是我把市场请上精神科诊疗椅的一次尝试,也是对那些可能从中习得之处的探索。
I woke up early on Saturday, December 12 – the morning after a day of significant declines in stocks, credit and crude oil – with enough thoughts going through my mind to keep me from going back to sleep. Thus I moved to my desk to start a memo that would pull them together. I knew it might be a long time between inception and eventual issuance, since every time I dealt with one thought, two more popped into my head. In the end, it took a month to get it done. Professor Richard Thaler of the University of Chicago is a leading expert on behavioral economics and decision-making (in fact, he’s such a significant figure in the field that he was given a cameo role in the movie The Big Short). He opens his new book, Misbehaving, with Vilfredo Pareto’s assertion that “the foundation of political economy and, in general, of every social science, is evidently psychology.” I’d apply that equally to the not-so-scientific field of investing. It has been one of my constant refrains – dating back all the way to “Random Thoughts on the Identification of Investment Opportunities” (January 1994) – that in order to be successful, an investor has to understand not just finance, accounting and economics, but also psychology. A thorough understanding of how investors’ minds work is essential if one is to figure out where a market is in its cycle, why, and what to do about it. For me, the markets’ recent behavior – certainly on December 11, but also at other points in 2015 – reinforces that observation. This memo is my attempt to send the markets to the psychiatrist’s couch, and an exploration of what might be learned there.
2012-14:一个不确定的世界
2012 年 9 月,我写了一份备忘录,题为《站在不确定的地基上》。开篇时我写道:“当今世界似乎比我一生中任何时候都更加不确定。”接着我列出了让我担忧的各种事项。如今,其中几项依然令人忧心。显然,危机后的复苏期并非无忧无虑。以下是 2012 年我所担心的事情,从当时的角度来看:
2012-14: An Uncertain World In September 2012, I wrote a memo called “On Uncertain Ground.” To begin it, I observed that “The world seems more uncertain today than at any other time in my life.” I went on to list the things that worried me. Few of them are less troubling today. Certainly the period of the post-crisis recovery hasn’t been carefree. Here are the things that concerned me in 2012, as viewed from that perspective:
宏观经济增速——人们普遍认为,未来几年的整体经济增长将慢于二十世纪后叶。出生率降低和生产率增长放缓,是否注定我们只能收获更少的宏观成果?这对其他一切又意味着什么?尤其是,如果增长持续缓慢,是否会拖累通胀趋缓,甚至滑向通缩?
发达世界的趋势——发达国家能否在全球化经济中站稳脚跟?随着发展中国家产品愈发价廉物美,发达国家的收入水平将如何演变?当我们的经济日渐转向知识驱动时,是否还需要那么多低教育程度的劳动者?如果不需要,失业率、收入不平等乃至整个社会又将面临怎样的后果?
消费行为——消费者能否重拾信心,恢复往日大手大脚的消费习惯?他们会不会像过去那样依赖信贷,来维系消费的增长?
Macro growth – It seems to be broadly accepted that overall economic growth will be slower in the years ahead than in the latter part of the twentieth century. Do lower birth rates and slowing gains in productivity doom us to reduced macro gains? What does this mean for everything else? In particular, if growth remains slow, will it lead to slowing inflation, or even deflation? Trends in the developed world – Will the developed nations be able to compete in a globalized economy? How will incomes hold up as developing nations produce goods cheaper, and as the quality of those goods improves? As we increasingly become knowledge-based economies, will we need as many less-educated workers as in the past? If not, what will be the ramifications for unemployment, income inequality and society as a whole? Consumer behavior – Will consumers regain the confidence required to return to their expansive spending behavior? Will they employ credit as in the past to perpetuate growth in consumption?
2016 年橡树资本管理公司(Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.)
2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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欧洲——欧洲能否在凝聚力、协调性和生产力方面向前推进?如果不能,后果如何?欧洲央行能否促成经济复苏?希腊退出欧盟——或者出现新的“希腊”——会不会在未来重新成为令人担忧的问题?(如今,即将到来的公投是否会促使英国脱欧?苏格兰是否会就留在英国举行新的公投?加泰罗尼亚是否会投票脱离西班牙,这对它在欧盟的成员身份又意味着什么?)
领导力——多年来,我演讲时用幻灯片列出不确定性的来源,但在本该写着“领导力匮乏”的地方,有人误打成了“领导力死亡”……而没人提出异议。放眼全球,很少有哪个国家的领导人能媲美历史上的最佳人物。在美国,情况无疑如此。你可能觉得这是好事,也可能不这么认为,但很明确的是,华盛顿陷入僵局,难以有多大作为。正如我在《身处不确定之地》中所写:“……美国政客似乎更看重‘意识形态纯洁性’(即严格遵守党派路线)和连任,而非真正尝试解决问题。党派纷争和公开交战无疑已攀上新的高峰。”
福利制度——社会保障制度就像一列轰隆隆驶向毁灭的火车。医疗项目的成本快速增长,药物越来越贵,美国人寿命越来越长。公共雇员被承诺了定额养老金,却未能足额拨付。联邦、州和市政府如何履行义务?不仅没人知道,而且政府中很少有人(华盛顿肯定没有)似乎在乎。
中国——作为世界第二大经济体,中国在决定全球增长方面发挥着非常重要的作用。过去 20 多年,其 GDP 以两位数速度增长——没有出现衰退——这基于:(a)数千万人从农村迁入城市(并转向制造业中更具生产力的角色),(b)他们生产的低成本出口产品,以及(c)充裕的资本及其所支撑的大量固定资产投资。今后,中国从上述因素中获得的收益将会减少,必须转向国内商品和服务消费,同时经济增长速度放缓……或许会像世界其他地区一样出现起落。这是否会导致近期硬着陆?对向中国出售大宗商品和成品油的国家又会有什么影响?
地缘政治热点——从 1991 年底苏联解体到 2001 年“9·11”袭击,世界呈现和平局面,助长了投资者的乐观情绪。但近年来,我们面临伊朗、以色列和中东其他地区的挑战;俄罗斯与乌克兰的冲突;中国与朝鲜的问题;以及许多地方的恐怖主义威胁。面对不可避免的紧张局势升级,市场将作何反应?
Europe – Will Europe move forward in terms of cohesion, coordination and productivity? What happens if it doesn’t? Will the ECB be able to engineer an economic recovery? Will the departure from the European Union of Greece – or new Greeces – return as a worry in the future? (And now, will the coming referendum mandate Great Britain’s departure? Will there be a new referendum in Scotland with regard to remaining in the UK? Will Catalonia vote to leave Spain, and what will that mean for its membership in the EU?) Leadership – For years I gave speeches using PowerPoint slides listing sources of uncertainty, but where it was supposed to say “dearth of leadership,” someone had mistakenly typed “death of leadership” . . . and nobody quibbled. Throughout the world, few countries if any have leaders on par with history’s best. Certainly that’s true in the U.S. You may think it’s a good thing, or you may not, but it’s clear that Washington is too gridlocked to accomplish much. As I wrote in “On Uncertain Ground,” “. . . U.S. politicians seem to value things like ‘ideological purity’ (i.e., toeing the party line) and being reelected above real attempts at problem solving. Partisanship and open warfare has surely reached a new zenith.” Entitlements – Social Security is a locomotive rumbling down the track to ruin. The cost of health care programs is growing rapidly, as drugs become more expensive and Americans live longer. Defined-benefit pensions have been promised to public employees but not fully funded. How will federal, state and city governments meet their obligations? Not only does no one know, but also few people in government (certainly not in Washington) seem to care. China – As the world’s second-largest economy, China plays a very important role in determining global growth. Its GDP advanced at double-digit rates over the last 20+ years – without recessions – on the basis of (a) millions of people moving from farms to cities (and to more productive roles in manufacturing), (b) the low-cost exports they produced and (c) readily available capital and the heavy fixed-asset investment it permitted. Henceforth China will gain less from the above and will have to transition to domestic consumption of goods and services, as well as a slower-growing economy . . . perhaps with ups and downs like the rest of the world. Will this result in a near-term hard landing? And what will be the impact on nations that sell commodities and finished goods to China? Geopolitical hotspots – From the fall of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991 until the 9/11 attacks in 2001, investors’ positive feelings were abetted by the presence of peace in the world. But in recent years we have faced challenges involving Iran, Israel and the rest of the Middle East; Russia and Ukraine; China and North Korea; and terrorist threats in many places. How will markets react to the inevitable flare-ups?
2012 年至 2014 年期间,投资者一直面临上述种种担忧。在该时期最后几个月,我们看到油价腰斩,中国经济增长进一步放缓,中东局势恶化,以及美联储利率政策走向持续不明朗。鉴于市场对不确定性的反感,我们通常会预期这些问题会导致资产价格低迷和回报为负。但在 2012 年至 2014 年,尽管存在诸多负面因素,标普 500 指数却累计上涨 74%,房地产和被收购企业也大幅升值。投资者信心更进一步的体现是,美国高收益债券平均收益率与国债的利差从 2011 年底的 706 个基点收窄至 2014 年底的 522 个基点,彼时预期最差收益率已降至 6.67%。因此,随着 2014 年临近尾声,我们看到:
The worries listed above confronted investors throughout the period 2012 through 2014. And in the last few months of that period, we saw a halving of the price of oil; additional slowing in China; worsening news from the Middle East; and continuing uncertainty regarding the Fed’s likely action on interest rates. Given markets’ abhorrence of uncertainty, we normally would expect such issues to result in low asset prices and negative returns. But in 2012-14, despite the many negatives, we saw a cumulative return of 74% on the S&P 500, as well as strong appreciation on the part of real estate and companies that had been the subject of buyouts. Further reflecting investor confidence, the yield spread versus Treasurys for the average U.S. high yield bond narrowed from 706 basis points at the end of 2011 to 522 b.p. at the end of 2014, at which point the prospective yield to worst was down to 6.67%. Thus, as 2014 moved to a close, we saw:
上述列出的重大宏观风险可谓一长串,
在一个低回报的世界里,投资者为了追求可观收益而铤而走险,
其结果是资产价格高企,因而
很难实现足以补偿这些风险的回报。
the litany of meaningful macro risks described above, investors engaging in pro-risk behavior in pursuit of adequate returns in a low-return world, as a consequence, full asset prices, and thus little likelihood of achieving returns high enough to compensate for the risks.
2016 年橡树资本管理有限合伙公司
2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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总结起来,从基本面看,当时的心理状态(因而价格)处于高位。我们身处一个预期回报低、问题却繁多的世界,这种组合令人不安。
以下是我在 2014 年 9 月《重谈风险》中写下的文字:
尽管投资者的行为尚未跌至危机前夕那种深渊(在我看来,那正是危机的重要推手),但在许多方面,已踏入轻率之域……
投资者的职责在于审慎平衡进攻与防守,平衡对亏损的忧惧与对错失机遇的焦虑。今日,我深感防范损失比追逐收益更为紧要。过去三年,橡树资本的口号一直是“前行,但须谨慎”。此刻,重申此言,我更想加重对最后三字的强调:“但须谨慎”……
尽管我无从知晓何种因素会使清算之日提前而非延后,但我认为,将当下无忧无虑的市场环境纳入考量并不为时过早。我确知的是,这种环境正酝酿着一种风险,而市场并未给予相应的风险溢价。
To sum up, psychology (and thus prices) were high given the fundamentals. Our world was marked by low prospective returns and plentiful problems, a troubling combination. Here’s what I wrote in “Risk Revisited” in September 2014: While investor behavior hasn’t sunk to the depths seen just before the crisis (and, in my opinion, that contributed greatly to it), in many ways it has entered the zone of imprudence. . . . It’s the job of investors to strike a proper balance between offense and defense, and between worrying about losing money and worrying about missing opportunity. Today I feel it’s important to pay more attention to loss prevention than to the pursuit of gain. For the last three years Oaktree’s mantra has been “move forward, but with caution.” At this time, in reiterating that mantra, I would increase the emphasis on those last three words: “but with caution”. . . . Although I have no idea what could make the day of reckoning come sooner rather than later, I don’t think it’s too early to take today’s carefree market conditions into consideration. What I do know is that those conditions are creating a degree of risk for which there is no commensurate risk premium.
消极因素累积
面对诸多担忧,2015 年上半年表现最多只能说是疲软。多数市场勉强取得正回报,但涨幅来之不易,几乎没有投资者过得舒心。随后,夏季期间,忧虑的累积加速,最终达到难以承受的地步:
The Negatives Build Given the many concerns, performance in the first half of 2015 was sluggish at best. Most markets eked out positive returns, but gains came grudgingly, and few investors had a good time. Then, during the summer, the accumulation of worries accelerated and became too much to withstand:
美国、欧洲和日本的经济增长停滞或放缓。中国经济持续减速。美联储在利率问题上继续犹豫不决。潜在的加息引发担忧,但美联储认为增长过于疲弱而无法加息,同样令人忧虑。油价跌势重现,其他金属和大宗商品也纷纷下跌,相关股票和债券价格随之下挫。地缘政治形势每况愈下:
——叙利亚面临两难选择:(一)纵容独裁者留任;(二)将其推翻,却让另一个国家陷入动荡和叛乱。
——俄罗斯出手干预,耀武扬威,让人领教其强硬立场。
——ISIS 和涌向欧洲的移民潮看似无解难题;巴黎和圣贝纳迪诺的袭击表明恐怖主义是持续的严重威胁。
——限制伊朗核进程的协议达成,但专家们对它是好是坏莫衷一是。
——伊拉克、阿富汗、以色列和巴勒斯坦的局势毫无改善。
——南海问题不时升温。
美国政治局势乏善可陈。党派倾轧和僵局仍是常态。旷日持久的两年竞选占据了更多播出时间和公众注意力,对多数候选人都未能形成积极共识。最后,市场内部的一系列问题——从流动性降低、市场行情报告的故障,到高风险信贷基金的崩盘——动摇了投资者的信心。
Growth remained flat or slowed in the U.S., Europe and Japan. China’s economy continued to slow. The Fed continued to dither regarding interest rates. A potential increase caused worry, but so did the appearance that the Fed considered growth too weak to allow an increase. The oil price decline resumed, and other metals and commodities joined in, weakening the prices of related stocks and bonds. The geopolitical picture went from bad to worse: o Syria presented a choice between (a) enabling a despot to remain and (b) ousting him and turning over another country to instability and insurgency. o Russia intervened, flexing its muscles and reminding us of its intransigence. o ISIS and the flow of immigrants to Europe took on the appearance of insoluble problems; Paris and San Bernardino showed terrorism to be a serious ongoing threat. o An agreement was reached to limit Iran’s nuclear progress, but no two experts seemed to agree on whether it was a good or bad thing. o Iraq, Afghanistan, Israel and Palestine got no better. o The South China Sea heated up from time to time. There was nothing positive to say about the U.S. political situation. Partisanship and gridlock remained the rule. The grinding two-year campaign took up increased airtime and mindshare, without a positive consensus concerning most candidates. Finally, a number of issues internal to the markets – ranging from reduced liquidity to marketreporting glitches to the meltdown of high-risk credit funds – shook investors’ faith.
2016 年橡树资本管理公司(Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.)
2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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不知何故,市场参与者能够在这种种不确定性面前保持泰然自若,有时甚至能持续很长时间。也许是信念使然,也许是视而不见,又或许是自欺欺人。这正是近来的普遍心态;正如道格·卡斯在 2014 年年中所言,我们经历的是“一场自满的牛市”。
但终究会有别的事情发生——也许纸牌屋搭得太高——投资者那份心平气和会被刺破。总有一个临界点,越过之后便再也无法维持从容。正是逼近这个临界点的过程,导致了 2015 年下半年美国信贷市场出现显著下跌。
Somehow, market participants are able to live with uncertainties like these and retain their equanimity, sometimes for long periods. Maybe it’s conviction, maybe it’s obliviousness, and maybe it’s denial. And that’s what prevailed in recent times; as Doug Kass put it in mid-2014, we’ve been experiencing “a bull market in complacency.” But eventually something else happens – perhaps the house of cards grows too high – and investors’ feeling of serenity is pierced. A point is reached beyond which equanimity can no longer be maintained. It was getting to that point that led to meaningful declines in U.S. credit markets in the latter half of 2015.
临界点
投资者最显著的行为特征之一,就是倾向于暂时忽视负面因素或低估其重要性,但最终会在下行时缴械投降,对这些负面因素过度反应。我把其中很大一部分归因于心理缺陷,其余的则归因于无法理解事件真实意义的能力不足。
随着负面因素的累积——无论是首次显现,还是终于被认定为意义重大——终有一个时刻到来,它们再也无法被忽视,反而被视为压倒一切的重要事项。最新的临界点是在去年 8 月触达的。
在那之前,投资者基本顶住了负面因素的压力,标普 500 指数在当年头 7 个月上涨 3.3%。(媒体可能会说投资者“应对了”负面因素,但他们当然没有真正处理这些因素;他们只是无视了。)
但随后,8 月份中国接连出现一系列负面事件:经济进一步放缓的报告;A 股股价从 6 月到 8 月下跌 45%;人民币意外贬值(多年来许多人抱怨其价值被人为压低);以及一些被视为手段生硬的市场支持措施(比如对融券卖空等操作的限制,以及对撰写股市负面报道的记者的调查)。
多年来“所有人都知道”中国经济被廉价融资过度刺激,导致固定资产投入过度。其结果是 GDP 增速异常亮眼,但也积累了大量无用的楼房和基础设施。同样,所有人都知道硬着陆——经济增速的痛苦放缓,甚至可能是衰退——是可能的结果之一。但直到 8 月,中国以外的投资者才开始注意到 A 股暴跌;开始考虑中国经济放缓可能对世界其他地区产生负面影响;并把这些担忧带入自己的市场。于是,在 8 月 17 日至 25 日之间,标普 500 指数下跌了 11%。中国的问题被外推到美国等其他市场,背后是什么机制?我在 9 月中国事件后发表的《这并不容易》一文中是这样解释的:
尤其是在下跌行情中,许多投资者把智慧归于市场,指望市场告诉他们正在发生什么、该怎么做。这是你能犯的最大错误之一。正如本·格雷厄姆指出的,日常市场不是基本面分析师;它是投资者情绪的晴雨表。你确实不能太把它当回事。市场参与者对基本面正在发生什么洞察有限,而任何可能隐含在其买和卖背后的智慧,都被他们的情绪波动遮蔽了。把近来全球市场的下跌解读为市场“知道”艰难时期即将来临,那是错误的。更确切地说,中国出了一些负面消息,人们恐慌了,尤其是中国投资者,他们已经
The Tipping Point One of the most notable behavioral traits among investors is their tendency to overlook negatives or understate their significance for a while, and then eventually to capitulate and overreact to them on the downside. I attribute a lot of this to psychological failings and the rest to the inability to appreciate the true significance of events. As negatives accumulate – whether they surface for the first time or just are finally recognized as significant – eventually a time comes when they can no longer be ignored, and instead they come to be treated as being of overwhelming importance. The latest tipping point was reached last August. Up to that point, investors had pretty much resisted the negatives, and the S&P 500 was up 3.3% in the first seven months of the year. (The media might say investors had “coped with” the negatives, but of course they hadn’t dealt with them; they’d ignored them.) But then, in August, a series of negatives occurred in China: reports of still more economic slowing; a decline in A-share prices from June to August that reached 45%; an unexpected devaluation of the renminbi (whose value many people complained for years had been artificially depressed); and marketsupport measures that some found ham-handed (e.g., restrictions on actions such as short selling, and investigations of journalists writing negative articles about the stock market). “Everyone knew” for years that the Chinese economy had been overstimulated with cheap financing, and that this had led to excessive investment in fixed assets. The effect was exceptional GDP growth, but also a large stock of unneeded buildings and infrastructure. Everyone also knew that a hard landing – a painful slowing in economic growth, and perhaps a recession – was among the possible outcomes. But it wasn’t until August that investors outside China began to notice A-shares’ collapse; consider the possibility that a slowdown in China could have negative ramifications for the rest of the world; and import those worries to their own markets. Thus between August 17 and 25, the S&P 500 declined 11%. What was behind the extrapolation of China’s woes to other markets, like ours? Here’s how I explained it in “It’s Not Easy,” published in September on the heels of the events in China: Especially during downdrafts, many investors impute intelligence to the market and look to it to tell them what’s going on and what to do about it. This is one of the biggest mistakes you can make. As Ben Graham pointed out, the day-to-day market isn’t a fundamental analyst; it’s a barometer of investor sentiment. You just can’t take it too seriously. Market participants have limited insight into what’s really happening in terms of fundamentals, and any intelligence that could be behind their buys and sells is obscured by their emotional swings. It would be wrong to interpret the recent worldwide drop as meaning the market “knows” tough times lay ahead. Rather, China came out with some negative news and people panicked, especially Chinese investors who had
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他们用保证金买入股票,或许正经历人生第一次严重的市场调整。他们的抛售让美国及其他地区的投资者也纷纷跟进,以为中国市场的下跌预示着中国经济乃至全球经济有严重问题。
无论原因何在,对我来说最重要的变化是,7 月之前一直是风险偏好主导,而 8 月风险厌恶情绪重新抬头。我脑海中浮现出这样一个投资者:前几个月对风险浑然不觉,然后突然说,“哦对:还有让人担心的事。”临界点终于到来,一声突然的警钟提醒人们风险的存在和分量。
bought stocks on margin and perhaps were experiencing their first serious market correction. Their selling prompted investors in the U.S. and elsewhere to sell also, believing that the market decline in China signaled serious implications for the Chinese economy and others. Whatever the reason, the bottom line for me is that whereas risk tolerance had ruled through July, risk aversion was reawakened in August. I picture an investor who’s oblivious to risk in the earlier months and then suddenly says, “Oh yeah: there are things to worry about.” The tipping point finally arrives, a sudden wake-up call to the existence and importance of risk.
半满还是半空?
大约 25 年前,在我的第二份备忘录(《第一季度表现》,1991 年 4 月)中,我引入了投资钟摆的概念:
尽管钟摆弧线的中点最能描述其“平均”位置,但它实际上很少停留在那里。相反,它几乎总是在弧线两端之间来回摆动。但每当钟摆接近任一极端时,它迟早不可避免地会回到中点。
阻碍投资者得出正确结论的最重要因素之一,是他们倾向于用情绪化而非客观的方式评估世界。他们的失误主要有两种形式:选择性认知和歪曲解读。换句话说,有时他们只注意到积极事件而忽略消极事件,有时则恰恰相反。有时他们以乐观眼光看待事件,有时则以悲观眼光。但他们的认知和解读很少保持平衡和中立。
自中国八月事件以来,我反复想起我档案中最古老的一幅漫画,至今仍是最出色的之一:
Half-Full or Half-Empty? Almost 25 years ago, in my second memo (“First Quarter Performance,” April 1991), I introduced the concept of the investment pendulum: Although the midpoint of its arc best describes the location of the pendulum “on average,” it actually spends very little of its time there. Instead, it is almost always swinging toward or away from the extremes of its arc. But whenever the pendulum is near either extreme, it is inevitable that it will move back toward the midpoint sooner or later. One of the most significant factors keeping investors from reaching appropriate conclusions is their tendency to assess the world with emotionalism rather than objectivity. Their failings take two primary forms: selective perception and skewed interpretation. In other words, sometimes they take note of only positive events and ignore the negative ones, and sometimes the opposite is true. And sometimes they view events in a positive light, and sometimes it’s negative. But rarely are their perceptions and interpretations balanced and neutral. Ever since the August events in China, I’ve repeatedly found myself harking back to one of the oldest cartoons in my file, and still one of the very best:
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2015 年,我们看到老问题加剧,新问题涌现,整体上没什么值得高兴的事。像 ISIS 和失控的移民问题带来的无助感,投资者处理起来格外糟糕。八月,中国发生的事件重新点燃了风险规避和恐慌情绪,其影响波及全球达数周之久。而一旦恐慌性解读的大门被打开,盲目乐观的容忍便让位于广泛的消极情绪。
归根结底,投资者心理很少对利好和利空消息一视同仁。同样,投资者对事件的解读,往往被当下情绪反应所左右。大多数事态发展都兼具利弊两面,但投资者通常只执着于其中一面,而非两者兼顾。这让人想起另一幅经典漫画:
In 2015 we saw old problems get worse, new ones arise, and a general absence of anything to feel good about. The sense of hopelessness regarding problems like ISIS and runaway immigration is something investors handle particularly poorly. In August, the events in China sparked a revival of risk aversion and fear, with effects that carried around the world for a couple of weeks. And with the door opened to fearful interpretation, Pollyanna tolerance gave way to widespread negativism. The bottom line is that investor psychology rarely gives equal weight to both favorable and unfavorable developments. Likewise, investors’ interpretation of events is usually biased by their emotional reaction to whatever is going on at the moment. Most developments have both helpful and harmful aspects. But investors generally obsess about one or the other rather than consider both. And that recalls another classic cartoon:
这一切看似显而易见:投资者很少能保持客观、理性、中立且稳定的立场。起初,他们展现出高度的乐观、贪婪、风险承受力和轻信,由此产生的行为推高了资产价格,压低了潜在回报,并增加了风险。但随后,出于某种原因——或许是临界点的到来——他们转向悲观、恐惧、风险规避和怀疑,这又导致资产价格下跌,潜在回报上升,风险降低。值得注意的是,每一组现象往往同步发生,而从一组向另一组的摆动,常常远超理性所要求的程度。
这就是疯狂之处之一:在现实世界中,事物通常在“相当不错”和“不太景气”之间波动。但在投资世界里,认知往往从“完美无瑕”摇摆到“毫无希望”。钟摆从一个极端冲向另一个极端,几乎不在“快乐的中间地带”停留片刻。
It all seems so obvious: investors rarely maintain objective, rational, neutral and stable positions. First they exhibit high levels of optimism, greed, risk tolerance and credulousness, and their resulting behavior causes asset prices to rise, potential returns to fall and risk to increase. But then, for some reason – perhaps the arrival of a tipping point – they switch to pessimism, fear, risk aversion and skepticism, and this causes asset prices to fall, prospective returns to rise and risk to decrease. Notably, each group of phenomena tends to happen in unison, and the swing from one to the other often goes far beyond what reason might call for. That’s one of the crazy things: in the real world, things generally fluctuate between “pretty good” and “not so hot.” But in the world of investing, perception often swings from “flawless” to “hopeless.” The pendulum careens from one extreme to the other, spending almost no time at “the happy
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“中性”区间,而处在合理区间内的仓位却很少。先是抵赖,然后是缴械投降。
medium” and rather little in the range of reasonableness. First there’s denial, and then there’s capitulation.
错误的根源
要解释为何会出现这种两极分化式的行情,我想花点时间谈谈投资者心理背后的一些因素。这些因素大多不难观察、不难剖析,也谈不上神秘。我在《并非易事》一文中已经谈过其中几点:
情绪是投资者最大的敌人之一。恐惧让人难以对价格暴跌的持仓继续保持乐观,而嫉妒又让人难以忍住不去买入别人都在享受上涨的资产。信心是其中的关键情绪之一,我把市场近来的剧烈波动,很大程度上归因于信心从不久前的过度膨胀,到近来严重不足的急剧摆动。这种摆动可能源于幻灭感:当投资者意识到,自己对世界运作方式的了解远比自己以为的少得多,那种滋味尤其难受。保持适度的信心很重要,但现实往往是,信心——和其他情绪一样——剧烈摇摆。
虽然中国是近期波动的“直接诱因”,但其他因素往往也在推波助澜,上个月也不例外。我脑海里总是蹦出一个词:“汇流”。面对单一利空,投资者通常还能保持冷静。可一旦同时面对多重利空,他们往往就乱了方寸。上个月多出来的一个利空,是纽约梅隆银行的 SunGard 软件出了故障,导致该行无法为其管理的 1200 只共同基金和 ETF 定价。这又是一记幻灭的打击:没人愿意发现自己赖以运转的市场机制竟然靠不住。
另一个错误领域——无论是源于认知偏差,还是洞察与分析不够——体现在投资者一再未能理解波及效应和次生后果的可能性。一个例子是,2007 年初抵押贷款开始大规模违约,到 2008 年年中至年末市场剧烈动荡之间,整个市场普遍对次贷证券化产品的传染风险无动于衷。大多数人忽视了传染的可能性,因此,举例来说,截至 2008 年 5 月,标普 500 指数与 2007 年一季度相比基本持平。然而,次贷违约对随后银行倒闭与救助、雷曼兄弟申请破产,以及 2008 年末金融体系瓦解的恐慌都起了重大推动作用。结果,从 2008 年 5 月到 2009 年 3 月,标普 500 指数下跌了 52%。2008 年末和 2009 年初造成如此极端困境的事件,在几个月前完全是不可预见、不可想象的……尽管线索一年前就已经摆在那里了。
非客观、非理性的怪癖影响行为的途径还有很多。正如卡罗尔·塔夫里斯在 2015 年 5 月 15 日《华尔街日报》上评论塞勒教授那本书时指出的:
作为一名社会心理学家,我长期以来一直觉得经济学家和他们那套离奇自欺的“理性人”观念很有趣。理性?这些人住在哪个世界?早在 50 年前,实验研究就已经证明,人们会固守明明错误的选择而不愿改变,会为了弥补损失继续投入,会为失败的预测辩护而不肯承认错误,还会抵制、歪曲甚至主动拒绝与自己信念相悖的信息。
The Sources of Error To explain why these bipolar episodes occur, I want to spend a little time on some of the factors behind investor psychology. For the most part they’re easily observed and dissected, and not mysterious. I discussed some of them in “It’s Not Easy”: Emotion is one of the investor’s greatest enemies. Fear makes it hard to remain optimistic about holdings whose prices are plummeting, just as envy makes it hard to refrain from buying the appreciating assets that everyone else is enjoying owning. Confidence is one of the key emotions, and I attribute a lot of the market’s recent volatility to a swing from too much of it a short while ago to too little more recently. The swing may [result] from disillusionment: it’s particularly painful when investors recognize that they know far less than they had thought about how the world works. It’s important to remain moderate as to confidence, but instead it’s usually the case that confidence – like other emotions – swings radically. While China was the “proximate cause” of the recent volatility, other things often contribute, and last month was no exception. The word that always comes to mind for me is “confluence.” Investors can usually keep their heads in the face of one negative. But when they face more than one simultaneously, they often lose their cool. One additional negative last month was the glitch in Bank of New York Mellon’s SunGard software, and the bank’s consequent inability to price 1,200 mutual funds and ETFs that it administers. It was another dose of disillusionment: no one enjoys learning that the market mechanisms they need to work can’t be depended on. Another area of error – be it the result of flawed perception or inadequate insight and analysis – can be seen in investors’ repeated failure to understand the potential for ramifications and secondorder consequences. One instance was the general lack of concern about contagion from sub-prime mortgage backed securities that prevailed between early 2007 – when mortgages began to default in large numbers – and the tumultuous events of mid/late 2008. Most people overlooked the potential for contagion, and thus (for example), as of May 2008 the S&P 500 was essentially unchanged from the first quarter of 2007. Yet sub-prime mortgage defaults contributed significantly to the subsequent bank collapses and bailouts, the bankruptcy filing of Lehman Brothers, and the late-2008 emergence of fear of a financial system meltdown. As a consequence, between May 2008 and March 2009 the S&P lost 52%. The events that produced such extreme distress in late 2008 and early 2009 were unforeseen and unimagined just a few months before . . . even though the clues had been there for a year. There are many more ways in which non-objective, non-rational quirks commonly affect behavior. As Carol Tavris points out in her May 15, 2015 Wall Street Journal review of Professor Thaler’s book: As a social psychologist, I have long been amused by economists and their curiously delusional notion of the “rational man.” Rational? Where do these folks live? Even 50 years ago, experimental studies were demonstrating that people stay with clearly wrong decisions rather than change them, throw good money after bad, justify failed predictions rather than admit they were wrong, and resist, distort or actively reject information that disputes their beliefs.
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理解事件及其意义和潜在影响的难度,很大程度上源于投资者心理上的扭曲,而这又反过来加剧并放大了投资者的反应。因此,投资者往往只会片面强调利好或利空,而非采取平衡、客观的态度。当好消息被正面解读并推动价格上涨时,他们倾向于变得乐观并急于买入……反之亦然。这一切显而易见(尤其是在事后回顾时),因此同样明显的是,理解并应对这一点为改善投资结果提供了潜在途径。
市场有效性观念——即大多数资产都被“合理”定价——建立在相信投资者理性与客观性的基础之上。但在现实生活中,这些特质确实鲜少见到。
“无效性”——用日常语言说就是“错误定价”——源于对某一资产的偏见或偏爱:法律的、文化的、信息的,尤其是行为上和情感上的。前三种在当今的存在程度已远低于 30 或 40 年前,但后两种仍会不时抬头。而且我相信它们将来也始终如此。
实例——石油
12 月 12 日,当我开始撰写这份备忘录时,《金融时报》提供了几个关于负面思维应用的例子。以下是那篇关于近期市场走势文章的一些摘录:
油价大幅下跌至七年低点,在一个动荡的一周结束时令股市不安。……全球能源基准布伦特原油价格下跌 5.6%,至 37.49 美元……此前欧佩克在一周前的会议上未能就减产达成一致,令价格受制于全球供应过剩。
“低油价将长期存在。”
芝加哥期权交易所石油波动率指数(CBOE Oil Vix)维持在 54 以上的水平……因投资者为防范(或押注)原油的进一步剧烈波动而支付溢价。
这一切听起来非常严重。但果真如此吗?这有道理吗?油价下跌的真正意义是什么?
对我来说,底线在于,如果你不是石油公司或石油净出口国,油价下跌未必是坏事。对于像美国、欧洲、日本和中国这样的石油净进口国来说,我们所见到的油价下跌堪比数千亿美元的减税,增加了消费者的可支配收入。它还能提高进口国的成本竞争力。
美国既是石油生产国,也是石油进口国。这意味着宏观经济将受益于成本降低和收入增加,但国内石油公司及其产品和服务供应商将因产量低于预期而收益减少,一些州和地方政府将遭受重创。(而且我必须补充一点,迄今为止,各项指标并未显示对整体经济产生积极影响。)十八个月前,我曾认为通过水力压裂以每桶 40-60 美元的成本生产石油的能力,将使美国在制造业中获得成本优势;现在看来这不太可能了,至少目前是这样。
但唯一确定无疑的是,油价下跌的影响远非全盘皆坏。事实上,我可以说,这对美国而言总体上是积极的,对英国、欧洲和东亚则是不折不扣的好事。那么,为什么《金融时报》将市场疲软归咎于此?首先,媒体承担了每天向我们解释市场涨跌原因的不讨好的任务,而油价下跌正好是……
The difficulty of understanding events, their significance and their potential ramifications comes in good part from the kinks in investors’ psyches, and it contributes to – and feeds back to exacerbate – investors’ responses. Thus investors tend to emphasize just the positives or the negatives much more often than they take a balanced, objective approach. And they tend to become optimistic and eager to buy when good news, positively interpreted, has forced prices up . . . and vice versa. All of this is obvious (especially in retrospect), and thus equally obviously, understanding and dealing with it presents a potential way to improve results. Notions of market efficiency – the idea that most assets are priced “right” – are based on belief in investor rationality and objectivity. But certainly those traits are little seen in real life. “Inefficiencies” – in everyday language, “mispricings” – stem from biases against one asset or in favor of another: legal, cultural, informational, and especially behavioral and emotional. The first three of these exist much less nowadays than they did 30 or 40 years ago, but the latter two still rear their head from time to time. And I’m sure they always will. Case In Point – Oil On December 12, as I began to write this memo, the Financial Times provided several examples of the negative thinking being applied. Here are some excerpts from an article about the recent market action: Oil prices fell sharply to a seven-year low, rattling stock markets at the end of a choppy week. . . . The price of Brent crude, the global energy benchmark, was down 5.6% to $37.49 . . . after Opec at its meeting a week ago failed to agree output cuts, leaving prices at the mercy of a global glut. “Lower oil prices are here to stay.” The CBOE Oil Vix is holding above the 54 level . . . as investors pay up to protect themselves [against], or speculate upon, further sharp moves in crude. That all sounds very serious. But is it? Does it make any sense? What’s the real significance of declining oil prices? The bottom line for me is that, if you aren’t an oil company or a net oil-producing country, low oil prices aren’t necessarily a bad thing. For net oil importers like the U.S., Europe, Japan and China, the drop we’ve seen in the price of oil is analogous to a multi-hundred-billion-dollar tax cut, adding to consumers’ disposable income. It can also increase an importer nation’s cost-competitiveness. The U.S. is both a producer of oil and an importer. That means the macro economy will enjoy the benefit of cost reduction and income enhancement, but domestic oil companies and those who provide them with products and services will gain less from production than had been expected, and some state and local governments will be hard-hit. (And I must add that, thus far, the indicators fail to suggest a salutary impact on the broad economy.) Eighteen months ago I thought the ability to produce oil through fracking at a cost of $40-60 per barrel would give the U.S. a cost advantage in manufacturing; that’s no longer likely, at least for now. But the one thing that’s beyond doubt is that the impact of the fall in the price of oil is far from all bad. In fact, I’d say that it’s positive on balance for the U.S. and an unmitigated boon for the UK, Europe and East Asia. So why did the FT attribute market weakness to it? First, the media have taken on the unpleasant task of telling us why the markets went up or down each day, and the falling oil price is an
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这个问题看似简单……但仔细一想,其实没那么简单。不过,正如《金融时报》随后解释的,有些担忧或许确实有道理,因为它隐含了某种信号:
大宗商品价格下跌引发市场焦虑,因为投资者担心这预示着全球需求放缓,而消费者和企业成本降低带来的任何经济好处,都被资源行业削减投资和裁员所抵消。
换句话说,市场在推断油价下跌是因为需求疲软,而这预示着经济走弱。可经济增长是什么样就是什么样;我们不需要油价来告诉我们它弱不弱。而且,尽管全球 GDP 仍在增长,油价在过去几个月又跌了三分之一。重要的不是油价下跌今天告诉我们什么,而是它对明天意味着什么。在我看来,在其他条件不变的情况下,今天的低能源价格将有助于明天的经济增长更好。(今天的低价格可能也意味着最终价格会涨上去,因为低价格会通过供需关系产生影响。)只是眼下大家什么都往坏处解读。
实例——利率
《金融时报》还指出,投资者对美联储可能加息的反应有些过度,尽管这本来应该是板上钉钉的事:
下周,美联储将加息。至少现在看起来大概率如此。在市场和货币当局都忧心忡忡的一年里,如果真不加,那将是最大的意外。咱们先假定它会加息。这将是历史上等待最久、预告最充分的货币政策收紧。
一个已经被市场广泛预期了好几年——而且几个月来几乎被认定为确定无疑——的事件,如果当真发生时还能被认为是能显著冲击市场,那这事儿就有问题。人们的预期应该已经反映在他们给资产定价上了。所以,对一个广受预告的加息临近产生负面反应,只能说明:要么(a)投资者太迟钝,之前没把这事儿计入价格,要么(b)这次加息的影响比人们想的更大,要么(c)市场是非理性的。
12 月 15 日,道琼斯通讯社刊发了下面这段话:
巴克莱分析师肯尼斯·希尔表示,大型资产管理公司的股票“一直是先开枪、后问问题”。他补充说:“主要担忧是,随着利率走高,投资者认为回报会下降,资金会从固定收益类资产中撤出。大家急着想看这局面怎么收场。”
希尔说这话时,距离 2013 年 5 月本·伯南克预告将“缩减”债券购买规模、并暗示可能加息,已经过去两年半多。投资者怎么可能还没足够时间来适应加息可能性,并将其计入资产价格?事实上,几天后就要来的那次加息,本该基本算个无关紧要的事件,说它是 12 月 11 日股市下跌的重要推手,显然说不通。
easy answer . . . until you give it any real thought. Second, though, as the FT went on to explain, some worry might be appropriate regarding what it connotes: The fall in commodity prices is causing market anxiety because investors are worried that it signals a slowdown in global demand, and that any economic benefit from cheaper costs for consumers and businesses is being counteracted by the cutting of investments and jobs by the resources sector. In other words, they’re inferring that the price of oil declined because demand is off, and that this signals economic weakness. But economic growth is what it is; we don’t need the oil price to tell us it’s weak. And the price of oil is off another third in the last few months, even though world GDP is still growing. The important thing isn’t what the oil price decline tells us about today. It’s what it says about tomorrow. And to me, everything else being equal, I think low energy prices today will contribute to better economic growth tomorrow. (Low prices today probably also imply higher prices eventually, through their impact on supply and demand.) It’s just that everybody’s interpreting everything negatively these days. Case In Point – Interest Rates The FT also pointed out that investors were reacting to the likelihood the Fed would raise interest rates, even though that should have been a foregone conclusion: Next week, the Federal Reserve will raise interest rates. That at least now appears likely. Anything else would be the biggest shock of a year in which markets and monetary authorities have had serious misgivings. Let us assume for now that it happens. This will be the longest-awaited and most-previewed tightening of monetary policy in history. There’s something wrong if an event that has been widely anticipated for years – and considered a near certainty for months – can be thought capable of significantly impacting the market when it becomes a fact. People’s expectations should be incorporated into the prices they assign to assets. So a negative reaction to the imminence of a widely heralded interest-rate increase must imply that either (a) investors are too dense to have incorporated it into prices before this, (b) the increase will be a bigger deal than people thought, or (c) the market is irrational. On December 15, Dow Jones published the following quote: “It’s been more shoot first, ask questions later” in the shares of large asset managers, said Kenneth Hill, an analyst at Barclays PLC. “The concern is largely that as rates move higher, investors think returns will move lower and there will be some rotation out of fixed income. People are anxious to see how that plays out,” he added. When Mr. Hill said that, more than two and a half years had passed since May 2013, when Ben Bernanke foreshadowed a “tapering” of bond purchases and the possibility of higher interest rates. How can investors not have had enough time to adjust to the possibility of higher rates and incorporate it into asset prices? Indeed, the increase that was just days away should have been mostly a non-event, and the idea that it was a significant contributor to the declines on December 11 makes no apparent sense.
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自 2013 年伯南克发表那番言论以来的这些年里,我被问得最多的一个问题是:“美联储会在哪个月开始加息?”我的回答始终如一:“我不知道,而且你干嘛关心这个?”如果有人跟我说,他认定美联储会在 3 月加息就做一件事,认定会在 1 月加息就做另一件事,那他恰恰证明了自己不懂资产价格是如何消化预期的。时点的差异对行动路线的选择影响微乎其微。重要的是利率会走多远,以及走多快。对这家鸽派且谨慎的美联储,我两者都不抱太大指望……除非经济意外向好。而那会是好消息,对吧?
既然说到利率,我想提一件如今最让我烦心的事。那些在利率不变时按某种方式行事的人(尽管大家都知道这种状态维持不了多久),在加息 25 个基点之后,行为就大不相同了。他们说,这是因为“我们处于加息周期中”。但利率问题,跟大多数其他问题一样,不该被看成非黑即白……要么不动,要么上涨。核心的问题是:“利率会涨多少?”以及“这轮加息结束后,利率水平是否高到足以显著改变人们的行为?”这才是关键所在。
昨天,《华尔街日报》写道:“分析师和投资者将(汽车股近期跑输大盘的)下跌归因于对美联储加息可能抑制汽车贷款的担忧,以及对汽车销量或已见顶的忧虑。”利率前景真的意味着汽车销量会明显减少吗……尤其是考虑到低油价让消费者手里更宽裕、开车也更便宜?我觉得人们可能过早地得出了一个站不住脚、而且带着负面色彩的结论。
典型案例——第三大道
就投资者的反应而言,我觉得第三大道聚焦信贷基金(Third Avenue’s Focused Credit Fund)宣布清盘是最近最值得关注的事件。据英国《金融时报》报道:
自 2008 年以来最大规模美国共同基金的清盘,加剧了市场对美国公司债市场健康状况的担忧。
一些人区分了系统性风险——即一只基金的问题引发其他基金的赎回——和与单一基金相关的所谓特有风险。在 FCF 宣布清盘后,公司债昨日再度遭到抛售,许多投资者争相购买垃圾债的违约保险合约。
聚焦信贷基金的崩盘没什么可疑惑的;它显然反映的是该基金自身特有的问题。2014 年,当时规模 35 亿美元的该基金,重仓持有了风险特别高、流动性差的债券。随后,在市场流动性下降之际,它遭遇了雪崩式的资本赎回。在这种情形下,投资组合经理通常会变现最易于出售的持仓来筹集现金,导致剩余组合的质量和流动性下降。持续的赎回在 2015 年 12 月把 FCF 的资产规模压到 8 亿美元以下,我听说其持仓已缩减到 20 只或更少,而且全是极低质量的资产。进一步的赎回会迫使经理人卖出这些持仓,以极低价格变现,抹去任何可能尚存的流动性,让没来得及赎回的投资者兜底。
责任当然在基金的管理层。高风险、缺乏流动性的投资或许适合资本稳定的封闭式基金,但很可能不适合共同基金或其他面临每日赎回的产品。一只基金是否应当被指望既能应对 80%
Over the years since Bernanke’s statement in 2013, the question I’ve been asked more often than any other has been, “What month will the Fed begin to raise interest rates?” My response has been consistent: “I have no idea, and why do you care?” If someone tells me he’ll do one thing if he thinks the Fed’s going to raise rates in March and something different if it’s going to happen in January, what he’s demonstrated is that he doesn’t understand how asset prices incorporate expectations. The difference in timing should have little effect on the choice of a course of action. What matters is how far rates will go, and how fast. I don’t expect much of either from this dovish and cautious Fed . . . unless the economy surprises on the upside. And that would be good news, wouldn’t it? While on the subject of interest rates, I want to mention the thing about them that most annoys me these days. People who acted one way when rates were unchanged (even though everyone knew they wouldn’t remain that way for long) are acting very differently now that there’s been a quarter-point increase. This, they say, is because “we’re in a rising-rate environment.” But the issue of interest rates, like most others, shouldn’t be viewed as binary . . . black or white . . . flat rates or rising. The essential questions are, “how much will rates rise?” and “when the series of increases is over, will rates be high enough to meaningfully alter behavior?” That’s what counts. Yesterday, The Wall Street Journal wrote as follows: “Analysts and investors attribute the [auto stocks’ recent greater-than-market] declines to worries that rising U.S. interest rates could crimp auto finance and to fears that auto sales may have peaked.” Does the interest rate outlook really mean significantly fewer cars will be sold . . . especially given that low gas prices are making consumers richer and driving cheaper? I think people may have jumped to an unwarranted – and negatively tinged – conclusion. Case In Point – Third Avenue In terms of investor reaction, I find the announcement that Third Avenue’s Focused Credit Fund would liquidate to be the most interesting recent event. According to the FT: The liquidation of the biggest US mutual fund since 2008 has intensified concern for the health of the US corporate bond market. Some distinguished between a risk to the system, where issues at one fund trigger redemptions from others, and so-called idiosyncratic problems related to a single fund. Corporate bonds sold off again yesterday in the wake of the FCF liquidation announcement and many investors rushed to buy default insurance contracts on junk debt. There isn’t much to be in doubt about in the meltdown of the Focused Credit Fund; clearly it reflected problems peculiar to that fund alone. In 2014, while a $3½ billion fund, it had substantial holdings in particularly-high-risk, illiquid debt. Then it encountered snowballing capital withdrawals at a time of reduced market liquidity. Under circumstances like these, portfolio managers generally raise cash by liquidating their most salable holdings, causing the quality and liquidity of the remaining portfolio to decline. Continuing withdrawals took FCF’s assets below $800 million in December 2015, and I hear it was down to 20 or fewer holdings, all of extremely low quality. Further redemptions would have forced the manager to sell those, realizing extremely low prices, eliminating any liquidity that may have been present, and leaving investors who hadn’t redeemed holding the bag. The fault certainly lies with the fund’s managers. Risky, illiquid investments may be appropriate for closed-end funds whose capital is secure, but probably not for mutual funds or other vehicles subject to daily redemptions. It’s debatable whether a fund should be expected to be able to handle both an 80%
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管理资产规模的流失和流动性的大幅下降。但正如我在《流动性》(2015 年 3 月)中所写,“没有投资者应该承担超出其现实情况所允许的更高流动性风险”,尤其是,“没有任何投资工具应该承诺超过其基础资产所能提供的流动性。”流动性差的资产和资本外逃的可能性:几乎没有比这更确定的投资灾难配方了。
缺乏强大情绪和分析基础的投资者,可能被吓得相信 FCF 的问题意味着——或者预示着——高收益债券及其他风险债务广泛疲软。那些不那么恐慌的人可能明白,总体上高收益债券或许是安全的,但仍然担心流动性不足与接连的赎回相结合,会引发其他基金资金撤出的连锁反应、被迫抛售以及债券价格崩溃。但拥有足够情绪和分析资源的投资者会认识到,FCF 的问题更多是内生的和特殊的,而非广泛高收益债券状况的反映,并且足够的信用度是债券持有人面对市场混乱时的终极保护。
loss of AUM and a substantial decline in liquidity. But, as I wrote in “Liquidity” (March 2015), “no investor should shoulder more illiquidity than its realities permit” and, in particular, “no investment vehicle should promise more liquidity than is afforded by its underlying assets.” Illiquid assets and the possibility of capital flight: there are few surer recipes for investment disaster. Investors lacking strong emotional and analytical foundations might have been scared into believing that FCF’s problems connoted – or presaged – widespread weakness among high yield bonds and other forms of risky debt. Those who were a bit less panicky might have understood that high yield bonds in general were probably secure but still feared that illiquidity would combine with cascading redemptions to cause a chain reaction of capital withdrawals from other funds, forced sales, and collapsing bond prices. But those with adequate emotional and analytical resources would have recognized that FCF’s problems were more endogenous and idiosyncratic than a function of high yield bonds broadly, and that adequate creditworthiness provides the debtholder’s ultimate protection against chaos in the market.
近期动态
行为经济学和它的表亲——行为投资学,从来不是纸上谈兵。实际上,它们恰恰是实用主义的精髓:研究的是人性的弱点如何让现实中的行为偏离理论所预测的轨道。
近几个月来,我们正好有机会观察到情绪波动如何改变投资环境。下面我来描述一下不良债务市场上发生的事情。
在美国,2010 年至 2014 年期间的特点是经济逐步改善、企业利润不断增长、信贷市场大幅转向宽松,以及——正因如此——低评级债务的违约率处于历史最低水平。结果,不良债务变得稀缺。而且,仅有的少量不良债务还集中在少数几个领域:欧洲的不良贷款、房地产、航运和电力公司。把这些因素放在一起,橡树资本发现自己无法组建大规模或充分分散化的不良债务投资组合。注意到这一点,我们在 2007 至 2008 年募集的创纪录的 109 亿美元基金(绝大部分在雷曼兄弟申请破产后的那个季度完成投资)之后,又于 2010 年募集了一只 55 亿美元的基金,接着在 2011 年再募集了一只 27 亿美元的基金。换句话说,我们把可投资金减半,然后又减半。
中国的经济放缓或石油价格下跌,与高风险债务的整体信用度和吸引力之间,没有直接的联系(除了在该地区有业务的公司之外)。然而,在过去几个月里,不良债务市场发生了明显的变化:
Recent Developments Behavioral economics and its younger cousin, behavioral investing, aren’t theoretical. In fact, they’re the essence of practical: they’re about how human foibles cause real-life behavior to deviate from what theory might dictate. In recent months we’ve had occasion to watch how mood swings can alter the investment environment. I’ll describe below the events that have occurred in the market for distressed debt. In the U.S., the years 2010-14 were characterized by gradual economic improvement, increasing corporate profits, a dramatic switch of the credit markets to accommodativeness, and – because of all this – some of the lowest default rates in history on low-grade debt. As a result, there was a paucity of distressed debt. Further, the little that was available was concentrated in just a few areas: European NPLs, real estate, shipping and power companies. Put these factors together, and Oaktree found itself unable to assemble large or thoroughly diversified distressed debt portfolios. Noting this, we followed up our record $10.9 billion fund raised in 2007-08 (and largely invested in the quarter following Lehman Brothers’ bankruptcy filing) with one of $5.5 billion in 2010 and then another of $2.7 billion in 2011. In other words, we halved our investable capital and then halved it again. There is no immediate connection (other than for companies doing business there) between the slowdown in China or the price decline in the oil patch, on one hand, and the general creditworthiness and desirability of high-risk debt on the other. And yet, over the last few months, pronounced changes have occurred in the market for distressed debt:
在经历了一段价格非常稳定的时期——即便是“质地存疑”的债券也不例外——之后,近几个月一些证券价格“断崖式下跌”(也就是说,一次跌好几个点,而不是逐步修正)。尤其是,投资者对公司负面消息的容忍度已经变得极低。
自 2008-09 年以来,首次出现这样的情况:能源和矿业以外的部分公司债券,有的从 90 跌到 60,有的从 50 跌到 20。
我的同事们普遍感觉,投资者已经从基于收益率吸引力来评估证券(对公司基本面持乐观态度),转向基于重组中可能的回收率来评判证券(对基本面持悲观态度)。
资本市场已经开始像往常一样,从宽松转向收紧。因此,过去他们很容易通过再融资来延长债务期限或寻求“救助”,如今这种便利已不复存在。
After a period of very stable prices – even for “iffy” debt – some securities have “gapped down” in the last few months (i.e., fallen several points at a time rather than correcting gradually). In particular, investors have become highly intolerant of bad corporate news. For the first time since 2008-09, the debt of some companies outside of energy and mining has fallen from 90 to 60, and others from 50 to 20. There is a general sense among my colleagues that investors have gone from evaluating securities based on the attractiveness of their yield (with company fundamentals viewed optimistically) to judging them on the basis of the likely recovery in a restructuring (with fundamentals viewed pessimistically). The capital markets have begun the swing from generous toward tight, as is their habit. Thus, whereas they used to find it easy to refinance debt in order to extend maturities or secure “rescue
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融资”——如今,企业,尤其是那些遇到任何程度困难的企业,都很难获得资本。
12 月 7 日,橡树资本在纽约为跟踪我们上市单位的股票分析师举办了一场晚宴。我们不良债务基金的联席投资组合经理鲍勃·奥利里原本计划担任主持人之一。但他在 12 月 3 日给我打电话,问了一个我很久没从不良债务同事那里听到的问题:“我不来行不行?办公室事情太多,我走不开。”投资者态度的转变创造了投资机会,而就在几个月前这些机会还不存在——在某些情况下,机会之大与基本面变化不成比例。
这些事态发展表明悲观、怀疑和恐惧情绪正在上升。它们大体上正是橡树资本所希望的,因为——在其他条件相同的情况下——它们极大地改善了买入机会。但请注意,我们可能仅处于企业业绩和信贷市场行为螺旋式下降的早期阶段。因此,尽管这可能是“一个”买入的时机,但我远非暗示这是“那个”时机。
financing,” now it’s hard for companies – especially those experiencing any degree of difficulty – to obtain capital. On December 7, Oaktree held a dinner in New York for equity analysts who follow our publicly traded units. Bob O’Leary, a co-portfolio manager of our distressed debt funds, planned to be among the hosts. But he called me on December 3 with a question I hadn’t heard in a long time from my distressed debt colleagues: “Would you mind if I don’t come? There’s too much going on for me to leave the office.” The change in investor attitudes had created investment opportunities where they hadn’t existed just a few months before – in some cases out of proportion to the change in fundamentals. Developments like these are indicative of rising pessimism, skepticism and fear. They’re largely what Oaktree hopes for, since – everything else being equal – they make for vastly improved buying opportunities. But note that we may be just in the early stages of a downward spiral in corporate performance and credit market behavior. Thus, while this may be “a time” to buy, I’m far from suggesting it’s “the time.”
我的处方
为了帮助投资者应对可能出现的“人为失误”,这位心理医生会开出几味药方,帮助完成这项任务:
My Prescription To help investors deal with their potential for “human error,” this shrink would prescribe a number of elements that can help with the task:
应对市场非理性的第一个关键因素是理解。必须认识到心理因素及其对市场的影响,并加以应对。第二个关键则在于控制自身情绪。一个像大众一样容易犯情绪错误的投资者,很难在市场的剧烈波动中出色地生存下来。因此,将乐观与恐惧保持在适当的平衡至关重要。
单靠情绪自控还不够。控制自身处境同样重要。对专业人士而言,这主要意味着构建自己的环境,以限制他人情绪波动对自己的影响。例子包括资金进出基金的流动、市场流动性的起伏,以及短期业绩表现的压力。在橡树资本,我们始终深知能够拒绝“热钱”并限制基金赎回条款所带来的益处。
最后是逆向思维,它能将其他投资者的情绪波动从威胁转化为工具。仅仅抵御情绪波动还不够,更可取的做法是,在他人变得愈发恐惧时变得更加乐观,反之亦然。
The first essential element in coping with markets’ irrationality is understanding. The importance of psychology and its influence on markets must be recognized and dealt with. The second key lies in controlling one’s emotions. An investor who is as subject as the crowd to emotional error is unlikely to do a superior job of surviving the markets’ swings. Thus it is absolutely essential to keep optimism and fear in the appropriate balance. Emotional self-control isn’t enough. It’s also important to have control over one’s circumstances. For professionals, that primarily means structuring one’s environment so as to limit the impact on them of other people’s emotional swings. Examples include inflows to and outflows from funds, fluctuations in market liquidity, and pressure for short-term performance. At Oaktree we never fail to appreciate the benefit we enjoy from being able to reject “hot money” and limit our funds’ redemption provisions. And finally there’s contrarianism, which can convert other investors’ emotional swings from a menace into a tool. Going beyond just fending off emotional fluctuation, it’s highly desirable to become more optimistic when others become more fearful, and vice versa.
我在职业生涯早期很幸运地得到过许多投资见解的馈赠。其中最重要的,或许要数大约 40 年前在纽约一次“第三个星期四小组”午餐会上学到的那个。它讲的是牛市三阶段:
I’m lucky to have received many gifts of investment insight early in my career. Perhaps foremost among them is one I picked up in New York about 40 years ago, at a lunch meeting of what we called the Third Thursday Group. It concerned the three stages of a bull market:
第一种情况,仅少数独具慧眼之人怀疑情况或将好转;
第二种情况,多数人已接受改善确在发生;
第三种情况,则人人皆断定万事必将永久向好。
the first, when only a few especially insightful people suspect improvement might occur, the second, when most people accept that improvement is actually taking place, and the third, when everyone concludes that things are sure to improve forever.
第一阶段和最后阶段之间,基本面不必发生任何变化。区别在于投资者做决策时的心态。但显然,在第一阶段做买方是好事,而在最后阶段,千万别这么做。
Between the first stage and the last, nothing has to have changed in terms of fundamentals. The difference lies in the perspective investors are bringing to their decisions. But clearly, it’s great to be a buyer in the first stage and essential not to be in the last.
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2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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我们知道,投资者的心态会在拒绝一切可能和盲目乐观之间摇摆,正如这三个阶段所描述的那样。因此,在橡树资本,我们希望在他们悲观时买入,而不是在他们热情高涨时买入。如果只能了解我所考虑的投资的一个方面,那可能就是价格中包含了多少乐观情绪。在牛市的第一阶段,不存在乐观情绪,这造就了绝佳的便宜货。在最后阶段,乐观情绪高涨,因此相对于基本面,买入价格也水涨船高。我希望在能受益于市场群体的神经质时买入,而不是在他们像惩罚其他人一样惩罚我时买入。
正如我上面提到的,自 2011 年年中以来——那时对回报的追求已导致债务价格相当饱满、资本市场过度慷慨以及投资者偏好风险的行为——橡树资本的口号一直是“向前走,但要谨慎”。我们觉得应该投资于我们所处的市场,但我们的投资也必须体现足够的审慎。除了偶尔的市场波动,投资者在最近一年多之前并未遭受重大的负面后果。因此,像往常一样,我们转为谨慎的时机偏早。但自 2011 年年中以来,信贷领域的机遇(和回报)一直平平,我不认为我们的谨慎让我们错过了什么。
现在,如上所述,投资者的乐观情绪有所消退,一些负面情绪进入了考量范围,价格也随之走低。在很大程度上取决于我们谈论的是哪个市场以及它在近几个月的表现,我们认为现在可以稍微减少一些谨慎,继续前进。
We know investors swing from rejecting all possibilities to drinking the Kool-Aid, just as the three stages say. Thus at Oaktree we want to buy when they’re pessimistic, not when they’re eager participants. If I could know only one thing about an investment I’m contemplating, it might be how much optimism is embodied in the price. In the first stage of the bull market, no optimism is present, and that makes for great bargains. In the last stage, the level of optimism is terribly high, and thus so are purchase prices relative to fundamentals. I want to buy when I can benefit from the herd’s neuroses, not when they’ll penalize me just as they do everyone else. As I mentioned above, since the middle of 2011 – by which time the quest for return had resulted in rather full prices for debt, over-generous capital markets and pro-risk investor behavior – Oaktree’s mantra has been “move forward, but with caution.” We’ve felt it was right to invest in our markets, but also that our investments had to reflect a healthy dose of prudence. Except for the occasional air pocket, investors didn’t suffer significant negative consequences prior to the last year or so. Thus, as usual, we were early in turning cautious. But opportunities (and returns) in the credit sphere have been only so-so since mid2011, and I don’t think our caution caused us to miss much. Now, as discussed above, investors’ optimism has deflated a bit, some negativity has come into the equation, and prices have moved lower. Depending importantly on which market we’re talking about and how it has fared in recent months, we consider it appropriate to move forward with a little less caution.
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趁大家还注意听,我想用几段话谈谈最近我被问得最多的两个问题:中国的疲软对美国及世界其他地区有何影响?我们是否正走向一场类似 2008 年那样规模的新危机?
在环境被如此多潜在问题所标记的时代,弄清楚哪些问题(如果有的话)可能带来真正的麻烦至关重要。油价下跌:对非产油国来说,最坏的情况似乎是喜忧参半。恐怖事件:骇人听闻,但对于任何个人或地点而言,我将其归入“不太可能发生的灾难”之列。政治图景:无论谁当选,我们很可能都会继续勉强应付过去。
我想说的是,在所有这些问题中,如果综合考虑规模、潜在影响和发生概率,中国硬着陆的可能性是最重要的。因此,客观审视这对美国意味着什么非常重要。
首先,让我们记住,中国在美国经济中并不扮演关键角色(除了作为成品供应商)。据估计,中国仅占标普 500 指数成分公司总利润的 1%。出口约占美国 GDP 的 13%,而在 2015 年的前 11 个月,我们出口的商品中只有不到 8% 流向了中国(价值 1060 亿美元的商品,而美国年 GDP 接近 18 万亿美元——再次强调,远低于 1%)。
接下来,我想分享保罗·克鲁格曼在 1 月 8 日《纽约时报》上的分析。(我通常不同意克鲁格曼的政治观点,但我认为这与本文无关。):
是的,中国是一个庞大的经济体,尤其占全球制造业的四分之一左右,所以那里发生的事情对所有人都有影响。而且中国每年从世界其他地方购买超过 2 万亿美元的商品和服务。
While I have your attention, I want to devote a few paragraphs to the two questions I’m asked most often these days: What are the implications for the U.S. and the rest of the world of China’s weakness, and are we moving toward a new crisis of the magnitude of what we saw in 2008? At a time when the environment is marked by so many potential problems, it’s important to figure out which if any are likely to present real problems. Declining oil prices: the implications for non-oil producers seem mixed at worst. A terrorist event: horrifying, but for any one person or location, I’d put it in the category of an “improbable disaster.” The political picture: we’ll probably continue to muddle through no matter who’s elected. I would say that, of all the things on the list, the possibility of a hard landing in China is of the greatest significance when you combine magnitude, potential ramifications and the probability of it occurring. So it’s important to look objectively at what it means for the U.S. First, let’s remember that China doesn’t play a pivotal role in the U.S. economy (other than as a provider of finished goods). It is estimated to account for only 1% of the combined profits of the S&P 500 companies. Exports account for about 13% of U.S. GDP, and in the first eleven months of 2015 less than 8% of our exported goods went to China ($106 billion of goods, versus an annual GDP approaching $18 trillion – again, well below 1%). Going on from there, I want to share Paul Krugman’s analysis from The New York Times of January 8. (I generally don’t agree with Krugman’s politics, but I don’t think they’re relevant here.): Yes, China is a big economy, accounting in particular for about a quarter of world manufacturing, so what happens there has implications for all of us. And China buys more than $2 trillion worth of goods and services from the rest of the world each year.
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2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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但这是一个广阔的世界,除中国外的全球 GDP 总和超过 60 万亿美元。即使中国进口大幅下降,对全球支出的影响也仅是比较温和的。
金融联系又如何?2008 年美国次贷危机演变成全球危机的一个原因是,总体而言外国人,特别是欧洲银行,被证明在美国证券的损失上敞口巨大。但中国有资本管制——也就是说,对外国投资者而言开放程度不高——因此,股市暴跌甚至国内债务违约的直接溢出效应非常小。
所有这些都表明,虽然中国自身陷入大麻烦,但对我们其他人的后果应该是可控的。但我必须承认,我并不像上述分析所暗示的那样对此感到轻松。如果你愿意,可以说我缺乏安于现状的勇气。为什么?
部分答案在于,各国的商业周期似乎往往比“应该”的程度更加同步。例如,欧洲和美国相互出口的仅占各自产出的一小部分,但它们却常常同时经历衰退和复苏。金融联系可能是原因之一,但人们也怀疑存在心理传染:一个主要经济体的好消息或坏消息会影响其他经济体的动物精神。
因此,我担心中国可能会以粗略计算无法捕捉的方式输出其困境……
我想强调克鲁格曼提到的“心理传染”。在这方面有趣的是,上周全球股市出现了以下跌幅:标普 500 指数下跌 6.0%,富时 100 指数下跌 5.3%,德国 DAX 指数下跌 8.3%,日经指数下跌 7.0%。我认为如此一致的跌幅是投资者对事件对各经济体及公司影响进行独立、客观分析的结果,这种可能性极低。相反,我认为这表明市场通过其投资者共同的心理联系到了何种程度。
But it’s a big world, with a total gross domestic product excluding China of more than $60 trillion. Even a drastic fall in Chinese imports would be only a modest hit to world spending. What about financial linkages? One reason America’s subprime crisis turned global in 2008 was that foreigners in general, and European banks in particular, turned out to be badly exposed to losses on U.S. securities. But China has capital controls – that is, it isn’t very open to foreign investors – so there’s very little direct spillover from plunging stocks or even domestic debt defaults. All of this says that while China itself is in big trouble, the consequences for the rest of us should be manageable. But I have to admit that I’m not as relaxed about this as the above analysis says I should be. If you like, I lack the courage of my complacency. Why? Part of the answer is that business cycles across nations often seem to be more synchronized than they “should” be. For example, Europe and the United States export to each other only a small fraction of what they produce, yet they often have recessions and recoveries at the same time. Financial linkages may be part of the story, but one also suspects that there is psychological contagion: Good or bad news in one major economy affects animal spirits in others. So I worry that China may export its woes in ways back-of-the-envelope calculations miss . . . I want to highlight Krugman’s reference to “psychological contagion.” It’s interesting in this regard that, last week, the world’s stock markets saw the following declines: S&P 500 – 6.0%, FTSE 100 – 5.3%, DAX – 8.3% and Nikkei – 7.0%. I consider it highly unlikely that such uniform declines were the result of independent, objective analysis of the impact of events on each economy and company. Rather, I think they show the extent to which markets are linked by their investors’ shared psychology. So what about the likelihood of another 2008-style crash? The bottom line for me is that a rerun of the Global Financial Crisis isn’t in the cards:
那么,再次发生 2008 年式崩盘的可能性有多大?对我来说,底线是重演全球金融危机不在考虑之内:
我们还没有经历繁荣(无论是经济还是股市),所以我不认为我们注定要经历萧条。因为大多数企业特别不愿意扩大设施,我认为如果收入持平或下滑,它们不会受到重创。
私人部门的杠杆率已经降低。银行尤其如此,杠杆率已从危机前的 30 多倍净资产降至如今的十几倍低位。当然,银行现在也被禁止为了自己的账户进行冒险投资。
最后,危机的主要罪魁祸首是次贷抵押支持证券。原材料——作为基础的抵押贷款——是不健全且常常带有欺诈性的。结构化的抵押贷款工具杠杆率很高,评级高得离谱。而高风险的部分最终进入了银行的资产组合,导致它们需要救援。重要的是,这次我没有看到任何与次贷和抵押贷款支持证券在脆弱性和规模方面相类似的东西。
We haven’t had a boom (either in the economy or in the stock market), so I don’t think we’re fated to have a bust. Because most businesses have been particularly loath to expand their facilities, I don’t think they’ll be slammed if revenues flatten or turn down. The leverage in the private sector has been reduced. This is particularly true of the banks, where leverage has gone from the region of 30+ times equity before the crisis to very low double digits today. And, of course, banks are now barred from investing adventurously for their own account. Finally, the main villain in the crisis was sub-prime mortgage backed securities. The raw material – the underlying mortgages – was unsound and often fraudulent. The structured mortgage vehicles were highly levered and absurdly highly rated. And the risky tranches ended up in banks’ portfolios, causing them to require rescues. Importantly, this time around I see no analog to sub-prime mortgages and MBS in terms of their combination of fragility and magnitude.
我并不是说没有很多值得担心的事情:膨胀的央行资产负债表;完全不知道它们将如何缩减以及利率将如何上调;似乎无法产生经济增长和通胀;以及前面列出的许多其他宏观负面因素。
I don’t mean to suggest there aren’t a lot of things to worry about: swollen central bank balance sheets; complete ignorance as to how they will be unwound and how interest rates will be moved higher; the seeming inability to generate economic growth and inflation; and the many other macro negatives
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2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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作为世界第二大经济体的中国出现硬着陆和大幅贬值,肯定可能产生深远的影响。
投资者(以及经济学家)必须避免使用“总是”、“从不”、“将会”、“不会”、“必须”和“不能”这样的词,我也努力这样做。但我认为全球金融危机及其先决条件是非常不寻常的,我不认为我们正走向重演。但请记住,我不是预言家,橡树资本和我从不重仓押注关于未来的观点——无论是我自己的还是其他人的。
listed earlier. A hard landing and substantial devaluation in China, the world’s second largest economy, certainly could have far-reaching effects. It’s important that investors (as well as economists) avoid using words like “always,” “never,” “will,” “won’t,” “has to” and “can’t,” and I try to do just that. But it’s my view that the GFC and its preconditions were highly unusual, and I don’t think we’re heading for an encore. Remember, however, that I’m not a seer, and Oaktree and I never bet heavily on opinions regarding the future – mine or anyone else’s.
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在结束之前,我想非常清楚地表明,当我在 2006 至 2007 年呼吁谨慎,或在 2008 年底呼吁积极买入,或在 2012 年再次呼吁谨慎,或现在 2016 年初采取更积极的姿态时,我都是在相当大的不确定性下做出的。我的结论是我推理的结果,加上我的经验(以及与橡树资本同事的合作)的应用,但我从不认为它们有 100% 的可能性是正确的,甚至 80% 都不敢说。我当然认为它们是对的,但我总是带着惶恐提出我的建议。
我和其他人读同样的报纸。我看到同样的经济数据。我受到同样的市场波动冲击。同样的因素影响着我的情绪。也许我对自己的推理更有信心一些,而且我肯定比大多数人有更多经验。但关键是——不管出于什么原因——我能够顶住我的情绪,遵循我的结论。这些结论没有一条可以被证明或证实。如果它们能被证明,那么大多数聪明人都会得出相同的结论,并具有相同的信心。我告诉你这些只是为了传达我的感受:没有人应该因为对自己的结论不确定而害怕自己无法胜任这项任务。这些事情并非可以获得确定性的。
Before I close, I want to make it abundantly clear that when I call for caution in 2006-07, or active buying in late 2008, or renewed caution in 2012, or a somewhat more aggressive stance here in early 2016, I do it with considerable uncertainty. My conclusions are the result of my reasoning, applied with the benefit of my experience (and collaboration with my Oaktree colleagues), but I never consider them 100% likely to be correct, or even 80%. I think they’re right, of course, but I always make my recommendations with trepidation. I read the same newspapers as everyone else. I see the same economic data. I’m buffeted by the same market movements. The same factors appeal to my emotions. Maybe I’m a little more confident in my reasoning, and certainly I have more experience than most. But the key is that – for whatever reason – I’m able to stand up to my emotions and follow my conclusions. None of them can be documented or proved. If they could be, most intelligent people would reach the same conclusions, with the same degree of confidence. I tell you this only to communicate my feeling that no one should fear he’s not up to the task just because he’s unsure of his conclusions. These aren’t things about which certainty is attainable.
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最后,他们告诉我橡树资本现在在社交媒体上。这意味着你可以在 Twitter 上关注 @oaktree,接收关于我的备忘录、视频和演讲活动的最新消息,并听取公司其他人的意见。你也可以在我们的网站 oaktreecapital.com/insights 上订阅我的备忘录。
Lastly, they tell me Oaktree is now on social media. That means you can follow @oaktree on Twitter to receive updates about my memos, videos and speaking engagements, and to hear from others at the firm. You can also subscribe to my memos on our website, oaktreecapital.com/insights.
January 14, 2016
January 14, 2016
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2016 Oaktree Capital Management, L.P.
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